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Pascual-Ezama, David and Fosgaard, Toke R. and Cardenas, Juan C.

and Kujal, Praveen and Veszteg, Robert and Gil-Gomez de Liano,

́

̃

Beatriz and Gunia, Brian and Weichselbaumer, Doris and Hilken,

Katharina and Armenak, Antinyan and Delnoij, Joyce and Proestakis,

Antonis and Tira, Michael D. and Patromo, Yulius and Jaber-Lopez,

́

Tarek and Branas-Garza, Pablo (2015) Context-dependent cheating:

experimental evidence from 16 countries. Journal of Economic

Behavior and Organization, 116 . pp. 379-386. ISSN 0167-2681

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2015.04.020

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JournalofEconomicBehavior&Organization116(2015)379–386

ContentslistsavailableatScienceDirect

Journal

of

Economic

Behavior

&

Organization

jo u r n al ho me p ag e :ww w . e l s e v i e r . c o m / l o c a t e / j e b o

Context-dependent

cheating:

Experimental

evidence

from

16

countries

David

Pascual-Ezama

a,∗

,

Toke

R.

Fosgaard

b

,

Juan

Camilo

Cardenas

c

,

Praveen

Kujal

d

,

Robert

Veszteg

e

,

Beatriz

Gil-Gómez

de

Lia ˜

no

f

,

Brian

Gunia

g

,

Doris

Weichselbaumer

h,i

,

Katharina

Hilken

j

,

Armenak

Antinyan

k

,

Joyce

Delnoij

l

,

Antonios

Proestakis

m

,

Michael

D.

Tira

n

,

Yulius

Pratomo

o

,

Tarek

Jaber-López

p

,

Pablo

Bra ˜

nas-Garza

d

aDepartmentofFinancialEconomyandAccounting,UniversidadComplutenseMadrid,CampusSomosaguas,Madrid28223,Spain

bDepartmentofFoodandResourceEconomics,UniversityofCopenhagen,Rolighedsvej23,1958FrederiksbergC,Denmark cFacultaddeEconomia,CEDE,UniversidaddeLosAndes,Calle19ANo.1-37Este,BloqueW(W-803),Bogotá,Colombia dEconomicsDepartment,BusinessSchool,MiddlesexUniversityLondon,TheBurroughs,NW44BT,London,UK eSchoolofPoliticalScienceandEconomics,WasedaUniversity,1-6-1NishiwasedaShinjuku-ku,Tokyo169-8050,Japan

fDepartmentofSocialPsychologyandMethodology,UniversidadAutónomadeMadrid,CampusdeCantoblancos/n,Madrid28049,

Spain

gTheJohnsHopkinsCareyBusinessSchool,100InternationalDrive,Baltimore,MD21202-1099,USA hDepartmentofEconomics,UniversityofLinz,Altenbergerstr.68,4040Linz,Austria

iDepartmentofWomen’sandGenderStudies,UniversityofLinz,Altenbergerstr.68,4040Linz,Austria jDepartmentofAppliedEconomics,VrijeUniversiteitBrussel(VUB),Pleinlaan2,1050Brussels,Belgium

kUniversityofErlangen-Nuremberg,ChairofEconomicTheory,LangeGasse20,90403Nuremberg,Germany

lUtrechtUniversitySchoolofEconomics,UtrechtUniversity,Kriekenpitplein21-22,3584ECUtrecht,TheNetherlands

mInstituteforHealthandConsumerProtection,JointResearchCentre,EuropeanCommission,ViaEnricoFermi2749,21027Ispra(VA),

Italy

nDepartmentofGeneralPsychology,UniversityofPadua,ViaVenezia12,35131Padova,Italy

oDepartmentofEconomics,FacultyofEconomicsandBusiness,SatyaWacanaChristianUniversity,JalanDiponegoro52-60,Salatiga

50711,Indonesia

pLaboratoriodeEconomíaExperimental,DepartmentofEconomics,UniversitatJaumeI,Castellón,Spain

a

r

t

i

c

l

e

i

n

f

o

Articlehistory:

Received25September2014

Receivedinrevisedform24February2015

Accepted25April2015

Availableonline21May2015

Keywords: Honesty Corruption Culturaldifferences

a

b

s

t

r

a

c

t

Policymakersuseseveralinternationalindicesthatcharacterizecountriesaccordingtothe qualityoftheirinstitutions.However,noefforthasbeenmadetostudyhowthehonestyof citizensvariesacrosscountries.Thispaperexploresthehonestyamongcitizensacross16 countrieswith1440participants.Weemployaverysimpletaskwhereparticipantsfacea trade-offbetweenthejoyofeatingafinechocolateandthedisutilityofhavingathreatened self-conceptbecauseoflying.Despitetheincentivestocheat,wefindthatindividualsare mostlyhonest.Further,internationalindicesthatareindicativeofinstitutionalhonestyare completelyuncorrelatedwithcitizens’honestyforoursamplecountries.

©2015TheAuthors.PublishedbyElsevierB.V.ThisisanopenaccessarticleundertheCC BY-NC-NDlicense(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).

∗ Correspondingauthorat:DepartmentofFinancialEconomyandAccounting,UniversidadComplutenseMadrid,CampusSomosaguas,Madrid,28223,

Spain.Tel.:+34630176315;fax:+34910102708.

E-mailaddresses:[email protected](D.Pascual-Ezama),[email protected](T.R.Fosgaard),[email protected](J.C.Cardenas),

[email protected](P.Kujal),[email protected](R.Veszteg),[email protected](B.Gil-GómezdeLia ˜no),[email protected](B.Gunia),

[email protected](D.Weichselbaumer),[email protected](K.Hilken),[email protected](A.Antinyan),[email protected]

(J.Delnoij),[email protected](A.Proestakis),[email protected](M.D.Tira),[email protected](Y.Pratomo),

[email protected](T.Jaber-López),[email protected](P.Bra ˜nas-Garza).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2015.04.020

0167-2681/©2015TheAuthors.PublishedbyElsevierB.V.ThisisanopenaccessarticleundertheCCBY-NC-NDlicense

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380 D.Pascual-Ezamaetal./JournalofEconomicBehavior&Organization116(2015)379–386

1. Introduction

Imagineyourselfonauniversitycampus.Youseethefollowingannouncement:“Isthisyourluckyday?Flipacoinandwin aChocolate”.YouapproachthedeskandreceivetheopportunitytowinadeliciousandbeautifullywrappedLindtLindor chocolatetrufflebyflippingacoinwithablackandawhiteside.Youflipthecoininaboxatanearbytable;theboxprotects youranonymity.Youwinachocolateifyoureportthatthewhitesidecameupandnothingifyoureportblack.Ifyouactually rolledblack,theonlythingkeepingyoufromenjoyingthetruffleisyourmoralcompass.Youfaceatradeoffbetweenthe joyofeatingafinechocolateandtheindividualdisutilityofhavingathreatenedself-conceptbecauseoflying.Thereisno socialshamingorostracism.Weranthisexperiment(threetreatments)in16countriestotesthowsomeregularcitizens aroundtheworldbehaveinsuchasituation.Interestingly,wedidnotfindanysignificantdifferencesacrossanotherwise veryheterogeneoussetofcountries.

Moststudiesaboutculturaldifferencesregardingdishonestbehaviorhaveusedthesurveymethodology.Transparency InternationalreportslargedifferencesincorruptionaroundtheworldandtheWorldValueSurveydocumentscross-cultural differencesinopinionsregardinghow“justifiable”itistocheatontaxesorpublictransportationfares.However,corruption indicesmeasureperceptionsandnotactualbehaviors.Further,variationsacrosscountriesinacademicdishonesty(Rawwas etal.,2004)andtaxevasion(Almetal.,1995;Cummingsetal.,2009)reinforcetheimpressionthatcheatingisbothabundant anddiversearoundtheworld.Inthesameline,recentresearchinbehavioralandexperimentaleconomicshasshownthat alargefractionofindividualsarepronetocheating(Ariely,2012;Gneezy,2005).AnexceptiontothistrendisAbeleretal.

(2014)whoreportaphone-basedincentivizedexperimentwitharepresentativesampleinGermany.Theyfindthatmost

peoplereporthonestlyafterflippingacoininabsoluteprivacywitha50%chanceofgettingapayoffof15eurosincashor throughanAmazongiftcertificate.Abelerandcolleaguesalsocomplementedtheirstudywithalaboratoryexperimentand findthatthereisaslightlyhigherlevelofdishonestreportinginthissetting.

Thedominantviewintheliteratureisthatindividualsengageindishonestbehavioraslongastheycanmaintaina positiveself-imagewhileobtainingthemaximumpayoffsfromtheirdishonesty(Mazaretal.,2008).Further,researchhas shownthatcreatingajustificationofapositiveself-imagewhilebehavingdishonestlyiscontextspecific(Fosgaardetal.,

2013;GinoandGalinsky,2012;Pascual-Ezamaetal.,2013).

Inthispaper,weexaminepreciselythis.Thatis,whethercheatingpersediffersacrossdifferentcountriesandwhether thecontext1influencesthisbehavior.Weconductedanexperimentinwhichparticipantsreportedtheoutcomeofacoin

tosstowinaprize.Wereplicatedtheexperimentinadiversesetof16countriesaroundtheworldwith1440subjects,90 ineachcountry(30pertreatment).WeusedasimplecheatingtaskbasedonBucciolandPiovesan(2011).Wetookgreat caretoruneachsessionundersimilarconditions.Thelocationoftheexperimentwasalwaysabusycommonareason universitycampuses(seeTable1foranoverview).Participantshadtoflipablack/whitecoin;iftheoutcomewasreported white,theyobtainedaredLindtLindorTruffle;ifreportedblack,theyobtainednothing.Asoursampleincludessubstantial culturalvariation–includingparticipantsfromAnglo-Saxon,Latin,Germanic,NordicandAsiaticcountries–onewould expectsubstantialheterogeneityincheating.Inaddition,andconsistentwithasocialconstructionistview,theeffectsof culturedependonthespecificsofthechoicecontext(Gelfandetal.,2013;KramerandMessick,1995).

Inthefirsttreatment(theSelf-ReportedTreatment,SRT)eachparticipantflippedacoininaprivateareawithoutthe presenceoftheresearchersorotherparticipants.Afterwardsthesubjectfilledareportsheet–indicatingsexandthe white/blackcoin-tossresult.Itwasclearlyindicatedthatthefilledformshouldbeleftintheboxnearby.Nointeractionwith theexperimentersoccurredinthistask.

Takingintoaccountthatthereareheterogenoustypesofdishonestpeople(Gneezyetal.,2013),thistaskisagood measureofdishonestyforseveralreasons.Firstly,asagrowingbodyofresearchsuggeststhatincompletelyanonymous settings,wheretheriskofbeingcaughtisinexistent,finding100%cheatingisnotunusual(Pascual-Ezamaetal.,2013;Shu etal.,2012),however,peoplemayalsorestricttheamountofcheating(AyalandGino,2011;Gneezy,2005).

Inourtaskthereisnopossibilitytorestricttheamountofcheating,thedecisionissimplytobehonestornot(report blackorwhite).Further,decisionmakingisimmediateandintuitive,insteadofdeliberativeandmeditativeinacognitive dualsystem(BazermanandTenbrunsel,2011;Kahneman,2011).Inourexperiment,cheatingisanautomaticresponseand theneedforjustificationmattersonlywhenpeoplehaveenoughtimetodeliberate(Shalvietal.,2012).Finally,thereward isasimplechocolatethatgivesinstantgratification.

ThetwoothertreatmentsweretheWrittenandtheVerbalReportedTreatments(WRTandVRT,respectively).InWRT, participantscompletedareportsheetinprivateandsubmittedittotheexperimenter.Theexperimentermadeanoteofthe reportedoutcome,and,ifdue,handedthechocolatetotheparticipant.InVRT,participantswerenotaskedtofillanyform. Theyverballyreportedtheoutcomeofthecoinfliptotheexperimenter.Ifreportedwhite,theexperimentalisthandeda chocolatetothem.

Ourdifferenttreatmentsallowustounderstandhowthelevelofcheatingisshapedbycontext,i.e.thedifferencesin reportingacrosstreatments.Buildingonthetheoryofself-imagemaintenance(Mazaretal.,2008),wepredictthatour threetreatmentswillhavedifferentimplicationswithregardtothemoralprocessesofreportingincorrectoutcomes.We

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D.Pascual-Ezamaetal./JournalofEconomicBehavior&Organization116(2015)379–386 381

Table1

Summaryofcountriesstudied.

Country City University

Austria Linz JohannesKeplerUniversityLinz

Belgium Brussels VrijeUniversiteitBrussel(VUB)

Colombia Bogotá UniversidaddelosAndes

Denmark Copenhagen CopenhagenUniversity

Finland Oulu UniversityofOulu

Germany Nuremberg UniversityofErlangen-Nuremberg

Greece Rethymno UniversityofCrete

India Delhi HansrajCollege,UniversityofDelhi

Indonesia Salatiga UniversitasKristenSatyaWacana

Italy Padova UniversitàdiPadova

Japan Tokyo WasedaUniversity

Netherlands Utrecht UtrechtUniversity

Spain Madrid UniversidadAutónomaMadrid

Turkey Istanbul Bahc¸es¸ehirÜniversitesi

USA Baltimore JohnsHopkinsUniversity

UK London MiddlesexUniversity

conjecturethatmisreportingintheSRTistheleastmorallydifficultdecisionsincereportingdoesnotinvolveanykindof socialinteractionand,subsequently,nosocialpressurefromtheexperimenter.Consequently,thedecisiontobedishonestis onlyatradeoffbetweentheinternalmoralpressure(andtheconsequentguiltexperienced)againstthepleasureofenjoying aLindtchocolate.

InWRT,anadditionalmoralpressureoriginatesfromthefactthatthedecisionisdocumentedonpaperandhandedto anotherperson.Thisadditionalsocialprocessislikelytoinvolveshame(ontopofguilt)incaseofdishonesty,andhence weexpectlessdishonestyoccurringinthistreatment.Relativetoverbalreports,weconjecturethatwrittenreportsare moredistantandmakeiteasiertotakeawayinternalmoralcontrol(Shuetal.,2012).Therefore,weexpecttheVRTtobring evenstrongerself-imageerosionincaseofcheating,sincetheuntruthfuldecisionnowmustbestatedface-to-face.Inthis situationweexpectthemostmoralpressuretobepresentandhencetheleastdishonestbehavior.Thisisconsistentwith

Banduraetal.(1996)whofindthatverbalreportsarelikelytobelesspronetodishonestbehaviorthanwrittenreports.

Giventhiswehypothesizethatself-reportingwithnointeraction(withtheexperimenter)increasethetemptationtobe dishonest.

2. Experimentaldesign

WereplicateasimplecointaskbyBucciolandPiovesan(2011).Asnotedbefore,participantshadtoflipablack/white coin.IfthereportedtosswaswhitetheyobtainedaredLindtLindorchocolateandnothingotherwise.

Atfirstglance,thechoiceofchocolateasanincentivemightseemasunusualcomparedtotheconventionalchoice ofmoney.Webelievethatchocolatesareagoodsolutionforstudyingdecision-makingacrosscountries,giventhatour studyisinafieldsettingandnotinthelaboratory.Infact,webelievethatitisadvantageoustotellstudentsyouhave achanceofwinningachocolate,ratherthantellingthemyouhaveachancetowinadollar(oranycorrespondinglocal currency).Consumingasmallsnackinsuchasituationissimplymuchmoreofaneverydayevent,andhencefeelsmore natural.Andamorenaturalsettingenablesgreaterexperimentercontrolandexternalvalidity.Furthermore,achocolateis achocolateanywhere,andsubjectsneverhavetocalculatethemonetaryvalueofthegood,justreceiveasmalldelicious snack.Clearly,therearemanyotherpotentialincentiveapproachesonecouldapply.Amonetaryprizecouldbescaledbased onBigMacprizes,GDP,oranypurchasingpowerindex.Althoughtheremightbecountrydifferencesinchocolatepreference (asindicatedbyMesserli,2012),thechoiceofchocolateaspaymentconstitutesjustasmanyorjustasfewconcernsasany othercross-countrypaymentvehicle,includingcountry-adjustedmonetarycompensations.Anotherpossibleconcernisthe verysmallsizeoftheincentive.Weacknowledgethesmallsize,yetwewanttoemphasizethatconsideringtheextremely shortdurationoftheexperiment(perhaps1or2min),ourpaymenttranslatesintoanhourlypaymentsimilartowhatis usedinmostlaboratorystudies.

Ourparticipantsareuniversitystudents.2Thecoinwasflippedonlyonceandbyonepersonatatime.Thetaskwas

performedinaprivateareaatasafedistancefromtheexperimentersorotherparticipants.Thelocationoftheexperiment waswithinthecollege/universitycampus,forexample,inahallwayinthecafeteriaarea,henceensuringasteadyflowof potentialparticipants.Toensurethatwedostudycountrydifferences,weensuredthatonlynativepeopleparticipatedin thevariouslocations.Theimportanceofensuringthisissupportedbyevidenceoftheeffectofimmigrants’originalcountry

2Recentpapersshowthattypicalexperimentalsubjectsarenotreallydifferentfromordinarypeople(seeforinstanceExadaktylosetal.,2013forsocial

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382 D.Pascual-Ezamaetal./JournalofEconomicBehavior&Organization116(2015)379–386

socialnormsinethicalbehavior(KountourisandRemoundou,2013).Theexperimentwascarriedoutinthelocalworking languageforboththeverbalandthewrittenpart.3

Thewholestudycomprisesthreedifferenttreatmentsaccordingtothelevelofproximitybetweentheparticipantand theexperimenter:

• Self-ReportedTreatment(SRT):Astudentapproachedtheexperimenter(attableA,seeFigureA1intheappendixfor details),he/shewashandedareportsheet,andwasguidedtotableB(farenoughawayfromtheresearcherarea)toflip theblack/whitecoinprivately(seeBinFig.A1).Thecoinflipwascarriedoutinsideasmallcardboardboxtomakeittruly private.ThestudentnotedgenderandtheresultofthecoinfliponthereportsheetattableB.Afterfillingoutthereport sheet,thestudentwalkedovertoathirdtable(tableCinanotherprivateareaatadistancefromtheexperimenter,seeC inFig.A1)todepositthereportsheetinabox,andtotakethechocolatehim/herselfincaseofawhitetoss.

• WrittenReportedTreatment(WRT):ExactlythesameasSRT,butnowwiththefilledoutreportsheetinhand,thestudent wentbacktotableA,gavethereportsheettotheexperimenterandreceivedthechocolateifawhitetosswasreported. TableCisthereforenotused(seeFig.A1,Appendix).

• VerbalReportedTreatment(VRT):ExactlythesameasWRT,butnowthestudentdidnothavetofilloutthereportsheet (onlyreportgender)andhadtoinformtheexperimenterverballyabouttheoutcomeofthecointoss.

Werantheexperimentwith90participantsineachcountry.Therewere10studentsforeachtreatmentandthiswas repeatedthreetimes:10(WRT),10(VRT),10(SRT),10(WRT),10(VRT),10(SRT),10(WRT),10(VRT),10(SRT).Westarted eachtreatmentwithtenchocolatesonaplateontableB(VRTandWRT)ortableC(SRT).Whenwechangedthetreatmentwe refilledthechocolatestakenbytheparticipantsandregisteredtheexactnumberofchocolatesreplaced4.Atthebeginning

ofeachtreatmentwestartedwithtenchocolatesintheplate.Attheendoftheexperimentwecomparedthenumbersin ourrecordswiththereportsbytheparticipants.InWRTandSRTparticipantswrotethecoloronthereportsheet.InVRT participantsonlywrotethegender.Inthiscase,whenparticipantsgaveusthereportsheetandtoldusthecolorwetore alittlecornerofthereportsheetwhentheytoldusblacksoattheendwecouldknowhowmanyblacksandwhiteswere declared.

Notethat,aswekeptnonamesorindividual-specificrecords,wehadtobeverycarefulaboutwhethersomeonereturned. Experimenterswereinstructedtoinformanyonewhotriedtoreturntoflipthecoinagainthatitwasonlypossibleto participateonce.Incase,facultymembersshowedupforparticipation,itwasemphasizedthatitwasintendedtobea studentevent.Completingtheexperimenttookaboutaminuteortwo.

3. Results

3.1. Differencesbytreatments

Toourgreatsurprise,overallonly57%oftheparticipantsreportedwhiteacrossallthreetreatmentsandcountries.Since theprobabilityofobtainingwhiteis50%,thisresultindicatesthat86%resistedthetemptationtolie[100%−2(57%–50%)]. Weconcludethatlittledishonestyisobservedacrossallcountriesandtreatments.Lookingatthedifferenttreatments,the degreeofdishonestbehavior,listedasthepercentageofwhiteoutcomes,confirmsourinitialconjectures.Weobservea greateramountoflyingintheSRT,withWRTinthemiddle,andwithVRThavingthesmallestamountoflying.

62%(SelfRT)>57%(WrittenRT) >53%(VerbalRT)

ThedifferencesbetweenSRTandWRTarenotstatisticallysignificant(2=.316;p-value=.574),althoughtheaverage

acrossthesixteensocietieswere5percentagepointshigherfortheformer.However,usingacontingencytable(Pearson 2)thedifferencebetweenSRTandVRTwaslarger(9percentagepoints)andsignificantatthe5%level(2=4.479;

p-value=0.034).Further,wedonotfindanysignificantdifferencesbetweenWRTandVRT(2=2.422;p-value=0.120).Thus,

comparingthedifferenttreatmentswefindthattheverbalreportsarelikelytobelesspronetodishonestbehaviorthan writtenreportsinlinewithpreviousliterature(Banduraetal.,1996;FestingerandCarlsmith,1959;Mazaretal.,2008)and wefurtherfindthatself-reportingtheanswers(andnothavingtodeliverittotheexperimenter)increasesthiseffect.

3 Afewstudentsaskedwhythecoin-chocolateeventwascarriedout.Ourpreparedexplanationwasthatthepurposewastounderstandthestudents’

interestforchocolates.Thisstatementwasintentionallymadeimprecise,suchthatstudentsdidnotthinkthiswasatestbutrathersawitasachocolate

promotion(weneversaiditwasaLindtpromotion).

4 Notethathavingmoreorlesschocolatesontheplatesisnotanissueforparticipantsastheynevergettoknowthetotal.Whattheysee(ontheplate)

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D.Pascual-Ezamaetal./JournalofEconomicBehavior&Organization116(2015)379–386 383

Table2

Resultsbyconditionandcountry.

Country Self-Report(SRT) (n=30p/t) WrittenReported (WRT) (n=30p/t) VerbalReported (VRT) (n=30p/t) All (n=90) Austria 40% 77%*** 60% 59%* Belgium 57% 47% 53% 52% Colombia 57% 67%** 43% 56% Denmark 70%** 43% 40% 51% Finland 63%* 67%** 53% 61%** Germany 73%*** 50% 53% 59%* Greece 60% 60%** 37% 52% India 47% 67% 50% 54% Indonesia 60% 57% 40% 52% Italy 60% 47% 57% 54% Japan 57% 60% 57% 58%* Netherlands 67%** 60% 50% 59%* Spain 77%*** 67%** 63%* 69%*** Turkey 53% 67%** 57% 59%* USA 70%** 53% 63%* 62%** UK 63%* 33% 70%** 56%

Notes:Columnsshowthepercentagesofparticipantswhohavetakenchocolatesineachtreatment(denoted“p/t”).

*p-value<0.10. **p-value<0.05. ***p-value<0.01.

3.2. Differencesbycountries

Asecondimportantresultisthatwefindnostatisticallysignificantdifferencesacrossthe16countriesacrossany treat-ment:SRT(2=16.953;p-value=0.322);VRT(2=15.691;p-value=0.403)andWRT(2=22.674;p-value=0.091).This

suggeststhatthereisahighlevelofhomogeneityinbehavioracrossoursamplecountries.

Additionalinterestingresultsshowupfromacloserexaminationofthedata.Sincetossingacoinfollowsabinomial distribution,welookedforthosecountrieswherethereisananomalousnumberofwhite(awarded)coinsreported.Table2

reportsdetailedinformationbycountryandtreatments.5Atthecountrylevel,theshareofwhitesreportedinexcessof50%

(acrossalltreatments),issignificant(ata5%significancelevel)inthreeoutofsixteencountries.Yet,theoverallcountry leveleffectscanmaskunderlyingeffectsatthetreatmentlevel.Wethereforefocusonthetreatmenteffectsatthecountry level.Obviouslyasamplesizeof30pertreatmentallowsusonlytomakeroughassessmentofthedegreeofcheating,but westillbelievethisroughmeasureprovidesausefulcomparisonacrosscountriesandtreatments.6

ResultfromtheSelf-reporttreatment(SRT)isdisplayedinFig.1.InSRTwefindthatthenullhypothesisofhonestbehavior isrejectedforanumberofcountries.ThisfigureshowsthatUKandFinlandrejectthenullat˛=10%(dottedlinelabeledwith *).Mostimportantly,GermanyandSpainrejectat˛=1%(continuouslinelabeledwith***).Finally,Netherlands,Denmark andtheUSrejectfor1%<˛<10%.

Fig.2displaysdatafromTable2forthewrittenandtheverbaltreatments.Blue(leftside)barsinFig.2refertoWRT (written).ThenumberofcountriesthatrejectthenullisreducedtosixandtheyarenotthesameasinSRT:Colombia, Finland,TurkeyandIndiarejectat1%<˛<10%whileAustriadoessoat˛=1%.Spainweaklyrejects(˛=10%).DatafromVRT (verbal)areshownintheredbars(rightside)ofFigure2.Onlytwocountriesappearsignificant:Spainrejectsat1%<˛<10% whiletheUKrejectsatthe1%level.TheUSweaklyrejects(˛=10%).

Therearesomeinterestingissuestoemphasize:Spainalsorejectedthenullinalltreatments.UnexpectedlyUKappears undertheverbalandtheself-reportedtreatmentbutnotinthewritten.Thelattercaseisexactlythecomplementaryof Austriawhichappearsinthewrittencaseonly.AlsotheUSandFinlandappearintwotreatments.Itisalsoimportantto remarkthatBelgium,Greece,Italy,IndonesiaandJapanneverappearasdishonest.7Althoughitisinterestingtonotethat

thesedifferenceattheconditionleveldonotaimatexplainingeachcountry-specificeffects,wesimplywanttohighlight thatbesidesouroverallconclusionofnosignificantacross-countryeffects,wedoobservesomevariationinthedata.

5WehavealsoconductedaLogitanalysistoexplaintheoutcomeofindividualcointosses.Intheregression,amongotherfactors,wecontrolledfor

differentincomelevelsacrosscountries(withthehelpofper-capitaGNI)andforcountry-levelper-capitacocoaconsumption.Whileincomedoesnot

seemtohaveasignificantimpact,per-capitacocoaconsumptionhasanegativeeffectoncheating,i.e.thehighertheper-capitaconsumptiontheloweris cheating.

6WealsoconducttheanalysisbyusingInglehart-Welzelculturalcategories(basedontheWorldValueSurveys).Againwedonotfindanyrobusteffect

ofcultureoncheatingbehavior.

7ItisalsointerestingthecaseofDenmark.SignificantdifferencesforSRTvs.WRT(2=4.344;p-value=0.037)andVRT(2=5.445;p-value=0.020)are

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384 D.Pascual-Ezamaetal./JournalofEconomicBehavior&Organization116(2015)379–386

Fig.1. PercentageofchocolatestakenintheSRT.*p-value<0.10;***p-value<0.01.

Fig.2.PercentageofchocolatestakenintheWRTandVRT.*p-value<0.10;***p-value<0.01.

3.3. Genderdifferences

Onanexploratorybasis,wealsoanalyzedtheeffectofgender(seeCrosonandGneezy,2009,forareview).Although previousstudieshavefoundcorrelationsbetweengenderandcheating(e.g.,DreberandJohannesson,2008;Fosgaardetal., 2013),nostatisticallysignificantdifferencesbetweenthecountrieswerefoundforthemale(2=15.898;p-value=0.389)or

forfemale(2=10.679;p-value=0.775)participantsinlinewithveryrecentstudies(Abeleretal.,2014).Analyzingby

treat-ment,nodifferenceswerefoundintheSRT[(2=16.374;p-value=0.358)(2=17.051;p-value=0.316)],WRT[(2=19.872;

p-value=0.177)(2=19.341;p-value=0.199)]ortheVRT[(2=8.581;p-value=0.898)(2=12.618;p-value=0.632)]

treat-ments.Clearly,studyinggenderfurtherreducesdatasizeandourlackofresultscouldbeduetothis.Ourresultsindicate thatthatmalesandfemalesdonotbehavedifferentlyinoursample.

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D.Pascual-Ezamaetal./JournalofEconomicBehavior&Organization116(2015)379–386 385

Table3

Pearsoncorrelationsofthefourindexeswiththethreetreatments. BSI2011 (11countries) PCI2012 (16countries) GCB2013 (14countries) AOC2014 (16countries) SRT 0.057 −0.334 −0.590** −0.096 p-value 0.868 0.205 0.026 0.725 WRT 0.232 0.317 0.340 0.115 p-value 0.492 0.231 0.235 0.673 VRT −0.483 −0.381 −0.339 −0.336 p-value 0.132 0.146 0.236 0.203

Notes:(.)indicatesthenumberofcountriesinthesample.SomecountriesofoursamplearemissingintheBSI(Austria,Colombia,Denmark,Finland,

Greece)andintheGCB(Austria,Netherlands);p-valueis2-tailed.

**p-value<0.05.

3.4. Comparisonwithotherevidenceofunethicalbehavior

Theanalysisofourresultcanbecomplementedwithacomparisonofthe(published)rankingsofcorruption.Notethatthe linkbetweencheatingandcorruptionhasbeenreportedasstrong(Magnusetal.,2002).Therefore,wehavetestedwhether ourexperimentaldatacorrelatewithanyofthefollowinginternationalcorruptionindexesfromTransparencyInternational andWJRRuleofLawIndex:i.e.theBSI2011:BriberyPayingIndex(fromTransparencyInternational);thePCI2012:Perception ofcorruptionIndex;theGCB2013:GlobalCorruptionBarometer(averageofallsectors)andAOC2014:Absenceofcorruption.8

Table3summarizesallthecorrelations(12comparisons:4indices×3treatments),forthecountriesinoursamplethatare

alsorepresentedintheindices.

AsshowninTable3,onlyonecorrelationisstatisticallysignificant(GCB2013vs.SRT;p<0.05).Ontopofthat,thesignof thecorrelationsdonotfollowanypattern:weget7negativesand5positives.Wecansafelysaythatinternationalindices indicativeofinstitutionalhonestyarenotcorrelatedwithourexperimentaldata.

Asafurtherrobustnesscheckwealsoanalyzedtherelationbetweenthebehaviorintheexperimentsandanswerstothe worldvaluesurveysquestionsaboutmoralityattitude.9Wefindthatneithertheanswerofindividualitem(allp>0.100)

northeaverage(p=0.179)ofthemiscorrelatedwithourexperimentalevidence.

4. Conclusions

Whypeoplecheatand howitvariesacrossculturesisanimportantpolicyquestion.Mostofthestudiesregarding thishavefocusedoninstitutionaldishonesty(orcorruption).However,whetherinstitutionalhonestydirectlymapsinto itscitizens(innate)honestyhasnotbeenexplored.Notethat,whileinstitutionalhonestyisafunctionofits(self)rules, individualhonestyismuchmoreprimal,andhencedifferentfromitsmorepopularcounterpart,i.e.institutionalhonesty. Interestingly,thereislittleworkinthisregard.Thispapersattemptstostudycitizen’shonestyinamulti-countrystudy.To ourknowledgethisisthefirststudyofthiskindduetothespanofcountriesandtheincentivizedmechanismused.

Moststudiesoninstitutionalhonestyrelyonnon-incentivizedself-reportedsurveys.Inourstudy,weusechocolatesas anincentiveandtemptationdevice.Therewardisannouncedandisthemainmotivatortoprospectiveparticipantsinour experiment.Theyhopetowinachocolatebytakingpartintheexperiment.Thisselfselectionalsoimpliesthattheyhave apreferencefortherewardandhavefallenforthe“temptationofwinningachocolate.”Byusingthismechanismwethus studytheinnatetendencytolieamongstcitizensof16countries.

Ourmainfindingisthattherearenostatisticallysignificantdifferencesacrossoursamplecountriesregardingtheir honestylevels.Infactweobserveahighlevelofhonestyandsomeimportantculture-specificinteractions.Recallthatin ourtaskwecomparehonestbehavioracrosscountrieswhensubjectscanreporttheoutcomeunderthreeconditions,i.e. Self,WrittenorVerbal.Wearguethatthesethreeconditionsdifferintermsofthemoralweightoflying.Thatis,underSelf reportingandnointeractionwiththeexperimenter,themoralweightoflyingistheleast,meanwhile,itincreasesaswe movefromtheVerbaltotheWrittencondition.

Overall,wedofindsupportforourinitialhypothesisinthatthereisgreaterdeceptionundertheSelfreportingcondition followedbyWrittenandVerbal.However,weobservenodifferencesacrosscountries.Ourlackofresultsinthisregardcould beduetothesmallerdatasizeatthetreatmentlevelineachcountry.Wehaveadditionallylookedwhetherweobserve significantdifferencesacrosscountriesbygroupingtheaccordingtocommoncharacteristics(i.e.European,Asian,etc.). Againwefindnosignificantdifferencesacrossoursamplecountries.Finally,thoughhandicappedbyevensmallernumber ofobservations,wedonotfindanygenderdifferencesacrossthethreeconditionsorcountries.

Asmentionedearlierwemeasuretheinnatetendencyofcitizenstocheatandwouldliketostressthatthisisverydifferent fromstudyinginstitutionalhonesty.Ourresultsshouldnotbeconfoundedwiththosestudyinginstitutionalhonestyasthe

8Notethat,countrieswereorderedfromleasttomostcorruptforallindicesfortheanalysis.

9Justifiable:Someoneacceptingabribeinthecourseoftheirduties;Justifiable:Claiminggovernmentbenefitstowhichyouarenotentitled;Justifiable:

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386 D.Pascual-Ezamaetal./JournalofEconomicBehavior&Organization116(2015)379–386

factorsthatdetermineonearedifferentfromtheother.Further,thekindofcheatingwestudyisinstinctive.Thatis,subjects donotgettimetodeliberatetheiractions.Thesameappliestotheirparticipationintheexperiment.Thatis,weexplicitly statetherewardandhenceexpectthatweattractparticipantsthathaveanaffinitytowardchocolateconsumption.Given this,thehighlevelsofhonestyweobserveacrosscountriesisindeedsurprising.Further,ourresultsshowthatapparently thisistrueacrossoursamplecountries.

Welookatthesideofcitizensandnotatthesupplysideofcorruptionintheprivateandpublicsectoroftheeconomy. Surveystudiessufferfromempiricalissuessuchasconfoundingfactorsandhypotheticalbiasesthatareinherentin ques-tionnaires(FalkandHeckman,2009).Further,reliabledataonissuessuchascorruption,dishonesty,cheating,etc.arehard tocomeby.Itisinthiscontextthattheexperimentalmethodologyisveryuseful.Wetestedordinarycitizens’behavior, asopposedtosubjectiveperceptionsofnationalinstitutions.Importantly,however,ourdatasuggestthatordinarycitizens aremuchmorehonestthanimpliedbysurveysfocusedonnationalinstitutions.Perhapsitisthecorruptingnatureofthese institutionsthatisreflectedinthesesurveystudies,butnotthecorruptionoftheaveragecitizen.Thelackofconnection betweenthesupplyofcorruptionandthehonestyofindividualcitizensalsorequiresfurtherinquiry.Ourresultssuggest thatthevariationinhonestyacrosscountriesisnotcorrelatedwithcorruptionindices,openingquestionsaboutthe account-abilityofprivateandpublicinstitutionsandthepoorconnectionwiththecitizens’behaviorandpreferencesforhonestyin theirprivatedecision.Ourresultsclearlyshowtheneedforfurtherincentivizedandcontrolledexperimentstoexplorethe issueofordinarycitizens’honestyacrosscountries.

Acknowledgements

Financialsupportfromthefollowing:MinistryofSciencefromSpain:ECO2013-44879-RandJuntadeAndaluciaExcelllent GroupsP12-SEJ-1436(Spain).

AppendixA. Supplementarydata

Supplementarydata associated with this article can be found, in theonline version, at http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/

j.jebo.2015.04.020.

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