Fanon’s Wretched of the Earth
Fanon’s Wretched of the Earth
Ok, this is wayyy t
Ok, this is wayyy too long. oo long. But I decided to spend mBut I decided to spend my spring break summarizing two y spring break summarizing two chapters of chapters of Wretched of the Earth!
Wretched of the Earth! I made it for my students, and hope it can helpful to others too so I don’tI made it for my students, and hope it can helpful to others too so I don’t feel like an utter hopeless nerd spending
feel like an utter hopeless nerd spending my entire vacation in the library…..my entire vacation in the library…..
Frantz Fanon ~ Wretched of the Earth Frantz Fanon ~ Wretched of the Earth
First Published in French in 1961; Grove Press Edition translated by Richard Philcox, 2004 First Published in French in 1961; Grove Press Edition translated by Richard Philcox, 2004
Historical significance of text: Historical significance of text:
Fanon recited this text to his wife as he
Fanon recited this text to his wife as he died from leukemia in 1959 in the died from leukemia in 1959 in the midst of the Algerianmidst of the Algerian war, in which Algeria wa
war, in which Algeria was fighting for independence from s fighting for independence from France. France. Fanon was a psychiatrisFanon was a psychiatrist int in Algeria, and supporter of the FLN (Front de Liberation Nationale), a socialist party fighting for Algeria, and supporter of the FLN (Front de Liberation Nationale), a socialist party fighting for liberation.
liberation. The last The last chapter of chapter of Wretched of the Earth,Wretched of the Earth, “Colonial War and Mental Disorders,”“Colonial War and Mental Disorders,” describes Fanon’s experiences as a psychiatrist in war-torn Algeria, in which
describes Fanon’s experiences as a psychiatrist in war-torn Algeria, in which he discusses, inhe discusses, in harrowing detail, the psychological impacts of war on his patients, which included civilians, harrowing detail, the psychological impacts of war on his patients, which included civilians, Algerian liberation fighters, and European police officers.
Algerian liberation fighters, and European police officers. This book must be read in
This book must be read in the context of the extreme violence the context of the extreme violence of the decolonization struggles inof the decolonization struggles in which Fanon participated in Algeria.
which Fanon participated in Algeria. While rooted in this While rooted in this time and place, the text is time and place, the text is alsoalso universal in scope, drawing on the
universal in scope, drawing on the different levels of human experience—the social, political,different levels of human experience—the social, political, economic, and psychological.
economic, and psychological. A humanist, his ultA humanist, his ultimate objective is to “endeavor to imate objective is to “endeavor to invent a maninvent a man in full, s
in full, something which Europe has omething which Europe has been incapable of achievibeen incapable of achieving.” ng.” (p. 236)(p. 236) Cultural theorist Stuart Hall has remarked that
Cultural theorist Stuart Hall has remarked that Wretched of the EarthWretched of the Earth is the “bible of is the “bible of decolonization.”
decolonization.” Considered to be Considered to be a canonical book in a canonical book in black liberation and black liberation and decolonizationdecolonization struggles, it has inspired the Black Panther Party and
and Che
and Che Guevara. Guevara. In Obama’s In Obama’s autobiography,autobiography, Dreams From My Father Dreams From My Father , Obama mentions that, Obama mentions that he discussed Fanon at night in the dorms with his politically inclined classmates
he discussed Fanon at night in the dorms with his politically inclined classmates.. A descendant of African slaves, Fanon
A descendant of African slaves, Fanon grew up in Martinique in the Caribbean, grew up in Martinique in the Caribbean, and his familyand his family belonged to the middle-class by the standards of the island.
belonged to the middle-class by the standards of the island. Five of his parents’ eight children,Five of his parents’ eight children, including Fanon, went
including Fanon, went to France fto France for higher or higher education. education. ThroughoutThroughoutWretched of the Earth,Wretched of the Earth, FanonFanon refers to himself as a “colonized intellectual,
refers to himself as a “colonized intellectual,”” an identityan identity derived from existing in two worlds.derived from existing in two worlds. While he has the privileges accorded to
While he has the privileges accorded to people with a university education, he people with a university education, he identifies with theidentifies with the oppressed as a black person in a colonized world.
oppressed as a black person in a colonized world.
Chapter 1, “On Violence”
Chapter 1, “On Violence” (pages 1-21)(pages 1-21)
Summary: The premise of this chapter is that the
Summary: The premise of this chapter is that the colonial world is divided intocolonial world is divided intotwo separatetwo separate halves
halves: on one side there are the European colonizers and on the other are the “wretched of the: on one side there are the European colonizers and on the other are the “wretched of the earth”—the African colonized people.
earth”—the African colonized people. Their relationship witTheir relationship with each other is defined by a lh each other is defined by a logic of ogic of
violence and counterviolence . violence and counterviolence .
The
The military barracks and the police stationsmilitary barracks and the police stations make up the dividing line between these twomake up the dividing line between these two halves, with the police and military officers serving as spokespersons for the “regime
halves, with the police and military officers serving as spokespersons for the “regime of of oppression.” (p.
oppression.” (p. 3) 3) The individuals The individuals and institutiand institutions of tons of the colonial rhe colonial regime structure egime structure the power the power relations that shape the dynamic between
relations that shape the dynamic between the oppressors and the oppressed—a dynamic steepedthe oppressors and the oppressed—a dynamic steeped in
in violenceviolence..
Race
Race plays a determining feature in plays a determining feature in colonial society. colonial society. Fanon states that “what diviFanon states that “what divides the worlddes the world is first and foremost what s
is first and foremost what species, what race one belongs to.” (p. 5) pecies, what race one belongs to.” (p. 5) The Marxist analysis that heThe Marxist analysis that he speaks to on page 5
speaks to on page 5 is the idea that economic systems comprise theis the idea that economic systems comprise the“base”“base” of society, whichof society, which thereby influences the
thereby influences the “superstructure”“superstructure” of a society which includes social relations, culture,of a society which includes social relations, culture, laws, and the state.
laws, and the state. By this Marxist By this Marxist analysis, capitalism and economic inequalianalysis, capitalism and economic inequality give shape toty give shape to racism.
racism. Fanon argues that this analysis Fanon argues that this analysis must be “stretched” in the must be “stretched” in the colonial situation because racecolonial situation because race also gives form to economic systems due to European
also gives form to economic systems due to European control of wealth and resources, a control of wealth and resources, a fact thatfact that structures the colonial world.
structures the colonial world.
In this chapter, Fanon is primarily interested in
In this chapter, Fanon is primarily interested in howhow the defeat of colonialism can be achieved.the defeat of colonialism can be achieved. (p.
(p. 13) 13) He He claims claims thatthatthe pursuit of truththe pursuit of truth can help advance independence because colonialismcan help advance independence because colonialism is predicated on lies (p. 14) [Throughout
is predicated on lies (p. 14) [Throughout this text and in his first book,this text and in his first book, Black Skin, White Masks Black Skin, White Masks,, Fanon
Fanon describes how black people mistakenly identify with white colonizers—in fact, they seedescribes how black people mistakenly identify with white colonizers—in fact, they see themselves as white].
themselves as white].
Most importantly, though, he argues that the
Most importantly, though, he argues that the defeat of colonialism can only be adefeat of colonialism can only be achieved throughchieved through
violence
violence. . In a “world configured by tIn a “world configured by the colonizer,” the colonial world is he colonizer,” the colonial world is “hostile, oppressive and“hostile, oppressive and aggressive,… bulldozing the colonized masses” (p. 16) an
aggressive,… bulldozing the colonized masses” (p. 16) an d therefore the “emergence of d therefore the “emergence of thethe armed struggle against colonial
armed struggle against colonialism” is “inevitable.” (p. 17) ism” is “inevitable.” (p. 17) He discusses for a He discusses for a few pages howfew pages how religious feuds between Algeri
pagan spiritual practices offer a temporary escape from the grim real
pagan spiritual practices offer a temporary escape from the grim reality of colonialism (p. 17-20),ity of colonialism (p. 17-20), but ultimately, colonial violence must be addressed
but ultimately, colonial violence must be addressed throughthroughpraxispraxis and violence (p. 21).and violence (p. 21). By
By praxispraxis, he means the generative process between theory and practice, in which practice is, he means the generative process between theory and practice, in which practice is informed by theory and thereby infor
informed by theory and thereby informs the theory itselms the theory itself. f. In fact, Fanon states latIn fact, Fanon states later that violenceer that violence is
is the absolute praxis (p. 45), meaning that as a practice, it results from theorization andthe absolute praxis (p. 45), meaning that as a practice, it results from theorization and reflection on the colonial situation.
reflection on the colonial situation.
In theorizing violence throughout the rest of
In theorizing violence throughout the rest of the chapter (which was not assigned), Fanonthe chapter (which was not assigned), Fanon emphasizes the “atmospheric violence” of colonialism (p. 31)
emphasizes the “atmospheric violence” of colonialism (p. 31) and that colonialism “is nakedand that colonialism “is naked violence and only gives in when confronted wit
violence and only gives in when confronted with greater violence.” (p. 23) h greater violence.” (p. 23) In other words,In other words, “force is the only sol
“force is the only solution” in the quest for ution” in the quest for decolonization (p. 32). decolonization (p. 32). This is his key pointThis is his key point, that, that violence is necessary for the colonized b
violence is necessary for the colonized because violence imposed by the ecause violence imposed by the colonizers is socolonizers is so pervasive.
pervasive. The colonized person “liberates himself in and through violence.” (p. 44) The colonized person “liberates himself in and through violence.” (p. 44) ThisThis contradicts his later descriptions of the “circle of hatred” characteristic of the “terror,
contradicts his later descriptions of the “circle of hatred” characteristic of the “terror,
counterterror, violence, counterviolence” that describes wars for national liberation (p. 47). counterterror, violence, counterviolence” that describes wars for national liberation (p. 47). Despite this acknowledgement, Fanon argues that
Despite this acknowledgement, Fanon argues that violence in the pursuit of liberation isviolence in the pursuit of liberation is ultimately “positive, formative” (p. 50) “totalizing” and “cleansing.” (p. 51
ultimately “positive, formative” (p. 50) “totalizing” and “cleansing.” (p. 51 In the introduction, Homi Bhabha asserts that deep
In the introduction, Homi Bhabha asserts that deep down on a personal level, down on a personal level, Fanon loathedFanon loathed violence (conveyed in his last chapter
violence (conveyed in his last chapter describing his experiences in the psychiatric ward), but hdescribing his experiences in the psychiatric ward), but h ee saw it as unavoidable due to the deeply entrenched violence in Algeria at the time.
saw it as unavoidable due to the deeply entrenched violence in Algeria at the time.
Question:
Question: In a situation such as a war for national liberation against a violent colonizer, i In a situation such as a war for national liberation against a violent colonizer, iss violence necessary?
violence necessary? What about the case Libya and the What about the case Libya and the current revolutions in tcurrent revolutions in the Middle East?he Middle East? What about the case of the
What about the case of the Black Panthers, in which members carried guns in “self-defense”Black Panthers, in which members carried guns in “self-defense” against police who have historically targeted black
against police who have historically targeted black communities?communities? Some other key points of this chapter:
Some other key points of this chapter:
•
• The struggle is fundamentally for land—which provides bread, dignity, and freedomThe struggle is fundamentally for land—which provides bread, dignity, and freedom
from the violence of the colonial regime (p. 9). from the violence of the colonial regime (p. 9).
•
• European wealth was literally built on the backs of slaves, and fed itself from theEuropean wealth was literally built on the backs of slaves, and fed itself from the
resources of the colonized world.
resources of the colonized world. “Europe’s well-being and progress wer“Europe’s well-being and progress were built with thee built with the sweat and corpses of blacks, Arabs, Indians, an
sweat and corpses of blacks, Arabs, Indians, an d Asians.” (pg. 53) This means thatd Asians.” (pg. 53) This means that Europe’s wealth
Europe’s wealth dependsdepends on the slavery, genocide, and labor of Third World people.on the slavery, genocide, and labor of Third World people. Without it, Europe would not have
Without it, Europe would not have the status and power it has todaythe status and power it has today
•
• The central question is a necessary redistribution of wealth (p. 55)The central question is a necessary redistribution of wealth (p. 55) •
• True national liberation cannot take place True national liberation cannot take place under capitalism, as a privileged few will stillunder capitalism, as a privileged few will still
hold positions of power and
hold positions of power and control the majority of control the majority of wealth. wealth. Rather, socialism wilRather, socialism will benefitl benefit the entire nation (p. 55-56)
•
• Fanon repeats throughout the chapter that decolonization is the process in which theFanon repeats throughout the chapter that decolonization is the process in which the
colonized take the place of the colonizer.
colonized take the place of the colonizer. What are the shortcomings of this goal What are the shortcomings of this goal ?? (This(This is discussed in the next chapter!)
is discussed in the next chapter!)
Chapter 3, “The Trials and Tribulations of National Consciousness” Chapter 3, “The Trials and Tribulations of National Consciousness”
Summary: This chapter deals with Fanon’s recognition that a
Summary: This chapter deals with Fanon’s recognition that a fter national independence isfter national independence is achieved, the ruling elites of the
achieved, the ruling elites of the colonized nation usually perpetuate the systems of inequalitycolonized nation usually perpetuate the systems of inequality characteristic of the colonial regime by replicating and
characteristic of the colonial regime by replicating and imitate the systems of the colonizer inimitate the systems of the colonizer in order to pursue their
order to pursue their narrow interests. narrow interests. There are three central questThere are three central questions of this chapter:ions of this chapter:
•
• What happens after the national bourWhat happens after the national bourgeoisie geoisie inherit positions of inherit positions of power after power after
decolonization?
decolonization? The wealthy people of the formerly colonized nation generally seek toThe wealthy people of the formerly colonized nation generally seek to advance their own personal interests and do
advance their own personal interests and do not pursue the collective benefits of thenot pursue the collective benefits of the entire nation
entire nation
•
• What is the significance of national consciousness?What is the significance of national consciousness? Fanon’s response to this question hasFanon’s response to this question has
been interpreted in many ways, but many today read him as a strong critic of been interpreted in many ways, but many today read him as a strong critic of
nationalism.
nationalism. He states in this He states in this chapter that nationalism can effectchapter that nationalism can effectively rally the masses,ively rally the masses, but alone it is empty, and must quickly be expanded and deepened to a more humanistic but alone it is empty, and must quickly be expanded and deepened to a more humanistic
social and political consciousness social and political consciousness
•
• What is the role of political education for real What is the role of political education for real liberation?liberation? I find this to be the mostI find this to be the most
compelling part of this chapter; he states that the
compelling part of this chapter; he states that the masses will only demand programs for masses will only demand programs for radical transformation when they deepen their unde
radical transformation when they deepen their unde rstanding of what it means to berstanding of what it means to be human
human
On “What
On “What happens after the national bourgeoisie happens after the national bourgeoisie inherit positions of power after inherit positions of power after decolonization?”
decolonization?”
Fanon argues that the colonized
Fanon argues that the colonized elite (who he also refers to as the naelite (who he also refers to as the national bourgeoisie) aretional bourgeoisie) are
unprepared to rule the independent nation due to their cowardice, disconnection from the masses, unprepared to rule the independent nation due to their cowardice, disconnection from the masses, and inability to engage in “popular praxis.” (p. 97-98) [Remember, praxis is theoretical reflection and inability to engage in “popular praxis.” (p. 97-98) [Remember, praxis is theoretical reflection linking to
linking to practice.] practice.] Rather than beiRather than being a “crystng a “crystallization of allization of the people’s the people’s innermost aspiinnermost aspirations,”rations,” national consciousness becomes “nothing but a
national consciousness becomes “nothing but a crude, empty, fragile shell” (p. 97) it leads to crude, empty, fragile shell” (p. 97) it leads to thethe colonized merely taking the place of the colonizer without fundamentally changing the colonial colonized merely taking the place of the colonizer without fundamentally changing the colonial structure!
structure!
Fanon talks about this at great length,
Fanon talks about this at great length, arguing that the national bourgeoisie are arguing that the national bourgeoisie are arrogant andarrogant and narcissistic, but don’t really have the knowledge and
narcissistic, but don’t really have the knowledge and skills to run a country because they skills to run a country because they havehave been subservient to the colonizers for so long.
been subservient to the colonizers for so long. Fanon argues that the national bourgeoisie shouldFanon argues that the national bourgeoisie should learn from the people, and shou
learn from the people, and should use the skills and knowledge gained ld use the skills and knowledge gained from the colonialfrom the colonial universities (in r
universities (in reading, writing, engineering, etc.) to sereading, writing, engineering, etc.) to serve the decolonized masses. ve the decolonized masses. However,However, the decolonized elite often do
the decolonized elite often do not fulfill this responsibility and merely identify with their classnot fulfill this responsibility and merely identify with their class position and seek to maintain their position through their ownership of land, and status as a position and seek to maintain their position through their ownership of land, and status as a professionals
bourgeoisie.
bourgeoisie. They seek to advance capitalism, make money for themselves, manage WesternThey seek to advance capitalism, make money for themselves, manage Western companies, and cater to Westerners by running holiday resorts for Western tourists (p. 100-101). companies, and cater to Westerners by running holiday resorts for Western tourists (p. 100-101). When the power changes hand after decolonization, the national bourgeoisie just take the jobs When the power changes hand after decolonization, the national bourgeoisie just take the jobs previously held by foreigners, resulting in the “nationalization and Africanization of the
previously held by foreigners, resulting in the “nationalization and Africanization of the managerial class.”
managerial class.” (p. 103) However, this (p. 103) However, this does not mark a signifidoes not mark a significant shift in class cant shift in class relations andrelations and power structures, as the poor remain poor.
power structures, as the poor remain poor. This is because the elites are more concerned withThis is because the elites are more concerned with their immediate interest
their immediate interests than “building the nation on a s than “building the nation on a solid, constructive foundation.” solid, constructive foundation.” (p. 106)(p. 106)
On “What is the significance of national consciousness?” On “What is the significance of national consciousness?”
Fanon argues that after decolonization,
Fanon argues that after decolonization, nationalism quickly shifts to ultranationalism,nationalism quickly shifts to ultranationalism, chauvinism and racism (p. 103).
chauvinism and racism (p. 103). At its core, colonialAt its core, colonialism exploits any sort ism exploits any sort of difference.of difference. Previously, it was between the Europeans an
Previously, it was between the Europeans and Africans, but after decolonization, people revert tod Africans, but after decolonization, people revert to old tribal and ethnic ri
old tribal and ethnic rivalries that were exacerbated by colonialivalries that were exacerbated by colonialism. sm. Ethnic groups turn againstEthnic groups turn against each other and territorial divisions become even
each other and territorial divisions become even more important than before because people more important than before because people areare fighting for the bread cr
fighting for the bread crumbs left over from umbs left over from the colonizers. the colonizers. Also, the colonizers exploitAlso, the colonizers exploit previously existing divisions to prevent national unity and maintain the oppression of the previously existing divisions to prevent national unity and maintain the oppression of the
masses.
masses. On page 107-108, Fanon describes the divisiOn page 107-108, Fanon describes the divisions between the Arabs and Black people inons between the Arabs and Black people in Africa, who were
Africa, who were considered respectively “whitconsidered respectively “white Africans” and “Ble Africans” and “Black Africans.” ack Africans.” EuropeansEuropeans reinforced the notions that Arabs were civilized while Black Africans were
reinforced the notions that Arabs were civilized while Black Africans were wild and savage,wild and savage, which forestalled the defeat of
which forestalled the defeat of colonialism. colonialism. [In fact, the Algerian w[In fact, the Algerian war was also a civil ar was also a civil war war between the FLN and an Arab-led party that was supported by the French.]
between the FLN and an Arab-led party that was supported by the French.]
National consciousness alone is meaningless because the national bourgeois merely implement a National consciousness alone is meaningless because the national bourgeois merely implement a
single-party authoritarian s
single-party authoritarian system seeking to advance their power. ystem seeking to advance their power. Interested in the statInterested in the state controle control of capital for their personal gain, they secure
of capital for their personal gain, they secure legitimacy through “prestige projects” like buildinglegitimacy through “prestige projects” like building fancy things around the state capital (p.
fancy things around the state capital (p. 111). Just like before, the army and 111). Just like before, the army and police are “pillars of police are “pillars of the regime,” but now they are corrupt and manipulated by foreign advisors from the colonial the regime,” but now they are corrupt and manipulated by foreign advisors from the colonial country (p. 117).
country (p. 117).
On “
On “What is the role of political education for real liberation?” What is the role of political education for real liberation?”
I find this discussion on political education and consciousness to be the most important passages I find this discussion on political education and consciousness to be the most important passages of this book (see p.
of this book (see p. 124, 133-144). 124, 133-144). While the first While the first chapter, “On Violence,” discusses tchapter, “On Violence,” discusses thehe necessity of violence for decolonization, these passages argue for the constructive, generative necessity of violence for decolonization, these passages argue for the constructive, generative force of education as key liberation after
force of education as key liberation after the grim reality of colonial violence has been the grim reality of colonial violence has been reckonedreckoned with.
with. As a As a necessary necessary response to response to colonial violence, colonial violence, violence catalyzes a violence catalyzes a new consciousness new consciousness thatthat is complete and humanizing, breaking
is complete and humanizing, breaking free from the fragmentation of colonialism.free from the fragmentation of colonialism. Strategies for political education to build this consciousness include public information Strategies for political education to build this consciousness include public information campaigns, and meetings amongst the masses that offer a
campaigns, and meetings amongst the masses that offer a space for people to speak, space for people to speak, expressexpress themselves, innovate.
themselves, innovate. In such meetings, the “braiIn such meetings, the “brain multiplies associatin multiplies association of ideas and eyeson of ideas and eyes discover a wider human panorama.” (p. 136)
discover a wider human panorama.” (p. 136) Amidst this new humanisAmidst this new humanism, people live and work m, people live and work “with one’s brai
“with one’s brain and one’s heart n and one’s heart [more] than wit[more] than with muscles and h muscles and sweat.” (p. 133) sweat.” (p. 133) He condemnsHe condemns language only comprehensible to law and economic graduates that both confuse and convey an language only comprehensible to law and economic graduates that both confuse and convey an unspoken
Fanon concludes the chapter by stating that nationalism was useful to rouse the masses against Fanon concludes the chapter by stating that nationalism was useful to rouse the masses against the oppressor, but it falls apart in the aftermath of indepen
the oppressor, but it falls apart in the aftermath of indepen dence in the absence dence in the absence of a broader of a broader social and political consciousness
social and political consciousness (p. 142). (p. 142). Nationalism must very quiNationalism must very quickly be “explained,ckly be “explained, enriched, and deepened…
enriched, and deepened… [then turned] into a social and po[then turned] into a social and political consciousness, into humanism”litical consciousness, into humanism” to avoid reaching a
to avoid reaching a dead end. dead end. He describes a He describes a “collective consciousness,” “enl“collective consciousness,” “enlightened andightened and coherent praxis,” and “collective forging of a destiny” that is totalizing and complete, that coherent praxis,” and “collective forging of a destiny” that is totalizing and complete, that restores human dignity, and that works towards a n
