In railway construction (Figure 7) there was something of a regime change: the South's share was tendentially the largest until the end of the nineteenth century, and then much the smallest. As noted above, this seems tied to the switch from initial construction--which favored the South because North and Center were, in 1861, far better equipped--to construction to improve the existing lines where traffic growth had rendered them inadequate.
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In the case of naval maintenance, the sources include a wealth of descriptive information on the maintenance (and improvement) of individual ships, which does not lend itself to quantification, and aggregate budget figures, which change repeatedly and abruptly in apparent response to unspecified accounting rules. The budget data were accordingly used only to derive the 1911-price total; the corresponding "real" index is instead obtained by tracking the service lives of each of the 559 ships that appear to have served in the Navy between 1861 and 1913, aggregating their displacements with type-specific weights (to exclude low-maintenance components like the armor, if any, and the cargo of bulk carriers), and trimming the resulting total to exclude the ships that were very new or very close to being retired.
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The 2005 building-services series extrapolated the 1911 benchmark in direct proportion to the stock-maintained series, already derived to serve as an index of the maintenance activity counted as part of the construction industry. That stock-maintained series assumed negligible maintenance on very new buildings, and corresponds essentially to the extant stock, lagged a few years; that lag is here removed, and the (un)shifted series better tracks the stock actually in service. Here, the starting point is the 1911-price series for (construction value added) in the maintenance of private structures (Fenoaltea 2015 K, Table K.58, col. 8; Id., 1987, Table 4, col. 4), itself a constant (.012) times the (construction value added embodied in) the stock to be maintained. The first step is to extend that series, with the data and algorithms provided, to 1917; the added estimates for 1914-1917 equal 66.9, 68.8, 70.8, and 72.7 million lire, respectively. The second step removes the estimated losses from the earthquake at the end of 1908; this is done by adding .7 million lire (.012 times the estimated stock lost, 52.7 million lire of taxable structures and 6.5 million lire of exempt structures) to the figures for 1909 – 1917. The third step shifts the series 3.5 years backwards, so that the revised estimate for 1911 is obtained from the original ones for 1914 (which reflects new construction through 1910) and 1915 (which includes new construction in 1911). 81 The fourth step deducts .7 million lire from the shifted estimates for 1909 – 1913, thus reintroducing the earthquake losses. The fifth step converts the resulting series into an index, with 1911 = 1; thanks to these modifications, the peaks in the stock’s growth rate now coincide with the peaks in new construction. From 1861 to 1911, it may be noted, the stock increased by some 63 percent.
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The weight of sailcloth is also uncertain. The Movimento commerciale does not identify hemp cloth by weight per unit area, but it does suggest that the heaviest yarn was of the order of 7,000 meters per kilogram (tariff category 143a), and that a square piece of cloth 5 mm. on the side might contain some 30 threads (tariff category 151a1). One square meter would thus contain 6,000 linear meters of yarn, or (6/7) = .86 kilograms of cloth; assuming seagoing vessels carried a full set of spare sails, a 1,000-gross-register-ton sailing vessel would come equipped with 2,600 square meters of sails weighing some (2.6)(.86) = 2.2 tons. Table A3, col. 2 transcribes the estimated weight of the sails for new ships, obtained simply as 2.2 (tons of sail per thousand gross tons) times the gross tonnage constructed (Fenoaltea 2015F, Table F.21, col. 4); the 25,000 gross tons constructed in 1861, for example, correspond to just 55 tons of sails. Table A3, col. 3 transcribes the estimated weight of the replacement sails. Assuming that a (double) set of sails lasted 4 years, on average, the production of replacement sails for the extant fleet is calculated from the total (net) tonnage of the latter (ibid., Table F.24, col. 6) by deducting the above (gross) tonnage of the new vessels and multiplying the residual by .25 times 2.2 (tons of sail per thousand gross tons). In 1861, for example, the (517,000 − 25,000 =) 492,000 ton s of old ships are taken to have been reequipped with some 271 tons of sails. Sailcloth is here valued at 4,000 lire per ton (from the export prices for hemp cloth, Movimento commerciale tariff category 151a1).
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Figure 3 compares the metalmaking product, and the shares of the national total, of the North-West, the Center/North-East, and the South (and major islands). From 1861 to 1905, relative movements are easily summarized. The South's share declined from one quarter initially to one tenth by 1890, and then remained there; the Center/North-East maintained a 25-to-30% share from 1861 to 1885, surged to 40% by 1890, and then also remained there; the North-West increased its initial 50% share to 60% by the early 1880s, reverted to 50% by 1890 as the Center surged, and then also remained there. After 1905 regional shares fluctuate sharply, as major plants come on stream in all three areas, but not simultaneously; the South claimed the last, and the only net gain.
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specific explanation. In the now-superseded Istat/Vitali reconstruction, public works fell in 1870 to a sharp overall minimum. An investigation of this outlier traced the decline in recorded public spending to a change in accounting rules, as from fiscal 1861 to fiscal 1869 delayed spending was attributed to the year in which it was originally budgeted, and from fiscal 1871 to the year in which it actually occurred; fiscal 1870 was the truncated transition year that excluded the calendar-1870 spending attributed to fiscal 1869, under the old rules, but included no calendar-1871 spending, under the new ones. The new series allow for this change, and the outlier has disappeared (Fenoaltea, 1986); but the correction uses a simple algorithm, and it may have induced a common error in the regional series.
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In answering these questions I summarize recent research undertaken by Adrian Pagan and myself that formalizes the procedures developed by Burns and Mitchell at the NBER. Defence of our position goes beyond continuity with the past and is based on the view that the way in which these investigators de¯ned the business cycle is a very natural one that connects with the way policy makers and commentators discuss the cycle. After discussing how to extract cyclical information my attention then turns to describing the features of the Australian business cycle. Here I employ recently constructed data on annual GDP that goes back to 1861. The recurrent pattern of peaks and troughs in this annual data marks out recessions that are somewhat more severe than that seen in quarterly data. I ¯nd little evidence that these major contractions are shorter in the second half of the 20 th
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In 1917 the Russian Empire disintegrated. The Soviet Union was formed in 1922 from the empire’s rubble, without Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and parts of the Ukraine and Belorussia. The Central Asian territories of Khiva and Bukhara were formally incorporated in 1925. 8 Table 2 lists the effects of these changes on the territory and population of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. The net effect on territory was small; the land surface under Moscow’s dominion in the 1920s was still 97 percent of that under St. Petersburg in 1913. In contrast, the effect on population was dramatic because the areas lost were densely settled: by 1922 one-fifth of the official residents of the empire of 1913 had escaped from Moscow’s control. The profusion of border changes raises the question of what national entity and associated territory we should take for our 1913 baseline. We can start with the Russian Empire, excluding Poland and Finland. We can follow what happened on this territory through 1917, but no further. Hence we prefer to take the territory of the Soviet state within the frontiers of 1925 to 1939 (“interwar borders”) as our main benchmark. What happened on this territory can be tracked back to 1913, by deducting the western regions from the empire.
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In 1831 returns of convictions before courts of quarter sessions were first recorded. More comprehensive criminal statistics did not become available until 1858, while after 1861 the statistics were affected by the centralization of New South Wales' various police forces. Moreover, the period is bordered by two developments which give it some historical unity in relation to crime. The first is the governorship of Richard Bourke, who assumed office in 1831, and whose administration was rife with controversy concerning the colony's crime rate. The second is the gold rush, which tended to dominate contemporary concern about crime and public order from 1851 to 1861. Since discussion focuses on New South Wales' transition from a penal colony to a free society, the ten years following the cessation of transportation (in its
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This definition was relied upon in a Supreme Court judgment in 1961 regarding whether a South Indian religious pontiff had an “office” in this legal sense in a particular temple, where he claimed precedence for receiving customary honors. The Court also ruled that these honors were not part of any office (in this legal sense) and could not therefore be considered as legal rights: in order for honors to fall under the jurisdiction of the courts, they need to be “an integral part of the ritual to be performed” and “a part of the remuneration to the office”—my emphasis) (Sri Sinna Ramanuja Jeer And Others 1961). What is paradoxical is that in deciding courts had no jurisdiction over these religious honors, the Supreme Court actually developed at length notions at the core of temple life with an immediate effect on the relationships between temple devotees and the authorities. What is a religious office? It is a contractual service that can be subjected to penalties. What is a religious honor? The Supreme Court supported an idea formulated by J. Sadasiva Aiyar in 1913 according to which it is a divine favor that one should be ashamed to claim as a “right.”(Athan Sadagopachariar Swamigal 1913) As a consequence, litigations concerning honors that were not part of the “remuneration of an office” could not be accepted by civil courts: by disclaiming any jurisdiction on such matters and apparently protecting the freedom of religion, the Supreme Court actually enforced a very restricted understanding of “religious honors” with far-reaching consequences for religious practices and claims.
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Sisyridivora cavigena was described by Gahan ( 1951) from specimens obtained from "nymphs" of the sisyrid Climacia areolaris (H ag en, 1861) in Ohio, USA, and probably the same parasitoid species was found in 1952 in Michigan by Spangler attacking cocooned prepupae or pupae of Sisyra vicaria (Walker, 1853) at the tops of sedge stems, sometimes adjacent to gyrinid cocoons (Parfin & Gurney 1956).
motor vehicles and bicycles acquired, estimated as described in Fenoaltea (2018a), §A18.104.22.168 (the motor-vehicle series is a stock estimate for 1911 extrapolated to 1891-1913 assuming constant growth, the bicycle series is based on licensing-fee data); col. 4 is obtained as col. 1 less cols. 2 and 3, and thus tracks the tonnages of investment goods alone. This last series, however, remains gross of the (propulsion and other machinery) incorporated in ships, and therefore already counted in Table 1, col. 6 (and, in the case of replacement equipment, col. 7). In the case of merchant steamships, one can with some confidence allow .1 tons of propulsion and other machinery per gross ton built (Fenoaltea 2015F, section F02.03); assuming negligible replacement use, and that imported ships were fully outfitted, the estimated annual tonnage of merchant-ship machinery acquired transcribed in Table A1, col. 5 is derived as the estimated gross tonnage built (Fenoaltea 2018b, Table 5, col. 5) times .1 tons per gross ton. Table A1, col. 6 transcribes the estimates of the machinery (including weapons) incorporated in new naval ships; for simplicity, it is obtained as the sum of the type-specific deadweight-tonnages-constructed series in Fenoaltea (2015F), Table F.16, cols. 1 − 13, variously weighted, as suggested by sample data (ibid., Table F.17), by .03 (cols. 12 − 13), .1 (cols. 1 − 2 and 11), .2 (cols. 3 − 5), .3 (cols. 8 and 10), .4 (col. 6), .5 (col. 7), and .6 (col. 9). Table A1, col. 7 transcribes the estimates of the machinery (including weapons) incorporated in existing naval ships, as they were maintained and progressively improved. For simplicity these figures are obtained as the estimated tonnage of metal-hulled naval vessels maintained (ibid., Table F.23, col. 11), times .2 (the rough overall average for new ships) divided by 20 (the assumed life, in years, of the equipment). Col. 8 is the investment tonnage in col. 4, less the sum of the shipboard machinery in cols. 5 − 7; it is the estimated investment in agricultural and industrial machinery, measured in tons. Those tonnages are then assigned a unit value of 1,300 lire (ibid., section F04.06); the resulting 1911-price value series is transcribed in Table 1, col. 12.
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