Just four weeks after the 1939 declaration of war on Germany, the British state surveyed the entire population of the United Kingdom. The resulting Register, compiled according to the provisions of the National Registration Act 1939, was intended to enable a national system of identity cards. Although not officially a census, the 1939 Register was compulsory and covered 41 million individuals across the United Kingdom. On the evening of 29 September 1939, ‘ National Registration Day ’, heads of household completed the details of every individual who spent the night on their premises, ‘whether as members, visitors, boarders or servants’. Collected by one of 65,000 enumerators, each registration form was transcribed into one of the Register’s 7000 volumes.
In arguments which broadly echo Philippe Burrin's 1989 study of the genesis of the 'Final Solution'(6) Kershaw emphasises Hitler's own repeated references to his threatening prophesy of January 1939: 'If the international Jewish financiers in and outside Europe should succeed in plunging the nations once more into a world war, then the result will not be the Bolshevising of the earth, and thus the victory of Jewry, but the annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe!' With the failure of Barbarossa, and above all with the entry of the USA into the war in December, Hitler now found himself fighting that long, drawn-out world war. Over the autumn and winter of 1941, all the National Socialist neuroses concerning the home front came to the surface - in the nationalist imagination, Germany had lost the First World War not because her armies had failed at the front, but because the national 'body' had been undermined by parasitic enemies within - chiefly the Jews. Preventing another 1918 demanded the ruthless eradication of these enemies. In line with most recent work, Kershaw stresses the gradual emergence of the genocide programme rather than the likelihood of there having been a single decision, but in the 'gathering whirlwind'(p.480) of the autumn of 1941 he emphasises the beginnings of the deportations of German and Czech Jews, rather than a possible decision to murder all Soviet Jewry, as having been most decisive - 'once the decision to deport the Reich Jews to the east had been taken, things began to move rapidly'(p.483).
This thesis examines how the Mexican Government pursued its national interest within an international background that drifted toward a large-scale international war. It is a study of the correlation between Mexico’s internal politics and the transformations experienced by the international context between 1936 and 1939. The thesis attempts to analyse a complex picture of domestic-international interaction within the framework of the specific case of the Mexican-Spanish bilateral relationship before, during, and immediately after the Spanish Civil War. The study presumes that far from being an ideological or romantic stance, Mexican support for the Republic represented a conscious effort that resulted in an increase of Mexico’s economic and political autonomy amidst the sweeping conflict between the fascist, communist and liberal doctrines of the time. This solidarity also represented the opportunity for the Mexican revolutionary regime to confront a rising Right in the home front, which, emboldened by Spanish events, threatened to replicate them in Mexico. Moreover, Spain also afforded the Mexican revolutionary regime the opportunity to challenge the Right in its own terms on a “cultural struggle” for the hearts and minds of the Mexican people.1 The Mexican Right had historically usurped for itself the image of Spain through the manipulation of the Hispanista discourse. The emergence of a “new” Spain after 1931 represented in that sense a vindication of the Mexican Revolution.
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From the book's opening pages, the reader is plunged to the bewildering world of clothing coupons, ration books, and price controls, the confusing nature of which hints at how average British consumers must have experienced the onslaught of new regulations developed from 1939. At the outbreak of war, British officials immediately began implementing economic policies of price controls and rationing. Fearful of reliving the economic downturn that followed the First World War, their goals included both maintaining supplies of essential goods and ensuring that the economy would remain strong after the war's end. For the next 16 years, Britons would make do with limited supplies of everything from petrol to bacon to cosmetics. Products that had been plentiful before the war, such as butter and eggs, became scarce and potentially illegal commodities subject to strict official regulation.(1) Despite narratives of national unity and shared sacrifice, British civilians could and did find ways to circumvent these economic regulations.
The aim of the Polish state was either – as the national democrats wished – to Polonise the Ruthenians or to transform them into loyal citizens of Poland. The Pilsudski camp would have been content with the latter. The education system was key for achieving both goals. Ukrainian schools were subjected to severe pressure. When the Lviv professor Stanisław Grabski became Minister of Education in 1925, he drew up a law, which permitted the transformation of most Ukrainian schools into utraquist – bilingual – schools where most teaching would be in Polish. Everywhere the Ukrainian language came under pressure. Under Austrian rule, Ukrainian had been one of the three languages of administration in Galicia; now every official communication had to be in Polish. In the wake of the Lex Grabski, the number of monolingual Ukrainian schools was reduced. In 1912, East Galicia had 2400 Ukrainian primary schools, in 1927 the figure had dropped to 352 and in 1939 it was a mere
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Just as the criminal tribes recognised the tension between a free India and their ‘delayed’ freedom, the government too had to reconcile the question over their problematic incorporation within the liberal democratic state. Central to this was the decision not simply to repeal the CTA but to replace it with a new regime of controls on habitual offenders. The early state level Habitual Offenders legislation passed in Bombay (1947) and Madras (1948) were implemented, effectively, on the basis of continuity of administration and commitment to control, as envisioned by the 1939 Munshi Report. This legislation, containing many of the same provisions regarding control of movement and settlements as the CTA, formed the basis for discussions surrounding a centrally-enacted All-India repeal Bill and possible Habitual Offenders Act (hereafter HOA). These debates presupposed that the objects of the legislation would be problematic recipients of civic rights. Compared to the context of the state level observations in the Munshi Report, the Fundamental Rights of the citizen had been recognised (or were about to be recognised) in the Constitution of independent India. This brought urgency to the subject of substantive citizenship rights, especially as its themes were being debated and defined around partition migrants. Most importantly, the promise of such rights had to be squared with regionally specific forms of penal control that maintained some features of the CTA.
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38 The regressions testing these mediation models are shown in Table 7. Model 2 and 3 in Table 7 show that there is no significant relationship between the East German population share as well as the foreigner population share with bombing, ruling out any mediating effects of these variables. Model 1 shows that the mediating variable expellee population share 1961 is significantly higher in less severely bombed cities measured by the loss of housing stock 1939- 1945 (β = -0.24, p < .05). However, Models 5, 7, 9, and 11 show that this mediating variable does not predict present-day neurotic traits and mental health, thereby ruling out any mediated effects. Only in Model 13 does the expellees population share predict the use of anti-depressant drugs (β = -0.24, p < .05) but the indirect effect was not significantly different from zero (β = 0.05, 95% confidence interval = -0.003 and 0.143 after 2,000 replications). Taken together, we must reject the hypothesis that the differential inflow of refugees to the more severely bombed or least severely cities can explain the lower scores of neurotic traits and higher mental health in the severely bombed cities. Although there is no mediating effect of these three migration flows between strategic bombing and German Angst indicators, there are direct effects of these migration flows. Model 5, 7, 9, 11, and 13 show that the share of foreigners negatively affects our German Angst indicators, Anxiety (β = -0.24, p < .05), Neuroticism (β = -0.25, p < .1) and mental health indicators, missing working days (β = -0.29, p < .05) and anti-depressant drugs (β = -0.24, p < .1). However, even when controlling for migration flows, the loss of housing stock 1939-1945 still negatively predicts trait Depression (Models 7) as it did in the original regression setting (Table 3).
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