Karnataka state is a state of India with diverse agro-climatic zones. In 2001 it had a population of 53 million and 66% of population habitants living in villages. Agriculture is still major occupation in the rural areas of Karnataka and more than 90% of rural people are dependent on agriculture and agro-industries. However irregular rainfall patterns, pest attacks and poor nutrient management are resulting more frequently in crop failures. This has resulted in agrariandistress as with crop failures, farmers are unable to repay the loans. The government of Karnataka introduced Karnataka state policy of organic farming to decrease agrariandistress. In order to asses the impacts of this policy on agriculture, economic and ecological sustainability were compared among organic agriculture and conventional agriculture in two districts, Mysore and Chitradurga. Input and output relationships of agriculture were quantified by a technical coefficient generator (TechnoGIN). Four scenarios were selected for comparing the organic and conventional agriculture: 1) Difference between organic agriculture and conventional agriculture in current situation; 2) Projecting changes in future for the year 2015; 3) Different impacts of crop failure on debts of farmers; 4) Optimal nutrient management in conventional and organic agriculture. The data used were based on own field surveys and farm surveys by ATREE (NGO), agricultural scientist expertise and literature review. Economic indicators included gross income, fertilizer costs and net profit and the ecological indicators included nitrogen losses, nitrogen surpluses, water requirements and the biocide index. Results shows that different crop rotations vary in profitability while comparing organic and conventional agriculture, but the risk of getting in debt are more in conventional than organic even while projecting the changes for the year 2015. The nitrogen losses and surpluses are more in conventional than organic agriculture but there is problem of nitrogen mining in organic farming. In the end we can conclude that due to low costs of inputs in organic compared to conventional agriculture, Karnataka state policy of organic farming can reduce distress in the selected villages in Mysore and Chitradurga due to low risk of getting debts. However, considering the major crops, organic farming is less of an option in Mysore, as productivity and hence profitability is lower compared to conventional farming.
Gender: In general the results suggest that males, in comparison to females, have a greater probability of joining the non-farm sector. Across varying status of employment this trend seems to stand, except that of regular salaried employees, where it is not significant in the normal group. Lanjhow and Shariff (2004) had made similar observation that in rural India females tend to prefer agricultural wage labour than non-farm employment or cultivation. However, interestingly, the odds of male workers joining non-farm against farm employment are highest among casual workers even in normal regions. Moreover, this odds almost doubles to 4.79 in distressed region from 2.5 in non-distressed region. This is a very suggestive pointer towards the push factors that force male workers to be mobile across regions and sectors in the wake of their stagnation of their agrarian economy. If the pull factors were more important then odds would have been higher in the non-distress region, where non-farm employment would have been a complimentary to farm sector rather than a substitute. This above mentioned trend could be due to two reasons: male selective migration for alternate employment in the wake of distress. The other reason is male shifting to more productive employment in non-farm sector compared to the stagnant agricultural sector.
The first thing that needs to be pointed out in this regard is, there is am- biguity in the estimates of farmer suicide data. The cause-wise classification in the police records is given in a mutually exclusive way in the sense that each suicide is ascribed a single cause. Suicide being a multifaceted and com- plex phenomenon, such a practice conceals more than it reveals. (Mishra, 2006). Also cause and effect relationship between farmer suicide and agrariandistress is difficult to establish, even through statistical testing, as it is not outcome of a particular reason, rather a complex process where all causes are interrelated. Statistical test may point out the primary cause (e.g. in- debtedness and absence of bullock) but can not reveal the inner causes and the dynamics involved in it. Moreover since these causes are interrelated, so it is difficult to separate out effect of each variable separately (e.g. ab- sence of bullock may cause indebtedness) and this may lead to problem of mulitcollinearity and affect our analysis.
This study focuses on the impact of micro-credit upon the livelihood of rural households based on empirical study over 549 stakeholders of SHGs (Self Help Groups) in Hooghly district of West Bengal State in India. One of the distinct areas of the study concerns with the comparative analysis of different rural enterprises propagated through micro-credit. Another objective of this study has been to compare and contrast income as well as savings position of the sample households before receiving financial credit. Additionally, this study attempted to discriminate between high-performing and low-performing stake-holders on the basis of selected socio-economic indicators.
In general, the view that the first and basic cleavage within these societies was the conflict between the com- munist regime and its opposition (former state versus civic society) is accepted. On its basis, the wide oppo- site movements pushing through the transition to demo- cratic political system came into being. However, they were not stable and soon started to divide according to other conflict lines. Single post-communist party sys- tems started to differentiate in the next period the basic cleavages stating their characteristics were social and economic cleavage and the cleavage of centre perip- hery. For agrarian political parties, the traditional rural cleavage was of a constitutive significance. It was clear- ly stated to be secondary and unimportant in most of proposed theoretical conceptions on the cleavages structure in post-totalitarian European societies. On the other hand, political scientist Klaus von Beyme remarked that this conflict line had played a more important role in post-communist societies (despite the large industrializa- tion and urbanization) than in West European countries (Kopeèek 1999). Moreover, it is clear that it is not possi- ble to judge the influence of this cleavage only mecha- nically and to deduce its small importance from the fact that a clearly identified agrarian party did not become the decisive political force in any of the former countries of the Soviet bloc. From this point of view, the study of fac- tors that influence institutional expression of mentioned theoretical approaches can be inspirational.
A number of studies coined borrowing and selling of assets by households as distress financing of health care [14–19]. Distress financing varies largely by the nature of the disease, type of facility used and the economic wellbeing of the household. The poor and marginalized are more likely to resort to distress financing across countries [17, 20, 21]. The causes of distress financing are many: high OOPE on healthcare including payments for medicines, consultation and procedure fees, low in- surance coverage, financial constraints, and low govern- ment spending. Though recent literature has focused more on OOPE and CHS on health care, there is little emphasis on the source of meeting OOPE on health care. About 150 million people suffered from distress financing in seeking healthcare services . OOPE on health care has an adverse impact on the economic well- being of individuals forcing them to resort to distress fi- nancing [3, 23–25]. The definition of distress financing is not uniform but is more context-specific [15, 17, 20, 26–29]. The extent, nature and correlates of distress financing for meeting health expenditure varies across countries [15, 16, 19, 27, 30, 31]. A number of studies from low and middle-income countries suggests that borrowing from relatives and friends, loans from money lenders and financial institutions, mortgaging assets, sell- ing assets, selling livestock and selling harvest crops are common forms of distress financing [3, 25, 32–34]. Studies observe that other coping strategies to meet health care cost were reducing household food and non- food expenditure and increasing working hours for extra income . Income diversification, selling of assets and borrowing money was common practice to meet the dir- ect health care costs while task reallocation among household members was used for meeting the indirect costs of illness in low-income countries . Poor households, households residing in rural areas, house- holds suffering from multiple ailments and chronic dis- eases are more likely to incur distress financing [3, 17, 20, 29, 30, 37–40]. The borrowing and selling of assets was higher for treating tuberculosis and antiretroviral services as compared to obstetric care in South Africa . Studies from East European countries suggest that lower health status, lower income, and chronic illness increases the likelihood of distress financing . A study by Adam & Ke (2008) found that about 30% of the households across 15 African countries met their health expenditure by borrowing or selling assets . About 26% of the households in urban India met their health expenditure by borrowing from different sources and 5% depended on selling of as- sets and livestock .
Diverse institutional environment contributes to a different extend to achieving economic, social, environmental etc. goals of sustainable development. If for instance, private rights are not well defined, enforced, or restricted, that would limit intensification of exchange and the overall economic development. Indeed the rights on major agrarian resources were not well defined during transition in Bulgaria and that led to domination of low productive, unsustainable and “gray” structures; and ineffective use of large national resources; and serious economic, social and environmental problems in rural areas (Bachev and Tsuji, 2001). The “tragedy of commons” is a classical example for importance of institutional structure (Hardin, 1968). When common ownership and “open access” to natural resources exists there are strong individual interests for overuse since private costs are not proportionate to private benefits. Consequently, low long-term efficiency (unsustainability) come out as a result of this form of organization. The “tragedy of commons” could be avoided by an alternative institutional arrangement - introduction of public regulation on exploitation (users quotas) or privatization of natural resources 3 .
There are two types set up transaction costs: for establishing “institution of governance like firms, hybrids, bureaus” and for changing “institutional environment of which property rights are part” (North 1994). Factors and mechanism for the “induced” institutional innovation in agrarian area have been well developed in the Public Choice literature (Hayamy and Ruttan 1985). Moreover, the efficiency of mobilizing factors for institutional modernization depends on tradition; cultural endowments etc. and are quite specific for each country (North’s remarks that it is “not possible to import institutions”). Besides, public preferences at any stage of the development and the admissible social costs for institutional modernization are quite specific for each society. They are very important economic parameters but they come to the economic system outside - from the political system of the society. Economic analysis could less contribute in defining those levels since this is the area of the political decision-making (if that is not so it would be very difficult to explain why level of return to public agricultural research has been so high since last century now). Essential economists role here would be to evaluate alternative ways and to choose the most effective (transacting minimizing) modes for achieving the social goals.
Savè, Tchaourous and Ouessè of Benin. The author notes that this dynamic affects the social cohesion of populations and induced to conquer new lands. Kosaka (2005) believes that the fusion of panchromatic bands with color can significantly improve the accuracy of results. Thus, we observe on the merged image of 2000- 2004, an area dominated by instability of agrarian structures. They got 50,314 ha, including 31,046 ha of fallows and 19,268 ha of bare soils. The main areas of fallows (88% or 27,266 ha) are from the shrub savanna. Gains of agrarian structures are estimated at 37,210 ha, against 90,491 ha in 1986-2000. Agrarian structures lose 89,780 ha against a gain of 37,210 ha. Koné (2004) showed a regeneration of woody cover in the Korhogo region. Similarly, Coulibaly (2002) highlights the increase of natural areas in the region of Bouna. Inglanda (2001) shows that the satellite images are important tools to identify differences zone status by observing them at different times.
Principally, in the conditions of stable and well-working public regulation (regulations, quality standards, price guarantees, quotas) and the effective mechanisms for laws and contract enforcement, a preference is given to the standard (spotlight and classical) market contracts. When rights and rules are not well defined or changing, and the absolute/contracted right effectively enforced, that lead to the domination of primitive form of risk management (subsistence farming, personalized and over-integrated forms) and the high vulnerability to diverse (natural, private, market, contractual, policy etc.) risks. The later was the case during the post communist transition in East Europe characterized by the fundamental restructuring, the “rules change” and ineffective public enforcement, a high exposure to “new” (natural, market, entrepreneurial, private, contractual, institutional, international etc.) risks by the newly evolving private structures, unsustainable organizations, large gray economies, undeveloped or missing (agrarian credit, insurance, extension supply etc.) markets, individuals (e.g. thefts) and organized (e.g. providers of “security services”) risk introduction devastating the private businesses and the household welfare [Bachev, 2010a].
history of psychiatric morbidity in men and ef- fects of maladaptive coping strategies in men. Theoretically overtime, such maladaptive coping mechanisms can lead to chronic and severe forms of stress culminating in psychopathology in indi- viduals. Similar findings have also been supported by other studies affirming that psychiatric morbid- ity, body image disturbances and sexual disturb- ances are higher in those who cope with denial, distancing, and avoidance strategies (9-11, 35-37). Another interesting dimension that adds to dis- tress which was highlighted by the participants in this study was their socio-cultural experiences. India is a nation with myriad socio-cultural varia- tions and complexities. Our participants, who were exclusively from Manipal region and around, shared that in this area they found that family was mostly supportive throughout diagnosis and treat- ment. However, the society at large despised and even discriminated them. Perception of being flawed, cursed, and related concealment, humilia- tion, shame, guilt with respect to infertility were reported by most of these men and their wives. Many a time, couples with sexual dysfunctions ended in being in a non-consummated marriage. Moreover, to avoid socio-cultural rebuke, this was usually kept as a secret by the couple. This was also supported by another research (38). A diag- nosis of sperm defects was devastating to men as this also had threatening social consequences. Having children within the first 2-3 years of mar- riage was the usual norm. Hence, this was a mas- sive pressure reported by couples soon after they got married. When the couple didn’t have a child, their lives were perceived by others to be unful- filled and dull. Opting for faith healing and donor insemination was thus revealed as the last embar- rassing choice by men with severe sperm defects and likewise concealed from neighbours, cousins, and society. Also, adoption in India carried a higher stigma (39). Post-diagnosis and while tak- ing treatment, couples often refrained from social- izing to avoid social coercion, nagging, taunts, fertility related pressures and intrusive sugges- tions from others. Similar experiences of infertili- ty in India have also been reported by other stud- ies (40, 41).
keen student of economics, Ambedkar's M.A. thesis was on `Ancient Indian Commerce' and the M.Sc (London) thesis on `The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India'. Ambedkar strongly believed that the fundamental cause of India's backward economy was the delay in changing the land system. The remedy was democratic collectivism that entailed economic efficiency, productivity and overhauling the village economy, he wrote and said, would wipe out elements of economic exploitation and social injustice. He did not want landlords, tenants, or landless labour. His idea of economic realism sought both freedom and welfare. The essential feature of his approach to economic problems was the condemnation of such extreme views as laissez-faire and scientific socialism. Mixed
In the specific economic, institutional and natural environment (socio-economic development, legal framework, support policies, tradition, access to new technology, level of transacting costs) various types of farm will have quite different effective horizontal and vertical boundaries. For instance, in transitional conditions of high market and institutional uncertainty, and inefficient property rights and contract enforcement system, most agrarian investments happened to be in a regime of high specificity (dependency). As a result (over)integrated modes such as low productive subsistent household and group farming, or large production cooperatives and agro- companies, have been dominating in most East-European countries. Alternatively, in more matured economies, where markets are developed and institutions stable, the agrarian assets (activity) are with more universal character. Therefore, farm borders are greatly determined by the family borders, and more market and mixed (contract rather than entirely integrated) forms prevail.
In this paper I sought to consider the usage of the concept of agrarian justice within Indonesia’s socio-legal issues, and its meaning within the context of Indonesia’s development. The outcomes are several. First off, it is interesting to note that the concept is used sparingly, if persistently. This may perhaps have to do with associations with Marxism or communism, but this is purely a hypothesis of mine. The issues that the concept relates to are however frequently discussed and actively championed throughout Indonesian history. This is perhaps no surprise: agrarian justice is a very broad and encompassing concept that as such covers a lot of subjects. Whether these are known as ‘environmental justice’ or ‘social justice’ is not that relevant for those finding their needs covered by it. Such issues as agrarian justice pertains to are clearly present in Indonesia and are rooted in its legal system. ‘Social justice’ is guaranteed in the constitution, but suffers from the same drawback as agrarian justice in that it is a broadly applicable and broadly defined concept. Neither, nor ‘environmental justice’ stand out in applicability or clarity. Importantly, however, discussions on the issue come to the fore in reactions to threats or crises regarding land and resource access for smallholders and local communities (quite in line with Paine’s ideas, as it happens) and we see that in the cases of the three specific foci discussed in the above, the combinations of notions of justice and agrarian issues is highly relevant for the individuals involved.
Usually, there are a big variety of practically possible (alternative) forms for organization of each agrarian activity (transaction). One extreme is to govern all transactions via free market through spot-market or classical contracts for inputs supply and marketing. For example, leasing-in farmland and long-term material assets, purchasing all services for cultivation and harvesting of output, purchasing all short-term material assets, selling all primary products on market. Another extreme is a close internal organization such as one-person or group subsistent farm - farmer(s) employ only own resources (land, labor, technological knowledge) and consume whole product. Between these two polls there is a spectrum of feasible modes for governing of transactions: various sort of long-term contracts, association, cooperation, interlinked organization, diverse hybrid forms, firms of different kind (partnerships, corporations, complex hierarchical forms) etc 4 . Identification of practically employed specific
Market (credit, debt) finance procurement has been practically blocked for the much of the transition. It is effectively developing after 2000 but it is still not accessible for the majority of farms. “Flexibility” of financial recourses is considerable and it is very difficult (and costly) for creditor to monitor debtors and to control if loans are used effectively and purposely. That is especially true for agriculture where investments are hidden (“berried”) in land and therefore not observable at low cost. Moreover, other major agrarian assets are very “mobile” and liquid - e.g. animals and yields could be easily consumed or untraceably sold, machinery is “on wheel” etc. Hence, using major agrarian assets for safeguard as a collateral is not always feasible. Agricultural land has been rarely accepted as guarantee against losses by the commercial bank for the reason of lacking real titles (until recently) and a low demand for purchase of farmland. On the other hand, farmers are not enthusiastic to offer their vital non-agrarian assets (e.g. houses) as collateral since farm investments are associated with a high risk.
Abstract: Farmer - A Smart Agrarian Device provides a smart and autonomous way for crop cultivation. Crop cultivation at small or large scale involves an intense process which has to be taken with care and requires great human resources in terms of efforts, which consists of repetitive and standardized tasks with daily monitoring making the whole process labor-intensive. Our smart agrarian device provides a unique solution to the problem by providing automation at every step of cultivation right from a beginning process starting from land preparation through ploughing, seed sowing, irrigation, health monitoring, and harvesting. Smart farmer device incorporates a different control unit at each stage with sensors embedded, which receives control signals from the control unit and from user to provide smart control of the cultivation process. Sensors and control unit collects the data from various sources and intimate back to the user, main control unit and cloud data services for analyzing data for future needs. Data obtained from embedded sensors and control unit are stored at cloud services and available to users and are utilized in machine learning algorithm and internet of things, IOT to control planning in advance to the farming’s next steps. This device also helps in minimizing the crop failures results from various reasons as the device learns and improves each step of farming by using previous data and parameters. The main control unit, field control unit and units installed at different stages of farming works collectively and helps to respond effectively to needs of the crop with minimal human resource involvement which help in higher crop yield, and quality of the crop. The smart agrarian device once installed and learned with data, helps to provide self-sustaining and fully controlled techniques at each farming stage, which makes it suitable for extra-terrestrial farming possible on another planet like Mars.
Now there is another matter of concern that the increasing diversity between the STs and Others. Now it can be inferred from the above table, that instead of gap between ST and forward groups getting narrowing down, which has been claimed by different researchers like Panagarya and Mukim (2013), the gap actually widen over the years. It has been found that in rural India where the gap-coefficient is increasing steadily between the ST and Others, which indicate the increasing divergence between ST and Others. Summarising this it could be inferred that where there is a increasing divergence between ST and Others the rural India. Now to explain this increasing divergence in poverty a panel analysis has been used taking poverty divergence between ST and Other as dependent variable and ratio of acute semi- proletarianisation, ratio of marginal landowner engaged in agriculture, ratio of average landowned, ratio of irrigataed land holding between ST and Other as independent variables. It has been found that acute proletarianisation ratio and ratio of marginal landowner engaged in agriculture are statistically significant to explain the poverty ration between the ST and Others.