of this corpus of writing is spiritual, not secular. However, many non-spiritual matters can be culled from these writings to construct the past and understand socio-political and religious milieu during which they were written. Traditional Bhutanese scholarship was known for historical works in the Himalayas, for they covered not only Bhutan but other Himalayan regions influenced by the Tibetan culture. Most of the namthar are mostly of the Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) and his successive body, speech and mind reincarnations; Je Khenpo, the heads of the Drukpa Kagyu School of Tibetan Buddhism; and Desis, the secular rulers [Pommaret 2002]. Authors themselves were reli- gious figures and they wrote in the classical Tibetan. It was improper, unthinkable, or blasphemous to write about lay people or non-Buddhist themes. This large body of literature today serve as the primary source of information for writing about Bhutan’s history, culture, politics, society, etc.
Several modern artists associated our heart with some ancient beliefs. For instance, Paul Klee put the heart in the centre of the body on his canvas “Has a Head, Hand, Foot and Heart” . He also depicted “A Spirit Serves a small Breakfast”. Designer Matjaz Valentar produced a poster with the fluorescent brain and heart images, entitled “Meet the Idea! Meet the Spirit!”, referring to the ancient belief that heart is the seat of the spirit and soul. This traditional belief is so- metimes mentioned even in the scientific literature . Crucial biological and anthropological significance of heart inspired several artists to present it metapho- rically as a king. Thus, Fernand Legér painted “Kings of Heart”, and de Kooning depicted “The Queen of Hearts” . The eccentric artist Salvador Dali desig- ned the piece of gold jewellery “The Royal Heart”, de- corated with 46 rubies, 42 diamonds and 4 emeralds.
Moltmann-Wendel also offers constructive alternative proposals to her criticisms (McDougall 2012:168-169). She encourages feminists to pay closer attention to the women we find at the cross and how they can be in solidarity with the suffering of women throughout history and at the present. With this, she also suggests the focus of attention on the dangerous memories of women with regard to their suffering and helping to find alternative ways of healing. Last, she suggests that feminist theologians attend to the redemptive possibilities of the feeling of being God forsaken on Easter Friday and the experience of the women on resurrection Sunday. 44 Oduyoye (2001:10) also writes on this subject of resurrection, who uses the image of the resurrected body of Christ to deal with the spirituality of hope of African women. For African women, hope is a live reality despite the history of subjugation, poverty, sickness, death and the culture of hospitality. African women’s resilience lies in the hope of resurrection (Oduyoye 2001:113, Ras 2017). Oduyoye (2001:113) explains this the following way: They retell again and again the story of the three women who set out to anoint the body of 'the crucified one', knowing full well that there was a colossal stone to be rolled away before they could reach the body. Not even Africa's mammoth poverty can breed despair in women even though from the outside what others see is a future of 'pain, death, the misery of watching one's children die and the death of hope itself'. The 'death of hope' is an impossible concept in African women's theology, because they believe Scripture that says, with God, they can scale walls.
This course-book was published in 2012. by the Faculty of Philosophy (Belgrade University). It is the result of the author`s attempt to offer students of history, anthropology and the classics suitable material for learning the language related to their areas of study. However, it might be suitable for students of other areas of study who wish to further explore the language within the context of the humanities.
New Women were feminist, educated, independent career females in Europe and the United States. Independence was not simply a matter of the mind. It also involved physical changes in activity and dress, as activities such as bicycling, tennis, horse-riding expanded women's ability to engage with a broader more active world. They also paved the way for the militant Suffragettes of the 1900s. The 1870 Education Act allowed women both to vote and to work (Roberts, 2017). The New Woman helped transform woman’s perception of corsetry from rigid forms to a more liberating design yet it was not able to confront with the Victorian legacy completely and was still shaped by the patriarchal sensibilities of its time. The forth-coming decade, known as The Gilded Age (1870s-1900s) in America/ the Edwardian Age (1900s) in England was a period of optimism and prosperity. So, the period emphasized on the “S figure corset”, stressing the once romantic Empire Silhouette that was missing. Contrary with the New Woman corsetry, females in the 1900s were corseted as tightly as they had never been before (Thomas, 2001-2014). It is said that one reason for the restriction of female body through the use of corsetry might be that women liberation movements had peaked so now that women were getting stronger politically, they had to be restricted physically. This idea in a similar way is better explained by the contemporary feminist critic Naomi Wolf (2002) who argues that the more legal and material difficulties women have broken through, the stricter and cruel images of female beauty have come to force women. As women released themselves from the cult of domesticity, the beauty myth took over either with new practices or through the struggle to create a nostalgic past of good old days when women were treated merely as objects (2002, p.10). The “Gibson Girl” was one of those beauty myths focusing on the idealized female identity popular between1890-1910. Originally a caricature created by the American artist Charles Dana Gibson, the “Gibson Girl” was used to satirize the New Woman who was sportive, emancipated and strong (Thomas 2001- 2014). On the other hand, the Gibson Girl was every man’s dream girl, attractive, slender, respectable, perfectly dressed and tightly corseted.
If the Scientific Revolution of the 16th and 17th cen- turies instilled a humility in philosophers that raised the status of self-reflection, or self-representation, to a science of soul searching and theories about mind/body relations, then the Darwinian revolution of the 19th century and the Freudian revolution in psychology in the early 20th cen- tury provides a materialist twist to addressing the soul/ mind/consciousness/body/brain series of problems. Al- though questions of the seat of the soul did not disappear from the discourse, concerns in the emerging fields of sci- entific and medical humanism focused much of the dis- cussion on how to do away with classic Christian dualism without ending up with a crass, reductionist materialism. The resolution to this dilemma lay in defining new roles for the sciences, embracing a philosophical agenda to work toward an answer to the question “what is life?”
to arrive at covering statements of the general form of social relations. The descriptive mode, on the other hand, seeks to apprehend the rela- tional coherence of the world itself, as it is given to immediate experience, by homing in on particulars each of which brings to a focus, and momen- tarily condenses, the very processes that brought it into being. Though both modes of integration aspire to a kind of holism, their respective understandings of totality are very different. The first is a totality of form: it implies the closure and completion of a system of relations that has been fully joined up. The second, however, is a totality of process which, since it is forever ongoing, is always open-ended and never com- plete, but which is nevertheless wound up in every moment that it brings forth. Now as I mentioned earlier, I am not convinced that the terms ‘theoretical’ and ‘descriptive’ are entirely appropriate for these two approaches. The trouble is that the very notion of description as a task that is somehow opposed to the project of theory has its roots in the first of the two modes. It harks directly back to Radcliffe-Brown’s division between ethnography and anthropology: respectively idiographic and nomothetic, descriptive and theoretical. Yet in the opposition between descriptive data and theoretical generalisation the act of description is itself diminished, reduced to a mechanical function of information pick- up. The second mode, on the other hand, refuses this reduction, recog- nising — as the first does not — that any act of description entails a movement of interpretation. What is ‘given’ to experience, in this mode, comprises not individual data but the world itself. It is a world that is not so much mapped out as taken in, from a particular vantage point, much as the painter takes in the landscape that surrounds him from the position at which he has planted his easel.
How do studies of culture reveal and challenge our most basic assumptions about gender, sex, and sexuality? This course explores these questions by examining how anthropologists have restructured common sense notions about the body, social identities, scientific truth, and our relationships to one another. The primary objective of this course is to develop your ability to think, speak, and write critically and constructively about debates in the contemporary
The remains were released by the Honolulu Medical Examiner’s Offi ce to the CIL to confi rm the identifi cation. Forensic odontology and anthro- pology identifi ed the individual to be the father. The dental records and dental appliances helped identify the individual while the pathologies associated with advanced age (as well surgical implants in the cranium) specifi cally confi rmed the identifi cation. However, there was no indica- tion of trauma that could have been associated with this individual’s death. So, what happened? Based on interviews and the skeletal evi- dence, it seemed that the father had died a natural death…however, the family wanted to keep receiving the Social Security benefi ts, so his death was not reported and the body was buried in the back yard. While no violent crime was committed, several laws were broken, including Social Security fraud.
and hunting, human work uses very simple technology to select and get whatever food is available in the environment. Human–nature interaction has been studied from an ecological perspective stressing energy exchanges between different species, but emphasizing ‘culture’ as a basic factor of human adaptation to environmental constraints. The environment, how- ever, is not an ahistorical given where human popu- lations dwell. Rather, past relations between indivi- duals, groups, communities and larger polities are inscribed in the environment. Political ecology tries to include this history in its perspective.
Paper Presentation, “Agrobiodiversity and the Burgeoning Barge Economy in Rural Amazonia,” Society for Applied Anthropology Annual Meeting. Baltimore, MD, March 2012. Panel Co-Organizer, “Developing the Amazon: Local Responses to Global Demands,” Society for Applied Anthropology Annual Meeting. Baltimore, MD, March 2012.
In anthropology, the main scholar of structuralism is the famous French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss. He studied on kinship. He suggested that if anyone tries to understand kinship, it cannot be understood by studying a single-unit family consisting of father, mother and their children. Rather, this single-unit family is a unit of a larger kinship system which is generally considered as secondary. Other than the kins like father, mother, son and daughter, there are other kins like grandfather, grandmother, uncles, aunts, cousins, nephew, niece and others. Kinship is to be analyzed in the context of this greater structure. Kinship can only be understood when it will be treated as a part of the larger whole.
At the level of thought, Lévi-Strauss (1963) argued that binary oppositions are mediated in myth and through other intellectual and aesthetic means and media. However—and this is the core of my second point—more common than outright binary oppositions are incommensurables. By incommensurables I mean, follow- ing Kuhn (1962) and Bernstein (1988), things that cannot be compared along a single yardstick or according to any neutral external measure. Translated with re- spect to structuralism, this means they cannot be ordered according to a set of binary differences. Incommensurability is widely prevalent; for example, between “religion” and “science,” between one religious tradition and another, between key words in one language and another (what Cassin 2014 refers to as “untranslata- bles”), and perhaps most generally of all, between language and the world (or at least the objects it purports to represent). Fundamentally, what Lévi-Strauss saw as an opposition between nature and culture (or that various systems of undomesti- cated thought can be understood as or by means of binary oppositions) can better be described as a relation between incommensurables. Whereas binary relations are constituent of structures, incommensurables are not in stable relation to one another; perception of their difference leads to ongoing (inconclusive) conversa- tion or to the continuously postponed final resolution that Lévi-Strauss perceived in myth. One way to describe anthropology itself is as the domesticated conversa- tion (or science) that emerges from or in respect to the incommensurability of nature and culture.
Industrial actions have been observed by scholars and researchers in varied capacity. According to Fajana , industrial action is often a result of conflicting interest between employers and employees in respect to working conditions, wage demands, and management policies. Expanding on this definition, industrial action refers to any action taken by any member or body of workers acting in combination or under a common understanding  as a means of compelling their employer to accept or not to accept terms or conditions affecting employment . Industrial action occurs as a result of dispute between employees and employers of labour, which could finally result to strikes, lockouts  of which, both parties are affected in the short or long run. In view of this, Akah  affirmed that, industrial action is a characteristic attribute of collective bargaining in particular and industrial relations in general. It is the weapon of power in the hands of ASUU against employers (University management and the Federal Government) utilised whenever situation demands. From the dawn of the second republic till date, ASUU have had a series of face-offs with the Federal Government resulting to industrial actions (See Table 1).