capital and the nature of exploitation. This means the modern working class changes to include many different groups, such as white collar and service sector jobs like health workers, teachers and university lecturers. Understanding the working class in this way places workers in a unique position in society and pushes them to resist – initially in defence of their own social conditions (e.g. education or wage levels) but ultimately towards a process that can lead to a more emancipated state. Nevertheless, it is not our intention to present this example as a unique example of this dynamic working class. The example remains small and in no way fully representative, but as a newly emerging group it does enjoy some relevant, common characteristics with anti-capitalistsocialmovements and goes some way to illustrating the complex, yet central role of the changing working class in the 21 st century. It is to this example we now turn.
Taken together, the contributions in Marxism and socialmovements illustrate editor and author Laurence Cox’s argument that the working class demonstrates a persistent, if uneven, “willingness to fight.” In his chapter, Cox writes that at the same time, these subaltern movements innovate “new approaches” in their struggles against a world capitalist system that is itself in movement (145). Innovation is evident at once theoretically and practically; for instance, with the emergence of a Global Justice Movement with aspirations to prefigure a more just world beyond neoliberalism and perhaps beyond capitalism, as Elizabeth Humphrys chronicles. At the same time, innovation is pragmatically evident, too, in the diversity of movement tactics adopted across different local and inevitably changing contexts. In Chris Hesketh’s chapter about anti-capitalist actions in southern Mexican provinces of Oaxaca and Chiapas, for instance, he describes a wide array of movement “tactics,” including armed rebellion, autonomous governments or “communes” outside the state, barricades (210) and blockades (223), public protests in public spaces, mega-marches (218), human circles of state buildings, the take-over of radio and television stations (219), community assemblies (222), the re-possession of privatized land (225) and the creation of alternative schools (227), among other strategies adopted by different parts of the movement at various moments in the movement’s development. Innovation is a necessity as socialmovements adapt to changing circumstances, which includes finding ways of challenging, or escaping, sometimes-fatal violence by the state and private armies.
At the end of May this year, the G8 leaders of the world met in Evian, France, and the European anti- capitalist movement met at the same time to protest against their world of war, imperialism, third world debt and famine. The protestors gathered in Geneva and Annemasse, as the 30km red zone around Evian made entrance into the town impossible for all but the delegates of the richest nations on earth. After joining the protests and some of the debates in Geneva, I would like to take the opportunity of this note to report back on some developments from the Evian protests, and introduce some of the questions and issues of organisation faced by the anti-capitalist movement. The Evian anti-G8 protests were an opportunity to bring together the European socialmovements, the anti-capitalist movement, and the anti- war movements. The coming together of the European Social Forums in Florence last year made the anti- war movement truly international. What exactly is the relationship between the anti-war movements and the social forums? How are they to develop, locally and nationally, in the UK? What need is there for such organisation? And on what level are the social forums actually creating alternative democratic assemblies to the G8 World leaders of imperialism?
United States have evolved and laid the groundwork for corporations to be- come more influential over time. It then illustrates that changes in the workforce and the increasing power of consumers and executives has spurred corporations to take a more active role in social issues and in socialmovements generally. Taken together, corporate law and the evolving norms around the role of corporations form the basis of the legal framework for whether and when corporations can be involved in socialmovements. Part II then analyzes three case studies from different socialmovements, showing the range of responses by corporations, their positive and negative attributes, and ways in which the responses of corporations to socialmovements both helped and hindered. In particular, this Part uses framing analysis which originates from social movement theory to examine the effectiveness of the corporation within the particular social movement. Part III discusses the nor- mative implications of having corporate law influence socialmovements and offers guiding principles on what corporations should consider when in- volved with such movements. This Article concludes that despite the perils associated with the involvement of corporate law within socialmovements, there is the promise of meaningful change.
Chlordane itself provides a bridge to the next political issue we identify as critical, the political debate as- sociated with recent trends of globalization. When chlordane was banned for use in the United States, as so frequently happens, Velsicol simply changed marketing strategies and began shipping its now acknowledged dangerous chemical to unwitting Third World farmers. The globalized economy certainly aided Velsicol at a time when it faced a clear underconsumption crisis (no market for a product it was geared up to produce in large quantities). The small farmers and farm workers in Latin America, Africa, and Asia, thus became victims of an environmental injustice that had a clear ecological connection to the African American community in Memphis. In most recent times those small farmers and farm workers of the Global South have not been sitting idly by as the contemporary globalization trend sends a tide that threatens them, but they have been major participants in one of the largest grassroots movements in the history of the world, the movement commonly referred to as the “anti-globalization” movement.
economically sound ideas [... ,] we managed to understand the bias of our education, its profoundly ideological bias towards the deepening of social inequality“ (Vallejo, n.p.). This example shows how emotional she was at this point, being the face of the protest, and how mobilizing she has been, because she speaks about a historical moment, which already indicates some similarities with almost revolutionary ideas. This has profoundly changed because since she has entered with her party the Chilean Parliament in 2013. It is said that “[she] has taken a more pragmatic stance, endorsing Bachelet’s gradualist program as the most practical way to eliminate profits in education without a massive expenditure of state resources” (Achterberg, n.p.). This example does not only show her perceived position about the educational reform now but her populist discourse in order to enter in the parliament during her time as the leader of the student protest. Today, she does not participate in the demonstrations anymore but she “will chair the education commission in the Chamber of Deputies this year” (n.p.), which means that she used her popularity in order to get support. Once acquired the support, she takes a more liberal position towards the current government. The following example from an interview with Camila Vallejo also shows that she is ready to defend the current policies introduced by Bachilet: “Se ha instalado un discurso injusto, porque hay buenos y malos profesionales en todos los ámbitos“ (Beyer, n.p.). This quote is the response from Vallejo to the question from the journalist Beyer, who asks if she does not think that the current reform will decrease the quality of the education, especially of the teachers, which is internationally already considered to be low (n.p.). Her response is very protective because she answers to that question by stating that this is a very unfair discussion because there are good and bad teachers in all regions. Vallejo used the protest to enter the Chilean parliament, however, she also incorporates her ideas about social benefits into the recent educational reform. If the protest stops if the educational system has been fully reformed remains to be seen, however, participants in the movement have already decreased in number.
I will introduce briefly the Bulgarian case, where in the early 1990’s, following the fall of the Berlin Wall, the ecological movement was part of the broad consensus over the ‘big transformation’ of society. Moreover the Bulgarian dissidents used the ecological issue as the major mobilizing power against the communist regime in 1989. I will illustrate the situation with the particular Bulgarian example that made the Bulgarian public opinion in the late 80’s easy to mobilize around the ecological issues. A Romanian chemical factory, just across the biggest Bulgarian city on the Danube, Rousse, has been poisoning this city with chlorine for decades. The communist authorities did not solve this problem in the name of Ceaushesku- Zhivkovist communist solidarity. The whole Bulgarian society shared the ‘oppositional consciousness’ and ‘moral indignation’ about the way the regime was treating this social problem, which concerned 300 000 people in the fourth largest Bulgarian city. Thus, it was easy for eco-activists to frame the regime as the ‘obstacle to clean air for our children’. This was a very powerful uniting frame, much more influential than the ‘poor economic performance’ frame, for example. The people had already developed a shared collective identity of ‘we -the people who want to breathe’ and ‘they -who want to kill us’. So, by the 1980’s, there were two of the three factors present in society - injustice and identity in order for a powerful action frame to develop. The third, most important, agency, was available by early 1988. Following Gorbachov’s Perestroika/1997/, first oppositional ‘non-formal’ movements emerged. Regarding this analysis it is not a surprise that two of the most active
Humors are also categorized by Hiller as self-depreciating, diversionist, retaliatory or aggressive, based on their instrumentality and overtness (Hiller, 1983). Kutz-Flamenbaun (2014) discusses employment of humor in several case studies related to politics, without presenting a broader framework of typologies. Weinberg & Gulas (1992) argue that the relation of humor, attention and product sales is complex, and that a greater understanding of humor can be enhanced with a greater understanding of the audience, situational context, and type of humor. Studies have also shown that political leaders often utilize different humor styles. For example, the use of self-enhancing and self-defeating humor styles trigger strong appeal to the public (Hampes, 2013). Martin et al. (2003) distinguish between four types of humor: self-enhancing, self-defeating, affiliative, and aggressive. If humor generally leads to greater engagement with socialmovements, then, it appears that certain types of humor are likely to work better than others in different contexts. Future research may build upon these frameworks to specify the contexts and types of humor likely to work better for advocacy of environmental causes.
The engagement with different types of victims, particularly during the caravans, enabled many to come into contact for the first time with social activists and NGOs as well as other victims already actively working on their own cases. This has parallels with Merry’s (2006b) process of ‘vernacularization’ of international human rights to local contexts. Human rights discourse can facilitate victims understanding their cases and what they can legitimately demand from the authorities, enabling them to look beyond what police, prosecutors and judges say they are doing to carry out domestic law – assertions which victims often feel powerless to challenge. Instead, human rights discourse establishes a universal standard with which to challenge the conduct of local officials. In the MPJD’s case, this facilitated an analysis of cases that identified specific failings in the duty to protect and investigate as well as search for the disappeared – even when there was no evidence that perpetrators were state agents. This did not guarantee results, but it re-enforced the status of demands of relatives for official action and to expose non-compliance. This gave a more concrete dimension to the claims against the authorities and reduced the relative inequality of power between public official and petitioning citizen. 270
Socialmovements are thus clearly different from historical movements, tendencies or trends. Socialmovements primarily take the form of non-institutionalised collective political action which strives for political and /or social change. While India has witnessed many such movements over the centuries, it is only recently that scholars have begun to study them in depth. The term ‘social movement’ gained currency in European languages in the early nineteenth century. This was the period of social upheaval. A social movement is a deliberate collective endeavour to promote direction and by any means, not excluding violence, illegality, revolution or withdrawal into ‘utopian’ community. Socialmovements are thus clearly different from historical movements, tendencies or trends. It is important to note, however, that such tendencies and trends, and the influence of the unconscious or irrational factors in human behaviour, may be of crucial importance in illuminating the problems of interpreting and explaining social movement.
Individuals’ global network movements are becoming influential bodies in the conditions of new world order formation. Network movements (unions) is the sum-total of organizations and movements of the same or different orientation whose participants are integrated by a common goal over space and time. They possess universal objectives. Network movements are represented as direct and indirect forms of interaction. Religious and secular global networks have an organizational nucleus, activists, supporters and they operate in social space. These are not always the unions with the numerous social bases. Some of the movements refer themselves to international movements. They are of global character as they pursue objectives concerning the whole humankind. In sociological science, global unions are represented as cultural movements, for instance, Gospel Protestantism, “Opus Dei”, “Soka Gakkai”.
those that have a part in producing the city and creating the life in it, to claim the right to decide what kind of urbanism they want. Harvey argues that the collective labour that produces the city and its infrastructure, mostly builders and constructors, and those that create life in the city, various social and cultural groups whose activities and way of living enriches and produces city-life, are lacking the ‘right to the city’ because of the prevailing of capitalist urbanization. Thus, as Harvey rightly observes, the process of urbanization has become capitalistic, as a matter of fact it has become an instrument in the hands of capitalists and a central feature for the reproduction of capitalism. The author employs a Marxist approach on the phenomenon of contemporary cities and understands them as the result of ‘geographical and social concentration’ of surplus product, which, as he says, make them a class phenomenon, since surpluses must have been extracted from somewhere, i.e. the working class. Hence, the type of urbanization that produced and still produces cities around the world requires surplus product that is perpetually produced by capitalism. But the relation between this type of urbanization and capitalism is bidirectional. Harvey writes (5): ‘This means that capitalism is perpetually producing the surplus product that urbanization requires. The reverse relation also holds. Capitalism needs urbanization to absorb the surplus products it perpetually produces’. The renovations of Paris in the mid-nineteenth century and of post- WWII New York based on the planning of Georges Haussmann and Robert Moses respectively, are two major examples in which the use of urbanization by capitalism, to absorb the surplus product, is clear. The result in both cases was the emergence of a new lifestyle that also, especially in the case of New York, gave rise to consumerism.
Here we find recognised at least two interrelated dimensions of the knowledge that is produced and carried by socialmovements: subjective knowledge, and knowledge of an external field of relations. The first dimension refers to that knowledge which in various different ways is associated with the experiences, identities, and capacities, for example, of a particular subject (position) or group of subjects. These range from, for example, the experiences of a gay community in mourning (Engel 2001) to activists planning direct action (Juris 2007) to even humanity, whose latent capacity for radical agency is embodied the slogan ‘Another World is Possible’ (Chesters 2012). The second dimension, meanwhile, refers to knowledge of an external field, from the local to the planetary. In this second dimension is recognised the role of socialmovements in transmitting knowledge of (social and ecological) dysfunctions; in formulating new lenses that reveal previously unacknowledged relations of violence or oppression; or even in expanding the sphere of ‘the political’ by – amongst others - invoking and establishing new forms of political organisation and practice, contesting with formal political institutions, and introducing new or neglected issues onto the public policy agenda (Cox and Fominaya 2009, 1; Casas-Cortés et al. 2008, 20; Graeber 2009; Chesters 2012, 153). As suggested above, this knowledge of the external field carried and produced by socialmovements contains information regarding often hidden or nascent potentials for social, political and economic transformation. Socialmovements, in other words, ‘announce new possibilities to the rest of society.’ (Melucci 1996, 185, quoted by Conway 2004, 14).
One main reason for the wide diffusion of White Power music globally was the ability of White Power forces to tap into the potentialities of the Internet. In fact, since the mid 1990s, as a consequence of Internet popularization, White Power music became available to a larger number and greater variety of individuals through websites selling music, vastly expanding its market niche and profitability (Back, 2002). The Internet allowed White Power groups to bypass national “hate” laws in Europe and enabled nationalistic movements to further develop international networks. The number of people involved in White Power cultural productions grew along with the different racist organizations that used this medium. Nonetheless, estimations of how deeply racist music affects individuals politically are problematic (Back, 2002). The identity and affiliations of those behind the production, distribution, and selling of White Power products are often kept secret, further complicating research. Yet available research indicates that White Power music production is still connected with the political movement and political parties of the extreme-right (Dobratz & Shanks-Meile, 1997; Larsson, personal communication, 2002; Lööw, 1998; MacKay 2006).
As we mentioned above, Ataturk and his friends founded the Modern Republic as a nation state based on secularism and nationalism. In their vision of modernity, the founders attributed to secularism a central place and they considered the status of women as the main indication of development in society (Gole 1991). What White (2003) called a “state feminism” aimed at promoting women’s rights and equality in the public sphere. However, the effectiveness of this project was limited due to the overwhelmingly rural nature of Turkish women population in the first half of the twentieth century. The state’s support for women’s rights found a strong adherence among the elites including male and female journalists. The mainstream media’s full hearted support for women’s rights also coincides with their anti-clerical approach. As Table 1 shows, the journalists strongly favor women’s rights in Turkey. The results did not indicate the presence of any opinion columns that oppose the feminist ideals or did not support the traditional way of life for women.
The wealthier households in the simulated economy, however, do not behave according to the standard concave profile. For these households, savings in old age can in fact be higher than at 40-45 years old (roughly the time frame when wealth accumulation peaks in the baseline precautionary saving model). In fact, households with capitalist-spirit preferences will continue to accumulate (or not de-cumulate) wealth even through retirement. The typical profile is displayed in the lower panel of figure 1, where the ratio of wealth to permanent income for households in the top 10 percent of the wealth distribution continues to increase throughout their lifetime. This theoretical result has strong support in empirical studies of saving behavior of the elderly, for example, Brittain (1978), Menchik and David (1983), and Danziger, van der Graag, Smolensky, and Taussig (1983). Danziger, van der Graag, Smolensky, and Taussig (1983), in particular, show that many of the elderly not only do not run down their wealth during retirement, but spend less on consumption goods and services than the young at all levels of income, and the oldest of the elderly save the most at a given level of income.
2 Benjamin countered Braun’s idealism with some more concrete propositions. For Benjamin, youth is a political subject. Youth represents a new social movement desirous of emancipation and to be set alongside ‘the liberation struggles, which were led by ‘the slaves of antiquity, the peasants of the middle ages, the citizens of the epoch of revolution, the workers and women of the present’. And these struggles of youth are not to be conceived of as a reaction to subjugation in itself, but rather produce something more positive, even as it is destructive. The ‘new youth, who out of the consciousness of themselves as youthful people place once more a higher sense and purpose in their existence’, render today’s schools as a ruin. Theirs is a revolution in consciousness, in modes of apperception and apprehension. Such are the stakes of Benjamin’s interest in adolescence, in school, in emancipation and these interests exist from the earliest days of his writing career. His conceptions of youth and its desire and proximity to emancipation, as well as the social thwarting of this desire, do not renounce their intensity over time, but become increasingly materialist.