World famous authors examine the usefulness of Whitehouse's modes of religiosity theory against the backdrop of prehistorical, Graeco-Roman, and Christian religions. The result is an exhilarating panorama in the dynamics of history, cognition, and ritual. (Armin W. Geertz, University of Aarhus, Denmark; author of The Invention of Prophecy)
This research is primarily designed to collate all the known examples of the temples in antis, both to update previous research on this architectural type, and also to consider the finds within the temples in conjunction with the architecture, something which has not been previously been attempted for the type as a whole. Considering the finds as well as the architecture will, at the most basic level, allow an analysis of the sorts of activities associated with these buildings. Furthermore, analysing the finds and architecture together will allow us to see how the activities represented compare to other types of temples and thus whether the appearance of the temple in antis represents new or different religious activities and beliefs, or simply a popular type of architecture to house existing religious activities. A secondary function of this research is to act as a case study for the study of religion and ritual from an archaeological perspective. Theoretical work on how we might approach the archaeology of religion and ritual have been increasing in popularity in recent years (e.g. Insoll 2004b) and this research is an attempt to show that the archaeology of religion and ritual both can be and should be considered to be an important piece of evidence to help us understand the past.
A more practical approach to the subject has been teasing out the attributes of ritual as implied in the plurality of its attempted definitions. Bell’s (2009) list of six such basic characteristics, described as ‘neither exclusive nor definitive’ (Bell 2009, 138) is currently still the most comprehensive attempt: 1) formalism; 2) traditionalism that includes the element of repetition either implicitly or explicitly; 3) invariance, which describes a disciplined set of actions imbued with precision and control. Here the elements of repetition, physical control and often spatiality are key; 4) rule- governance; 5) sacral symbolism, which is not related necessarily only to the supernatural but also to other activities and objects that may express certain values, feelings and ideals linked to ‘a greater, higher, or more universalized reality’ (Bell 2009, 159) of not necessarily religious nature; and 6) performance.
Persuasive critiques of gender and age bias in traditional archaeological museum exhibitions have also been published. For example, back in the 1990s Vivienne Holgate (1996: 85) noted that in museum displays about Roman Britain women were ‘shown performing stereotypical tasks in domestic situations, such as food production, food preparation and looking after children.’ And in Greek museums Dimitra Kokkinidou and Marianna Nikolaidou (2000) have argued that women have tended to be represented as passive or ambiguous participants in history, while female archaeologists have been rendered invisible, by displays that reflect the deep-rooted scholarly male chauvinism in Greek archaeology. As a consequence of such critiques some progress has been made in recent years over the museum representation of women in archaeology displays. However, Annika Bünz (2012 – Chapter 22) argues that further changes need to be made in order to achieve complete equity. Focussing on the ‘Prehistories 1’ permanent exhibition, which opened in 2005 at the National Historical Museum in Stockholm, Sweden, her detailed analysis reveals that women have been included in the exhibition narratives to a greater extent than in previous exhibitions but that male characters are still represented as older, more authoritative, and powerful, and women as closer to nature. Children and childhood are, likewise, often underrepresented in museum archaeology, despite the high proportion of children among museum visitors (Sofaer Derevenski 1999; Brookshaw 2010).
Willem Willems (1950-2014) was one of the most prominent and influential Dutch archaeologists. He directed three national archaeological and heritage organizations, and played a major role in the development of both national and international heritage management systems. His professional passion was threefold: Roman archaeology, archaeological heritage management and international collaboration. This volume is a tribute to him, his passions and the provocative discussions he loved so much. It holds contributions by people who worked closely with him. The essays originate from various contexts across the globe; from governmental organizations to museums, from private sector companies to universities. Some are contemplative, others offer refreshing visions for the future. The essays contribute to contemporary debates in archaeological heritage management. They concern the various dimensions and consequences of current policies and practices and address the meaning and use of the world’s legacies from the past in and for society, at present and in the future. The overarching theme is the question of whose heritage we are protecting and how we can better valorise research results and connect with society.
figure, though stylized, capture the essence of pain‖ (―Saving the Victim‖ 51). No one wants to feel the pain of burning to death. It is so torturous, it is a crime that the woman was allowed to end her life in such a manner. As expressed by Anne Hardgrove, the ritual is ―barbaric‖ and ―culturally backward‖ (―Sati Worship‖ 728). It is rejected by Hindu society today, because Hindus value life over a violent tradition that is a misinterpretation of a myth.
There have been trailing criticisms and rejection of ritual as primitive, supersti- tious and irrational. In fact, some regards it as the un-reflected baggage of cul- tural proclivity which in H.G. Gadamer’s (1975) reckoning constitutes “pre- judgements” or “idols” in Bacon’s conception. Its association with symbolism compounds matters the more since symbolism does not have a one to one rela- tionship with the thing they signify. It therefore generates the problem of iden- tity between action and the symbolized objects or gestures. Since ritual actions are performed with anticipation of consequences and results, then the issue of necessary connection between cause and effect, among myriads of causes that could be linked to a particular event, becomes a concomitant problem as es- poused by David Hume. Again, since ritual actions often employ physical objects as intervening medium, it necessarily implies a certain belief that can be inter- preted as pantheistic, animistic or, a kind of Deus ex machina in materiality that Berkeley seriously repudiated. Its unpredictable nature makes it susceptible to manipulation and anchors mainly on the belief system of the people which can be questionable. The anthropomorphic nature of rituals makes the reality they potent questionable? Questions like whether these realities are real or mere hu- man projections could arise. The epistemological import of some of the appara- tus of rituals like divination, effigy, gestures, gesticulations, etc., makes the phe- nomenon of rituals to be susceptible to doubt. Their symbolism with myriads of possible interpretations cannot be exonerated from possible misinterpretation, misinformation and relativity in assessment and evaluation. With these telling criticisms, the status of African rituals as superstitious, irrational and illogical appears justifiable.
In fact, it is estimated that around 200-600 million people a year travel for religious purposes or visit a religious site or event during their travels, half of whom travel internationally (Jackowski, 2000; McKelvie, 2005; Timothy, 2011: 387). This growth in the religious tourism market has spurred scholars from a number of disciplines to study the interface of religion and tourism (e.g., Badone and Roseman, 2004; Coleman and Eade, 2004; Collins-Kreiner et al., 2006; Collins-Kreiner and Wall, 2015; Gladstone, 2005; Olsen, 2013b; Raj and Morpeth, 2007; Stausberg, 2011; Swatos and Tomasi, 2002; Timothy and Olsen, 2006a; Vukonić, 1996). Government officials and tourism promoters have also noted this increase in the religious travel market, particularly after World War II (Lloyd, 1998), and have begun to commodify religious sites and ceremonies, marketing them - usually without permission of the owning and operating religious organization - to tourists at multiple scales as multi-use cultural and historical resources that simultaneously reach the educational, religious, heritage, and leisure markets (Olsen, 2003). Indeed, tourism promoters, as well as tourism researchers, tend to define religious tourists in two ways. The first way includes ‘those whose impetus to travel combines both religious (dominant) and secular (secondary) motives,’ whereas the second way involves anyone who ‘visits a sacred site during their journeys to other attractions and destinations’ (Timothy and Olsen, 2006b: 272). As such, from a tourism industry perspective, pilgrimage is just another tourism niche market, with pilgrims being a type of tourist who makes visits to religious and sacred sites. However, there are notable sectors of the tourism and hospitality industries that cater specifically to the religious needs of travelers (e.g., Huntley and Barnes-Reid, 2003; Ioannides and Cohen Ioannides, 2002; Henderson, 2010; Olsen, 2010; Weidenfeld, 2006; Weidenfeld and Ron, 2008). This view of pilgrims as tourists and pilgrimage as a form of tourism, of course, differs from those who take a demand-side and / or religious perspective in defining pilgrimage based solely on religious motivation (see Olsen, 2010; Timothy and Olsen 2006b).
The building and breaching of imaginative borders is hardly unique to the Rathvas and their ritual. It is, in fact, widely familiar in contemporary modernity. We encounter it in a long line of imaginative depictions that includes, among many other examples, the rabbit hole in Lewis Carroll ’ s Alice, H. G. Wells ’ The Time Machine, the tesseracts in Madeleine L’Engel’s A Wrinkle in Time and the Marvel comics movie “The Avengers,” Platform 9-3/4 at King’s Cross Station in the Harry Potter series, and the link between two universes in Christopher Nolan ’ s science fiction film, “ Interstellar. ” It may take a 3D film like Alfonso Cuarón ’ s “ Gravity, ” where elements appear to float in the space of the movie theater itself, to remind us that this experience of building and breaching borders is much more widespread than explicit depictions of portals between two realms. Visually, it includes every depiction of another place on the screen of a cin- ema, television, or computing device. Even closer to the Rathva structures that I have been discussing were the structures erected during the Bergen (Norway) Wood Festival in May 2012. The theme was “The Portal,” and various teams competed in constructing portals out of wood. Some “borrowed” a pre-existing structure, such as a drain or the path defined by a road between two lines of buildings. Others constructed free- standing portals in previously empty space (except for the pavement). Unlike the case with Rathva ritual borders, there were no cultural prompts suggesting anything that we might consider religious, except perhaps in the case of the portal entitled “Tree of Life.” However, religious uses of portals have not been unknown outside the Rathvistar as well. For examples we need look no further than trompe l ’ oeil paintings in various churches that represent the heavenly realm.
imperatives that further unpack the meaning of Paul’s earlier injunction ἡμεῖς ἐν καινότητι ζωῆς περιπατήσωμεν (verse 4). First, the Romans are called upon to reckon themselves as dead to sin and alive to God in Christ Jesus (v. 11: λογίζεσθε …); second, Paul states that, therefore (οὖν) sin must no longer reign the mortal body of the Romans (μὴ οὖν βασιλευέτω, verse 12) and that for the same reason (μηδὲ indication continuation of a line of thought, verse 13) the Romans should not present (μηδὲ παριστάνετε, verse 13) their limbs for the service of injustice and sin, but rather (ἀλλά, v. 13) present them as instruments of God’s justice. Paul concludes all of this with a final substantiation in the last verse of the pericope, 14: ἁμαρτία γὰρ ὑμῶν οὐ κυριεύσει· οὐ γάρ ἐστε ὑπὸ νόμον ἀλλὰ ὑπὸ χάριν. The double use of γάρ indicates both that twice a reason is given for what had just been stated, and gives a rhetorically effective repetitive character to the verse. Thus, Romans 6:1–14 presents as a text in which memory and argument based on memory are closely intertwined. When looking at this from the perspective of ritual failure, which, according to Paul is imminent or already happening in Rome, and the dynamics of ritual negotiation, including aspects of the invention of tradition, the following may be observed.
This active revival of archery tradition in universities thus could be understood as a spontaneous and voluntary action of people who believe that traditional archery is an essential part of Chinese traditional culture that could benefit young Chinese by performing internal and external cultivation through rigorous training. Archery thereby has been transformed from an abandoned practice to the focus of intensive spiritual value as well as material value and has emerged as an appealing display of Chinese traditional value among the academic field and within the community of scholars. Combined with the larger force’s guideline that “Young people must integrate correct moral cognition, conscious moral development and active moral practice, consciously establish and practice the core socialist values, and take the lead in advocating good social conduct. Young People must strengthen theoretical improvement and moral cultivation, take the initiative to carry forward patriotism, collectivism and socialism, and actively advocate social and professional ethics, and family virtues.” 40 On this basis, the Ritual Archery Propagation Movement has found
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This paper will throw light on the relationship between Art and Ritual. How they interdepended to each other? What are the main effects of their relation on the human society ? How much their relationship significant for the human society? This paper will examine different art forms and functions of ritual for the human society. The purpose of this research is to explain that how they emerge from each other? This paper explain relationship through different examples. How has art been used in rituals related to spiritual beliefs, healing, the life cycle, social cohesion and personal identity? What is the process by which art embodies, represents or transforms spiritual and other beliefs in ritual ? Different types of methods like Interview, observation and field work have been used for data collection.
Here are three examples. The first case is the ordinary flight process from not long ago. When we want to travel by air, we must first buy plane tickets at the booking point, by telephone, or on the Internet. After that, we have to arrive at the airport at least half an hour before departure in order to obtain boarding passes, check luggage, and board the plane through security. When the plane arrives at its destination we get off the plane and leave the airport with our luggage. Anyone who has experienced air travel is familiar with this, and no one would ever view it as a ritual. However, with a simple analysis, we find that this process is in line with a rite of passage. The process of buying our ticket is similar to getting engaged, it is a separation ritual, and we begin building a relationship with the airline. With the boarding pass we enter a liminal phase. At this point we have constructed a social relationship with the airline. If we are late for boarding the airport will use a radio reminder to urge us to hurry or the plane may be delayed. However, the airport will not remind the passenger with a ticket but no boarding pass. After boarding all passengers in the same cabin form an anonymous passenger community until the flight is over. After we leave the plane we regroup into the social fabric. This process is clearly a prescribed, highly formalized behavior with no use of technology application or even faith in mystical power. A card with some printed symbols creates the relationship between the airline and airport.