First of all, Xi’s arttheory is relevant because in the Chinese context the concept of art is within politics. Art has a social and political dimension and it is often deployed to support and legitimize ideas 94 . In the West, the presence of the state is unacceptable. Since Romanticism in the 19 th century, the artistic concept of “art for art’s sake” 95 was set and has been used until now. This term expresses the idea of an art with no restraints and free from anything. In the majority of European and American countries, this vision of the arts as a field free from limitations is considered as the right one, and consequently the only possible one. People do not understand art that bends to political pressure; in the West we think art needs freedom to flourish, but we tend to forget about Renaissance artists working for tyrants, Byzantine mosaics or Egyptian pyramids, all symbols of great power 96 . In China, arttheory is conceived within politics, and the state is perceived more as a component of the family, rather than an external institution 97 . The origins of the exploitation of artistic works can be traced back a long time 98 . Literary works often took the form of manuals for people to learn how to behave in the correct way by presenting models to follow. In painting, many analogies were made between the elements in the picture and the real world: bamboo trees were often seen as a metaphor for officials who were morally upright and would not bend to the pressure of some bad influence.
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The scholarship of arttheory is wildly diverse, but we have noted certain recurrent features to some approaches that seem relevant to the question at hand. One of the foremost thinkers in contemporary arttheory is Jacques Rancière, whose theory of art calls for alternative ways of seeing that he claims we have need of in order to see the assumptions and rules of representation that form our own. Concerned primarily with the political potential of art, Rancière’s theory revolves around the “distribution of the sensible” (“partage du sensible”). “The distribution of the sensible reveals who can have a share in what is common to the community based on what they do and on the time and space in which this activity is performed […] it defines what is visible or not in a common space, endowed with a common language, etc. [...] Politics revolves around what is seen and what can be said about it, around who has the ability to see and the talent to speak, around the properties of spaces and the possibilities of time” ( Rancière 2013, 12-13).
To absolutely no one of the many dozens of people who spontaneously ad- dressed me while I stood vigil by the statue during many times of day over close to two months was this statue dear, nor did it, in any way, represent their inti- mate relationship to Pavle, their feeling of love and the sublime (Konečni, 2011). One woman from the town of Paraćin in central Serbia said to me: “This mon- strosity should be melted into… something.” I do not agree with the destruction of art under almost any circumstances, but there is the “almost” caveat.
Paris and that ‘certains Québécois seraient découverts par les pontifes du grande marché international’. (Robillard, 1985, p. 12) Although there was some important international success and some local galleries managed to establish strong relationships with galleries in New York and Paris, one of the lasting legacies of these painters was their role in the creation of the first group of art practitioners to have organized and been received by the provincial government as a culture based NGO arts advocacy group. The Plasticiens artists organized themselves into the Association des artistes non-figuratives de Montréal (AANFM) with their own manifesto written in 1956 in reaction to the dominance of the Automatistes. Following the creation of the Musée d’art contemporains in Montréal in 1964, they were encouraged by Ministerial officials to organize themselves into an advocacy group for visual artists that then became the Associations des artistes professionels du Québec. (Robillard, 1985, p. 9) The Kingston Conference of Canadian Artists in 1941 had already assembled English and French visual artists into an advocacy group (Federation of Canadian Artists renamed the Canadian Conference for the Arts in 1958). They made a successful bid in bringing culture to the political table through representation along with 15 other major cultural organizations of the Brief Concerning The Cultural Aspects of Canadian Reconstruction presented to the House of Commons Special Committee on Reconstruction and Reestablishment (Turgeon Committee) in 1944, as part of the Canadian Delegation to Unesco in 1946, and most importantly to the Massey Commission in 1950. The Québec variant of the arts advocacy group shared a different pedigree from the federal group. The interest in democratication and access that characterized cultural development in the period was bolstered in Québec by the depth and breadth of nationalist fervor within the overriding context and scope of specifically
Plasticks , or the Original, Progress, & Power of designatory Art’, in Second Characters, 167 (in my quotations from this I have occasionally departed from the editors’ conventions for transcribing the text). Shaftesbury is referring to an earlier text, ‘ Sensus Communis: An Essay on the Freedom of Wit and Humour. In a Letter to a Friend’  , in Characteristicks, 1:137-138.
Pittsburg State University- Art 103 -Intro to Studio (Drawing), Art 103- Intro to Studio (Painting), Art 233- Drawing I, Art 236-Drawing II- Perspective Theory, Art 250-Design III (Color Theory), Art 277-Painting I, Art 333-Drawing III, Art 377-Painting II, Art 401- Independent Studies, Art 433-Life Drawing, Art 477- Painting III, Art 577-Painting IV, Art 677- Painting V, Art 701- Graduate Independent Study, Art 733- Graduate Drawing, Art 777- Graduate Painting, Art 801-Graduate Independent Study, Art 877 -Graduate Painting, Art 881-Graduate Seminar- Professional Practice I (Critiques and Artists’ Talks), Art 882 -Graduate Seminar- Professional Practices II -Business Information for a career in Art- Record keeping, advertisement, career, further education, grant writing, etc).
For Leys, mimetic and anti-mimetic tendencies cannot be strictly divided from each other. It is rather that the contradiction between these tendencies has continued to shape psychology and psychoanal- ysis. Leys argues that ‘from the moment of its invention in the late nine- teenth century the concept of trauma has been fundamentally unstable, balancing uneasily — indeed veering uncontrollably — between two ideas, theories or paradigms’ (TG, 298). Nevertheless, it is possible to read tendencies towards the mimetic or anti-mimetic paradigm in theories of trauma. The trauma theory of Caruth and of Felman and Laub emphasizes lack of recall and the unexperienced nature of trauma. In these senses, it leans towards the mimetic paradigm. However, trauma theory’s previously discussed emphasis on the event itself links it clearly with the anti-mimetic theory of trauma. Leys argues that whereas in the mimetic theory, the subject unconsciously imitates or repeats the trauma, in the anti-mimetic theory the subject is ‘essentially aloof from the traumatic experience ( . . . ). The anti- mimetic theory is compatible with, and often gives way to, the idea that trauma is a purely external event that befalls a fully consti- tuted subject’ (TG, 299). This anti-mimetic tendency shapes Caruth’s interpretation of Freud’s writings, which return, always, to trauma’s relation to an event. Thus, she argues, for instance, that ‘the experience that Freud will call ‘‘traumatic neurosis’’ emerges as the reenactment of an event that one cannot simply leave behind’ (UE, 2; emphasis mine).
c. Presentation Requirements: Students are required to present and defend a two- page single-spaced proposal for pre-dissertation field research at the beginning of their third semester. This takes place at dissertation workshops in specially convened sessions of the Comparative Politics Colloquium. Students should consider this the beginning of focused consultation with faculty about dissertation research. By August 1 of the summer preceding the third semester, students must obtain preliminary approval of the proposal by two Comparative Politics faculty members selected by the student in consultation with his or her advisor, who may be one of the two faculty members. The proposal should outline the dissertation project proposed methods of research, explain the disciplinary contributions and intellectual merits of the research, justify the necessity of field research, and highlight the student’s abilities to carry out the proposed research. These are also the guidelines for the university’s Institute for Regional and International Studies Fieldwork Award, for which students may wish to apply. Within a month of the presentation, the student must revise the proposal to reflect advice offered at the presentation as well as further consultation with faculty after the presentation. The same two faculty members who approved the preliminary proposal must approve the revised version.
persuasion with his “The End of History?” article in National Interest magazine (1989) 25 and book (1992) of the same title taking the first major steps towards neo-conservatives’ embrace of democracy promotion. At the time of his article, Fukuyama was deputy director of the State Department’s policy planning staff – the administration’s foreign policy think tank (Hill, 1994: 19). In his article, Fukuyama notes “The triumph of the West, of the Western idea…” and the disappearance of alternatives. While critics – such as Realists – suggest that power politics will continue to dominate post-communist world affairs, Fukuyama argues that national interests are based mainly on ideological factors. In practice, war is now unlikely among the advanced democracies. Conflict, however, would still occur as the world remained divided between historical and post-historical states.
recognition by any state. Staples begins by discussing Hannah Arendt’s pessimistic analysis of statelessness. For Arendt, the stateless have been expelled from humanity, and she can see no clear way in which they can regain inclusion. Staples suggests that Honneth’s account of recognition does offer some reasons for thinking that Arendt’s analysis is too bleak. By showing how intersubjective recognition may be achieved in relations of love, the implication is that the stateless have not necessarily lost all chance to achieve personhood. She goes on to argue, however, that Honneth is too uncritical of the role that the state plays – or fails to play – in securing individuals’ recognition. He suggests that the universality of respect provides stability, predictability and a formal equality which other forms of recognition cannot. But Staples argues that what she calls Honneth’s ‘normative conception of the state’ overlooks the operations of power in the state’s determination of membership. In particular, she claims, the state’s decisions are always appraisive: membership is given or withheld because of some particular characteristics which an individual or group possesses or lacks. To put it in terms of Honneth’s own theory, respect is never independent of esteem. Staples’ conclusion is that Honneth needs better to appreciate how the state can act as an obstacle to rather than a facilitator of individuals’ achievement of respect.
One of these developments in Chile was the coup that overthrew President Allende on 11 September 1973. Allende and his Marxist oriented party Unidad Popular were governing Chile since 1970, after having a Christian Democratic government under president Frei. With the coup Chile’s history of democratic stability was ruptured violently. The Palacio Moneda 1 in the capital Santiago de Chile was bombed by the air force. The rest of the capital city and other cities in the country, were taken over by the armed forces. The military pledged a coup against president Salvador Allende and installed what became a seventeen years long dictatorship (1973-1989) led by a junta consisting of four military men, of whom Augusto Pinochet became internationally infamous as dictator of Chile. The influence of the dictatorship on the field of art is undeniable, but in many writings on this period this influence has only one outcome: many artworks are often interpreted and described as a form of protest, criticism, or as reflections of the repressed subject (Goldman; Gómez-Barris 2007). While I do not disagree with these interpretations, I am of the opinion that often artworks are too easily interpreted as protest art or as a reflection of political violence whereby other, more hidden layers or formal elements of the artworks are overlooked. Therefore, what I aim for in this thesis is to provide another perspective on how the artworks produced under the dictatorship can be
Catastrophe and redemption attempts to reconstruct the history behind Agamben’s philosophy. This is done in order to counter Agamben’s ‘one sided’ teleology of Western politics. Whyte focuses attention on the ‘other side’ of the political events Agamben analyses in his works (Whyte, 2013: 155). She claims, with much validity, that the current political malaise in which we live is as much the result of the defeats of political movements of the past as it is the direct inheritor of those movements (Whyte, 2013: 41-42). In a salient point, she notes that Agamben does not spend any time contemplating what the world would be like where the political struggles of modernity – women’s rights, human rights, workers’ rights – had not taken place (Whyte, 2013: 41). A result of this is that Agamben turns away from active political movements today, which leads, in Whyte’s view, to a potential deterministic understanding of social transformation in his work (Whyte, 2013: 45).
While several small far-left parties across Europe see themselves as sympathetic to the anti-capitalist movement (even constituting a relatively informal bloc—The Eu- ropean Anti-Capitalist Left), Italy’s Communista Rifondazione (Refoundation Com- munist) party is perhaps unique as a party which actually has played a signifi cant role in government, being part of the national governing coalition elected in 2006, and which is explicitly affi liated to the anti-capitalist movement (Andrews 2005: 91–106). Originally a splinter from the dissolution of the Italian Communist Party in the early 1990s which was opposed to the reformist social democratic turn taken by the largest section, Rifondazione has taken on many of the critiques of traditional party structures typical of the anti-capitalist movement; they encourage the spread of social forums which are not dominated by the party or any other political party, and they practise open and participatory democracy within its own structures. In this it has been it- self infl uenced by the example of the Brazilian Workers’ Party, which has worked to bring together radical trade-unionists, socialists, social movements and landless peas- ants with great success in recent decades (Branford & Kucinski 2003). Apart from Rifondazione and a handful of far-left parties of no electoral signifi cance, it is actually the Greens, of all the various European parties, which today tend to have a political analysis and approach closest to that of the anti-capitalist movement. The story of the rise of eco-socialism as the dominant strand of European Green politics would require a book in its own right, but it would be fair to say that, for example, the British Green Party today stands on a platform which is clearly derived from the political tradi- tion of the New Left and is sympathetic to the goals of the anti-capitalist movement. However, these parties are small and possess little infl uence, especially at a national level. In effect, then, anti-capitalism has had a negligible impact on national electoral politics, apart from the instance of Ralph Nader’s strategically disastrous bid for the US presidency in 2000 (which clearly helped Bush to secure the White House). In France in 2005 the opposition of ATTAC and the anti-capitalist left to the proposed European Constitution contributed to the success of the “No” campaign leading up the referendum on its ratifi cation, but this did not prevent the election of the aggres- sively neoliberal Nicolas Sarkozy as president in the election of 2007. In that election, anti-capitalist hero José Bové, a leader of the international peasants’ movement and friend of Subcomandante Marcos (Bové & Dufour 2001), received a pitiful 1.5 per cent of the vote. European electorates seem to dislike neoliberalism, but they are not yet convinced of the need for, or the feasibility of, radical democratic alternatives.
With the expansion and evolution of the theory, the ten care factors initially proposed in 1979 are replaced by the 10 elements of the process Clinical Caritas (Neil, 2004 and Wills, 2016). Through the elements of the clinical caritas process it is possible to deeply understand the dimensions of the process of life and human experiences. The proposition of healing as reconstitution and the sacredness of being cared, together with its connection to a plan that goes beyond the concrete and visual, gain visibility (Neil, 2004 and Wills, 2016). Since then, nursing has been developing studies that approach, if not all, at least some of the 10 elements. It is inferred that the use of those items identified in the results of this study contributed to the strengthening of Nursing as a science. Another bibliometric index that deserves attention refers to the number of searches carried out in regions of the country where they were produced. It is observed that in the South and Southeast regions 25 dissertations and theses were developed and in the Northeast and Midwest the were only five dissertations and theses. It appears that 11 articles were published in journals located in the South and Southeast, and only one in the Midwest Region.
One possible argument to justify opposition to secession is to claim that secession is a wrongful takings. Here, those wanting to secede are accused of wrongfully taking land that rightly belongs to an existing state. Yet, this can only be a problem for political theory if the state has a just title to the land over which it holds jurisdiction. To rightly resist such a secession one must simply shows that the state’s title is just. Buchanan argues that ‘the sobering truth is that even the most cursory ‘title search’ would in most cases reveal that at least some part of the area over which territorial sovereignty is now claimed were unjustly acquired by conquest, genocide or fraud.’62 However, from this, Buchanan argues, it does not follow that secessionists have a just claim to the territory. Secession, is a limited and remedial right, that is only justified if one of two conditions are met: 1) a special right to secession is established in a contract, such as a constitution or 2) some injustice has occurred where secession is the best remedy. These injustices might be either human rights violations or the earlier unjust taking of a territory.
In my view, a methodologically inventive social theory puts method in its place, which is (except for a very old-fashioned positivism) dependent on the “problematics” addressed and the theoretical framework that construes them. Now in what concerns problems and theory, it is evident that BD is a fundamental and decisive expression of contemporary capitalism. However, in the BD debate capitalism is essentially taken as a given, as if this were the consequence of taking too literally Latour’s injunction ‘don’t focus on capitalism’ (2005: 179). Contrary to the view that capitalism is too general, abstract and totalizing a term, the study of BD would gain much needed depth by relying on what Alberto Toscano (2012) has called ‘seeing it whole’, thus simultaneously pointing to perhaps the most salient flaw of actor-network theory – a flaw seemingly seen as a strength by the many participants in the debate who refuse depth and instead advocate description and assemblages. This emphasis on surface, the horizontal and the smooth fits and reflects pretty well contemporary capitalism’s self-image, its semblance, which is certainly part of its real but cannot be mistaken for it. Pursuing instead of repressing the desire to “see it whole” therefore involves bringing
Kingly Title, passed by the Irish parliament in June 1541. The continuity in the royal style between 1199 and 1541 was, however, a patina overlaying deep structural change. Ireland was conquered by England in the late twelfth century at the very time when the institution of the monarchy under the Plantagenets was moving from ‘law-based kingship’ towards ‘polity- based kingship’. 3 This development had far-reaching implications for the structuring of politics in Ireland, conceptually and institutionally. Ireland was not normally described as a ‘kingdom’ in the later Middle Ages, but many of the attributes of institutional growth and solidarity associated with a ‘regnal’ polity are to be found in its political development, especially at the level of assumptions and expectations. This presents us with something of a paradox. Even at its height, c.1300, English power in medieval Ireland was decentralized and dispersed. By the mid-fourteenth century, under the combined pressures of economic and demographic collapse and a Gaelic resurgence, ‘the dispersal of authority was beginning to give way to its decomposition’. 4 All-the-more important, then, to explore how expectations of the king’s public authority grew, and the pleas for remedy and intervention grew ever shriller, even as the capacity (or desire) of the Crown to effect far-reaching change became more limited.
I’d say I’m more kind of active as a consumer, that’s how I show, demonstrate, my commitment to fair trade… Since ten to fifteen years or something I’ve always bought fair trade when it was available and always tried to buy sugar, coffee, tea all that kind of stuff. And, also, I always wondered why it was for such a long time such a narrow area and why should it only be coffee and tea that’s fair trade? Bananas should be [fair trade], every vegetable, every fruit, every flower. (Emily) The issues attached to a politics of fair trade consumption relate to the perseverance of market logic and the non-perseverance of combined civic and consumer agency. A macroscopic critique which would deal with consumer politics needs to delve in the exploration of the structural dynamics characterising the growth of that particular politics in relation to the everyday practices at the bottom of a very unstable pyramid. The rise of trust in consumers through commercial symbols exists at a battleground for consumer attention where stronger more established agents usurp nascent agents and where consumer behaviour is adaptable to individual needs (cf. Gereffi, 1994; Raynolds, 2009; Lekakis, forthcoming). This is evident in the success of the Fairtrade label which is the official certificate and brand of the Fairtrade Foundation (and organised movement) which overshadows products which do not carry this specific label. The arguments for the existence of one unifying label naturally adhere to standards of product reliability, however by doing so are increasing a market-based thinking to the process of fair trade participation. This propels fair trade consumption closer to the engine of neoliberalism. Most importantly, an exploration of consumer critique with a focus on the politics of consumption must include the understanding that liquid modernity is a continuation of solid modernity and as such contains elements, agents, strategies and audiences from that tradition which have been forged in the rituals and practices of a continuous, committed and mindful past.
Matt Borruso received his MFA from Yale University in 2004. His current work exam- ines processes of replication in various forms such as paintings, wax castings, found sculptural objects, digital files, book making, and graphite drawings. He has taught at Stanford University, San Francisco Art Institute, and California College of the Arts. Mark Clare works to engage, provoke and agitate the viewer’s social conscience through his visual interpretations of the politics of globalization, society and public sphere. He has taught at the National College of Art & Design, Dun Laoghaire Institute of Art, Design & Technology (IADT) and the Limerick School of Art & Design. He currently lives and works in Dublin.