By illuminating new pathways as well as exemplifying continuing strands of transnational Americanstudies, these three foci helped us to recognize the continuing borders that bind our field’s practice. The vari- ous disparities and overlaps between U.S-based and Scandinavian schol- arship have urged us to explore why the practices of certain fields (AsianAmericanstudies in this instance) and not others (Scandinavian-Americanstudies) more readily transcend nation-based scholarly communities. De- spite our willingness to move methodologically, thematically, and physi- cally beyond U.S. borders within our own research, our trip to Sweden hit home – metaphorically and geographically – the locatedness of Americanstudies’ practices. Of course, scholarly exchange programs, international journals, and conferences like the NAAS conference work to transgress those boundaries. Yet, if our late night fries at the scenic Karlstad Burger King taught us anything, it is that Americanstudies, even as it is becom- ing transnational in theory, has not become fully international in practice. While the collaborations between specific nation-based scholarly com- munities have increased significantly in past decades, these forward steps only go so far; the practice of Americanstudies continues to move in a relatively limited number of directions. Though increasingly global, it re- mains hemmed in by a diversity of institutional, economic, linguistic, and national boundaries. It has the potential to become even more innovative in its transnational approaches, particularly through dialogues across na- tional scholarly communities.
different terms to refer to Muslim people and the religion of Islam in the United States. There are at least two common terms used here: “Muslim American” and “American Muslims.” However, in the field of humanities, both appear to refer to the same definition. GhaneaBassiri uses the term American Islam to refer to “the variety of efforts through which self-proclaimed Muslims have sought to root their understandings of Islam within the social, political, cultural, and economic life of [the United States]” (8). The religion of Islam here is defined based on the admission of a person as Muslim. In other words, Islam in this definition covers various denominations, including the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community and the Nation of Islam, two denominations that in the global conversation, in which the Sunni denomination of Islam is the majority, are not generally considered “mainstream Islam.” This understanding of the term seems to also be applied by Amina Beverly McCloud in her work African American Islam. In this work, McCloud includes in the term African American Islam all sects or denominations of Islam that have existed in the African American Community. In the list of organizations that were operating between 1960 to present, for example, McCloud includes “Moorish Science Temple, Ahmadiyya Movement, Nation of Islam, Darul Islam, Islamic Party, Islamic Brotherhood, United Submitters International, Shiite Communities, Ansarullah Nubian Islamic Hebrews, ‘Isa al Haadi al Mahdi, Naqshabandi Community, Tijaniyyah Community, Addeyuallahe Universal Arabic Association, and Fahamme Temple of Islam and Culture” (African American Islam 41-42). This kind of definition is considered inclusive of all period who have been influenced by the teachings of Islam as defined narrowly to refer to the main sunni-shiah category.
historically what we might want to celebrate, challenge or confront in the present day. The volume opens with Nico Slate’s prize winning paper on the American travels of feminist, socialist, and anti-colonial activist, Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya, during the 1940s. He frames her encounters with feminists and African Americans in the USA as a form of ‘coloured cosmopolitanism’ that encouraged social unity across ‘racial’ boundaries. He argues that Chattopadhyaya was a powerful conduit for
The Departments of Art and Design, Music, and Communication Studies, Film Studies, and Theatre Arts Department occupy this building. It includes a 900-seat auditorium, The Delmar J. Hansen Theatre; a seven-story stage area; an 80-foot gallery; a 316-seat thrust stage theatre, The Gaede Stage; music recital hall; instrumental and choral rehearsal rooms; electronic music studio; synthesizer and keyboard labs; recording library and listening room; 22 individual practice rooms; two scene shops; drama rehearsal room; dressing rooms; costume shop; classrooms; offices and studios for painting, drawing, design, glass blowing, ceramics, sculpture, graphics, crafts, and heat processing. The Center for the Arts is the scene of year-round cultural activity, including the Performing Arts Series, musical performances and recitals, photographic and art exhibits, the Minnesota State University Moorhead Theatre, the Straw Hat Players summer theatre company, and the Opera Workshop.
There are at least two ways that a rising China could transform the region. One is by turning the region into a bipolar order organised around Chinese and American rivalry (Ikenberry and Mastanduno 2003). Countries in the region will increasingly find themselves facing strategic choices as to which regional coalition to join. Bipolarity will emerge in a process of Sino-American action and reaction leading to conflict and geopolitical balancing. A premise behind this possibility is that China’s economic and military growth will increasingly thrust China into a role as regional rival, challenging American’s hegemonic position in the region. An increasingly powerful China might be tempted to ‘test the waters,’ that is, probe the willingness of the United States to engage as Chinese officials spread their influence across the region. Tests could occur over Taiwan, the South China Sea, political instability in Indone- sia, or perhaps the use of nuclear weapons by one party or the other. As China sought to challenge the legitimacy of a US-dominated regional system and propose its own alternative, it would seek the support of other states in the region.
The Indo-European Studies Ph.D. "focuses on Indo-European linguistics, and on specialized language study in individual languages and language areas; the program also aims to provide an integrated understanding of Indo- European culture, based on comparative linguistics, archaeology, social structure, religion, mythology, and poetics." International
(68%) but varied significantly among the subgroups, with a large proportion of Asian Indian women interested (81%) in this method versus 52% of Vietnamese women. While women were less interested in receiving informa- tion by phone than by mail, interest levels varied signifi- cantly. Vietnamese women were most interested in receiving information by phone (38%) in contrast to Chi- nese women who were least likely (19%). Although most women reported a willingness to receive free information that could help keep their families healthy, there were sig- nificant differences among the subgroups (Table 4). Viet- namese (95%) and Chinese women (95%) were most receptive; Japanese women, least receptive (72%). Equally encouraging, most women were willing to receive health information of a personal nature, but again, there were significant differences among the groups. (Table 4) Variation in Adherence to Screening Guidelines at Follow- up
What Ling wants to do in Between Worlds is to give value to the literary output of writers who have been neglected or debased in twentieth- century European and American culture for their membership in two social categories: Chinese ethnicity and female gender. After arguing for the positive function of Asian subjects as bridges, Ling concludes: “Thus, the factors—one’s Chinese face and heritage, for example—that created a sense of alienation in one world are the very factors that enable one to perform the act of bridging; disadvantages turned into advantages by alchemy, dross transmutes into gold” (1990, 177). The argument that a person is valuable because she is in an “indispensable position” of being able to provide “a service not many are able to render” is an argument based on the utility of that person’s social function. Ling’s small but tell- ing shift in her metaphor of the Asian subject from “bridge” to “gold” locates an important contradiction in competing principles of assessing the value of Asians in American society and life. The difference between the value of bridges and the value of gold is that the value of a bridge is based on function and utility whereas the value of gold is intrinsic. Unlike bridges and other constructed tools, gold has a role in human culture as the standard of value for other commodities. The value of gold in this role is not measured by function or utility as a physical bridge might be. However, in capitalist culture, the utility of a bridge can be measured and expressed as an equivalency to gold. Ling’s idea of an “alchemical” transformation of Asian subjects in the West does not criti- cize the evaluation of Asian Americans for their utility to other cultures rather than for their intrinsic merit. Nonetheless, Ling is aware at least that some form of radical transformation is necessary. In that regard, Ling’s between-worlds expression can be seen as an intermediate step in AsianAmerican thought from the monologic cultural nationalism of the AIIIEEEEE! group to a preliminary dialogic conception of AsianAmerican transnational subjectivity.
Given that the majority of Asian Americans living in the U.S. are foreign-‐born and speak limited English, navigating the complex health system can be a formidable task. Other social and economic challenges may compound the issue. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services estimated that in 2010, 18 percent of Asian Americans were unemployed compared to 12 percent of Caucasians. In California, Asians, along with Hispanics and adults with the lowest incomes and least amount of education, were the most likely to be uninsured or underinsured for behavioral and mental health coverage (Lee & Foster, 2008). Plans often demand high out-‐ of-‐pocket expenses and do not cover traditional, alternative, or culturally-‐based medicine such as acupuncture (Africa & Carrasco, 2011). While these challenges are not exclusively
venue with a view to enticing spectators to bring these with them inside the venue, or sponsoring spectators and commentators to wear its products.
Without claiming themselves to be the official sponsors, these competitors have not only achieved the aim of publicity but have also misled the general public to believe they are in association with the sporting event, when they are not. In short, the non-sponsors hijack the sponsor’s exclusive right to economically exploit the publicity generated by the event.
Solidarity, ” WorkingUSA 17, no. 3 (2014): 357–72; Robyn Magalit Rodriguez, “Beyond Citizenship: Emergent Forms of Political Subjectivity Amongst Migrants, ” Identities 20, no. 6 (2013): 738 –54; Robyn M. Rodriguez, Filipino American Transnational Activism: Diasporic Politics among the Second Generation (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill Press, forthcoming). Other studies of Filipino diasporic activism include: Helen C. Toribio, “We Are Revolution: A Re ﬂective History of the Union of Democratic Filipinos (KDP),” Amerasia Journal 24, no. 2 (1998): 155 –78; Gil Mangaoang, “From the 1970s to the 1990s: Perspective of a Gay Filipino American Activist, ” Amerasia Journal 20, no. 1 (1994): 33–44; Catherine Choy, “Towards Trans-Paciﬁc Social Justice: Women and Protest in Filipino American History,” Journal of AsianAmericanStudies 8, no. 3 (2005): 293 –307; Rene Ciria Cruz, Cindy Domingo, Bruce Occena, and Augusto F. Espiritu, A Time to Rise: Collective Memoirs of the Union of Democratic Filipinos (KDP) (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2017); James Zarsadiaz, “Raising Hell in the Heartland: Filipino Chicago and the Anti-Martial Law Movement, 1972 –1986,” AmericanStudies 56, no. 1 (2017): 141–62; Michael Viola, “Toward a Filipino Critical Pedagogy: Exposure Programs to the Philippines and the Politicization of Melissa Roxas, ” Journal of AsianAmericanStudies 17, no. 1 (2014): 1–30. On Korean diasporic politics, Richard S. Kim, The Quest for Statehood: Korean Immigrant Nationalism and U.S. Sovereignty, 1905 –1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011); Linda Hasunuma and Mary M. McCarthy, “Creating a Collective Memory of the Comfort Women in the USA, ” International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 32, no. 2 (2019): 145–62. On Sinophone transnational activism, see Him Mark Lai, Chinese American Transnational Politics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2010); Wendy Cheng, “‘This Contradictory but Fantastic Thing’: Student Networks and Political Activism in Cold War Taiwanese/America, ” Journal of AsianAmericanStudies 20, no. 2 (2017): 161–91. On transnational Asian feminism, see Pamela Thoma, “Cultural Autobiography, Testimonial, and AsianAmerican Transnational Feminist Coalition in the ‘Comfort Women of World War II’ Conference, ” Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 21 (2000): 29–54; and Yoko Fukumura and Martha Matsuoka, ”Redeﬁning Security: Okinawa Women’s Resistance to U.S Militarism, ” in Women’s Activism and Globalization: Linking Local Struggles and Global Politics, ed. Nancy Naples and Manisha Desai (New York: Routledge, 2004): 239 –66.