ANZACs are clearly important, although lacking individual military or political ‘heroes’, Australians appear to have turned to their sportspeople for inspiration. Most Australians agree that sporting heroes comprise an impor- tant aspect of Australian identity. ANZACs and sporting heroes may consti- tute the ‘glue that binds’ Australians together. These figures override the remnants of Australia’s colonial past and provide the day to day reinforce- ment crucial for maintaining national identity. However, the concept ‘sporting heroes’ likely embodies (verbally and physically) aggressive contests such as cricket and football codes which are seen, in a sense, to further the national interest. We also suspect that the term tends to signify the male sporting heroes who dominate television and other media coverage and thereby enter the mythology of identity in a ‘taken for granted’ manner (Garfinkel 1984). As a result, the masculine values portrayed by sporting heroes such as Sir Donald Bradman are an important aspect of the national identity narrative. Whether contemporary sporting stars such as Cathy Freeman or Shane Warne will enter into Australian mythology is a moot point, although the intense media scrutiny contemporary sportspeople receive may attenuate such tendencies.
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Barry Humphries, 70. Humphries later created a character based on this experience; a journalist suffering from the Tall Poppy Syndrome. The journalist envied and loathed all successful Australian expatriates for turning their backs on Australia and going “after the bright lights and the facile acclamation of a bunch of snobs.” The journalist announced: “If any of you members of the so-called ‘Australian colony’ deign to pay us a visit some time (and it may surprise you to learn that we don’t much care whether you do or not), don’t expect the red carpet . . . . And if you think we’re going to bribe you to come home with astrological salaries, you’ve got another thing coming . . . . We don’t want scum like you who’ve got to be paid to visit their homeland . . . . You’re a bunch of bloody traitors!” Peter Coleman, 67-68. Many of the monologues Humphries devised for his one-man shows were inspired by aspects of the expatriate experience, including the criticism he received from Australia. Humphries also observed: “Anyone remotely famous visiting Australia was always asked their opinion of the continent minutes after their plane touched down. How they could possibly have formed a favourable opinion – and it had to be a very favourable opinion – in so brief a time boggles the imagination. Noël Coward mumbled something about Sydney having ‘beautiful rooftops,’ since that aspect of Australia was all he had glimpsed from the aircraft window before the journalists moved in on him.” Barry Humphries, 69. Joan Sutherland has also commented on this phenomenon and Malcolm Williamson learned to anticipate such questions from the Australian press by declaring his Australian identity the moment he arrived, as will be discussed in Chapter 3.
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ABSTRACT. Claiming descent from convicts who were sent to Australia during the early period of British settlement is more than just about blood ties, it is also an aspect of national identity for many Australians. Analyses of nationally representative survey data show that younger, left-leaning, working class Australians are most likely to identify as convict descendants, while older, high income, educated, city dwellers are least likely to identify. Our ﬁndings also suggest that the ‘hated stain’ of convict ancestry is senescent, and will diminish with intergenerational replacement. Yet claims to convict descent remain divided along status lines. Interest in convicts and claims of convict heritage may comprise an element of ‘popular taste’, but as a consequence of this popularity, ‘convict chic’ is rejected by educated elites. Embraced by ‘middle Australia’, but shunned by cosmopolitan elites, convict ancestry is a neglected aspect of Australian identity. Whether claims of convict ancestry are ‘real’ or ‘imaginary’, the power of foundation myths to provide shared memories is evident in the salience of convict connections in Australia.
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introductory. Even in urban poetry, nature is often held in the frame of a window, in memory, or as scarred residues in developed spaces. Contemporary poets in Australia often express a consciousness of nature, even if direct reference to the natural world is absent in an individual poem. Through the poetry of people such as Patterson and Henry Lawson many of the symbolic spaces of Australia were created. With little to distinguish Australia's urban environment from any other city in the world, symbology of the bush and beach helps fuel the construction of Australian identity and poetry. Stereotypes are particularly masculine and inform the symbolic construction of masculinity to the point of parody in much Australian cultural product. These include but are not limited to ‘the outback’, ‘the convict’, ‘the drover’, ‘the explorer’, ‘the settler’, ‘the athlete’ and ‘the hero’ and the ‘anti-hero’. There are few uniquely Australian archetypes available to symbolise femininity in spite of women being present and active in all the aforementioned archetypes.
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become. Groups in this situation are often find themselves subordinated to the major cultural identity because they may lack a strong sense of their own culture and national pride. The problem is compounded when they see themselves as being Australian, even thou^ this may be Italo-Australian, Greek-Australian, etc. To add contrast to this discussion of a reshaping of a new Australian identity, there is the case of national soccer in Australia, the "A" League. In terms of multiculturalism, many of the large national clubs had a close affiliation to a single ethnic group. Sydney United was a Croation club, South Melbourne was Greek, Adelaide City was Italian. Two years ago, all clubs with an ethnic affiliation were instructed by Soccer Australia chief, David Hill, to drop their ethnic titles and ethnic logos in order to end exclusion of people who were not from or affiliated with that particular country. This move was primarily a marketing strategy to improve Australian soccer's national profile, however it also demonstrated that multiculturalism need not be separatist, but it can be unified. 1997 saw the beginning of a new era in Australian soccer and in multiculturalism with the advent of the Carlton Soccer Club. The main aim of the club was to capitalise on the markets of people who wanted to follow Australian soccer, but felt excluded by the strong ethnic dimensions which the various clubs had — even after dropping their ethnic symbols and changing their names to ethnically neutral ones. The Carlton Soccer club has marketed itself as a family club and is aiming to quash the link in Australia between soccer and ethnicity. The important aspect here being that the notion of the family spans all cultures, therefore, the club is culturally neutral and welcomes all types of people. Clubs like the Melbourne Kni^ts (ex-Melboume Croatia) have taken note of this, and have taken measures to eradicate the cultural slant which is said to be exclusive. Measures such as changing the uniforms from the Croation red, white and blue, to the Australian green and gold.
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Most Hungarians living in South-east Queensland are proud of their national heritage and ethnic background. Even in the younger generation, more than half of the respondents claimed a stronger Hungarian identity. Among those who migrated as adults (parents) 72.4% identified more with Hungarians than Australians, 3.4% had stronger Australian identity and 24.1% felt equally Hungarian and Australian. Among those who migrated with their parents at a young age (the oldest being 18 at arrival) the majority (65.1%) still identified with Hungarians more, 11.6% had a stronger Australian identity and 23.3% felt equally Hungarian and Australian. Respondents reported an active participation in the Hungarian club activities, among others attending dance nights, soccer matches, concerts and other cultural events. Most of them seem to keep in touch with the community. However, participation is far less frequent in the second generation. Tools for cultural and identity maintenance included attending church services in Hungarian, and reading the Hungarian Life newspaper which is the ethnic newspaper published in Australia for Australian Hungarians.
in establishing the context of Beaconsfield but also sagaciously reminds the audience of the Anzac myth, and the close homosocial order and desirability of mateship as being the main currency of Australian identity. Even though the term ‘mate’ is used prolifically throughout the film text, (miner Todd Russell even uses the term in talking to his young son) Beaconsfield judiciously observes that mateship is primarily utilised when working- class colleagues of the miners are talking, such as when the explosive expert is talking to Russell. The film subtly challenges the status of mateship when it repeatedly records the media reporting of the rescue team’s effort to free their mates. This is reinforced by the dramatic score by Stephen Rae, but only when the action does not involve Webb and Russell confined in their subterranean nightmare. At the conclusion of the narrative, as the larrikin character of Brant Webb, played by Shane Jacobson, is about to be rescued, he tells Todd Russell, played by Lachy Hulme, “you’ll be alright mate. I’m coming straight back for you”, to which the latter replies, “see you my friend.” (1:47:23) This refusal of Russell of the mantle of mateship is affirmed by Matthew Denholm who quotes trapped miner Russell who stated, “we weren’t mates before and we’re not really mates after. But we will always share something in common” (par. 18).
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transactions paid by debit and or credit card, and that only some ‘had an air-miles card number on them’. When the applicant could not show any of her own credit or debit cards, and when the air-miles card on the receipt was different from her own, the board found that her inability to show with certainty that the payments were made directly by her meant that she did not make any of the payments herself, and that ‘on a balance of probabilities’, the receipts were collected only to embellish her claim. The applicant lost her refugee claim on the basis that she could not prove her true lesbian identity. She had also provided photos of what the board described as ‘several young women … just frolicking and having fun’, and ‘in one photo the claimant is kissing another female’ but that ‘on the balance of probabilities’ this was not enough to prove the applicant was a lesbian – or at least, it was not enough to prove that she was a lesbian who was vulnerable to persecution in the way refugee law requires. Also taken into account was that although she joined a local community centre with programs aimed at the gay and lesbian community, she did not join as soon as she entered Canada, which the board decided also detracted from her lesbian credentials. Extrapolating from the court’s decision, to successfully prove she was a vulnerable lesbian, this applicant would have needed to have credit and / or debit cards in her name, and have used them instead of cash to make multiple purchases - presumably at sex shops in the gay village; she would have needed to show photos of doing
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As FFC tried to establish a peculiarly Fremantle identity and the club ended up being different as a result, it meant FFC created its own Fremantle identity. The desire was for FFC to draw on the Fremantle community and Fremantle’s football past but the reasoning was because of the West Coast Eagles Football Club identity, based in Perth, Western Australia. The West Coast Eagles club was not based around a particular community but rather on an appeal state-wide to the entire Western Australian population. This was different to other clubs in Victoria such as Essendon or Collingwood established in particular suburbs and different to other non-Victorian clubs such as Adelaide, Brisbane, and Sydney, based around whole cities. These other clubs had a community base or club structure from which they built an identity and following. By aligning itself with Fremantle, FFC adopted the conventional values of suburban football clubs rather than corporate organizations that it believed the Eagles embraced. Having orientated the club towards all things Fremantle did not stop FFC from looking at international comparisons, particularly clubs in other codes of football or other sports that were based in port cities. Examples cited were Oakland, San Francisco and San Diego on the west coast of the USA to see what could be gleaned from other portside sports clubs in similar climates. However, E06 explains that Fremantle, whilst having similarities to other port cities which it took account of, still had unique characteristics that the club wanted to harness and the desire to do things differently with a Fremantle flavour remained the guiding principle.
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That an encounter with music can change a person’s life is a tenet of popular music ideology. It is prevalent in popular media, from the biographies of popular musicians to the epiphanies recounted by fans, and is itself a subject of songs (e.g. The Velvet Underground’s ‘Rock & Roll’). The idea that music acts on people is taken seriously in censorship, subsidy, marketing and social movements. However, the claims people make about the profound and enduring effects of musical experiences are often avoided or dismissed in scholarly work due to theoretical assumptions, disciplinary priorities and an understandable abundance of caution. This paper argues that paying attention to these claims contributes significantly to our understanding of music’s social relevance. In particular, it is argued that what music does, and what people say it does, are to some extent interdependent. Based on ethnographic research in the Brisbane music scene, it is shown that participants credit their ‘peak music experiences’ as lasting sources of inspiration and influence within musical practice and beyond. These shared narratives contribute to the discursive construction of popular music and its listeners. Their focus on embodied, situated experience also highlights the crucial role of affect in musical response and therefore music’s agency with respect to identity and society.
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The absence o f discussion of values, commitment or ideology caused many theorists to infuse the resource mobilisation perspective with alternative models. Under the influence of social psychology, processes o f identity construction were increasingly highlighted during the 1990s (e.g. Taylor and Whittier 1992; Stryker, Owens and White 2000), though often as variables independent of power relations in society. Thus, while social psychologists accept the possible existence o f multiple identities, these are often seen to be competing for salience at equal levels o f importance. Can identities be considered, however, equal in weight and the result o f construction by free agents unrestrained by their relative bargaining power in society? While avoiding a return to orthodox Marxist theory in which consciousness arises out o f and reflects class position and mode of production, Zugman for example contends that identities are not neutral but instead are an integral part o f and are marked by the struggle between dominant and subordinated groups: “this ability to create and live out multiple identities is a gift that only people in ‘post-industrial’ democracies have” (2003:155). Seen from this angle, theories o f identity construction based on social psychology display a disturbing lack o f attention to relations o f power that in fact are crucial in shaping collective identity, for example, among women workers. This is perhaps not surprising, as much o f social movement theory has been based on empirical work carried out in Western Europe and the United States, the so-called ‘post-industrial’ societies (Klandermans, Staggenborg and Tarrow 2002).
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Scholars from a range of disciplines observe that lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) youth in the West are defining themselves less in terms of their sexuality or are rejecting traditional sexual identity labels (see Adams et al., 2014; Coleman-Fountain, 2014; Hegna. 2007). Several explanations for this shift are offered. Some argue that increasing normalisation of homosexuality has resulted in greater freedom and choice in contemporary narratives of sexual identity whereby young people no longer experience same-sex attraction as unusual and therefore do not feel the need to invoke politicised collective identity categories (Savin-Williams, 2005). Some theorists suggest that neoliberalism is a key factor influencing these shifts from collective, politicised sexual identities towards these more specific, individualised identifications (see Duggan, 2012; Ghaziani, 2011; Richardson, 2005). In this article, we explore how these neoliberal approaches to identity are influencing bisexual and queer young women’s sexual self-labelling in rural Australia.
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audiences the opportunity to explore nascent ideas of national identity and negotiate a relationship with their unique environment. The global traffic in plays during this period may suggest a level of homogeneity in the entertainment offered to audiences of different cultural and geographic contexts. However, as Dampier’s adaptation of Coleman’s Drury Lane production The Duchess of Coolgardie demonstrates, the same play might present a very different set of ideas simply by the introduction of new scenery. While Drury Lane’s lush and verdant rendering of Coolgardie was deemed suitable for London spectators, Dampier thought a more accurate portrayal of the Australian west appropriate for a home audience. It seems, moreover, that Coleman and his Australian backers were wise in their decision to steer clear of any troubling realism in their portrayal of Coolgardie. British audiences might comprehend an image of Australia as a sort of hell on earth – this was the portrayal presented in Barrett’s Never-Never Land, the novel that so irritated Australian reviewers (and which toured the English provinces as a play in 1904) – however, such an image would not have served the purposes of the mining syndicate behind the play whose main aim was to attract British investment. On the other hand, when Dampier tried to share with London audiences the ambivalent image of the Australian environment created for Robbery Under Arms by Tischbauer and others, he seems to have missed his mark. As the lukewarm critical responses demonstrate, the image of the Australian landscape as it was developed for home audiences was too complex and, indeed, too local to export successfully. Dampier’s scenic designs
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Vocal individuality is a requirement of individual recognition and is influenced by physical characteristics of the individual, context and environment. Vocal individuality has been demonstrated in all species studied to date, however levels of individuality vary between species. Otariids breed in high-density colonies. The in-air territorial vocalisations of the males of four species of fur seal (Arctocephalus spp.) and one species of sea lion (Otaria flavescens) have all been shown to be both stereotypic and to contain sufficient information to be individually distinctive (Fernandez-Juricic et al., 1999; Phillips and Stirling, 2001; Roux and Jouventin, 1987; Stirling and Warneke, 1971; Tripovich et al., 2005). Call stereotypy in male pinnipeds may function in male–male competition [i.e. neighbour/stranger discrimination (Falls, 1982)]. However, in all other fur seal and sea lion species levels of polygyny are very high and competition among males is intense. The ability to recognize familiar/unfamiliar males and subsequently conserve energy and gauge the risk of combat has selective advantages. Australian sea lions have a unique 18-month breeding cycle, which is asynchronous among breeding colonies. Breeding seasons are prolonged and subsequently levels of polygyny are significantly lower. Hence selection pressures operating on recognition between males and thus vocal individuality in male calls are likely to be lower.
It’s [education] changed my whole life. I’ve been in jail nearly 40 years - since 1978. I never went to school or anything. Only started studying in 2012. The things you learn every day it intrigues me, you know, inspired me to keep going every day because well I was a part of the Stolen Generations and to learn so much about our culture - because I’m doing anthropology and Aboriginal studies and Australian studies - but I wanted to do anthropology because it learns about everybody else’s culture as well (incarcerated university student 2016).
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determined by the recognition of a PEXEL-like motif (PLM) . The anti-SBP2t11 antibody was produced against a specific small synthetic peptide at the carboxyl terminus designed because of the high sequence identity shared between SBP2 truncated protein family members at the amino terminus (see Additional file 5: Figure S4 and Additional file 1: Table S4). In this study, we per- formed quantitative protein analysis to investigate if dif- ferences in sbp2t11 transcription levels among various attenuated and virulent strains are extended at the pro- tein level using western blot and ELISA-based analyses. The western blot analysis data first confirmed that SBP2t11 was detectable in attenuated and virulent para- sites (Fig. 2a). The ratios among SBP2t11:MSA-1 expres- sion levels were estimated by densitometry analysis performed on the 17 kDa bands on the membranes. We were unable to repeat protein quantitation using the 30 kDa full-size SBP2t11 because signals were too weak (Fig. 2b). Based on densitometry values obtained for the 17 kDa bands, there was no statistical difference in the protein level between attenuated and virulent strain pair (Fig. 2b). In contrast, SBP2t11:MSA-1 expression levels among Tx att and Tx vir strains, obtained upon analysis
Americanisation became more intense in the traditional areas of influence, took on new forms and for the first time seriously ate into the high and middlebrow cultures. There was a reassertion of American influence in the film, radio and record industries after the retreat of the 1930s, and the advertising industry expanded considerably to provide basic infrastructure for the new consumer industries”. ‘A Backwater Awash’, p.118. James Curran argues that most Australians felt strongly British until the early 1960s. He states: “When (Australia’s) intense British race patriotism collapsed around the time of Britain’s first, ultimately failed attempt to enter the EEC between 1961 and 1963 and its decision to withdraw a military presence from East of Suez, Australian political leaders and intellectuals were left somewhat confused as to how to define the nation. Australians did not immediately claim a new identity; they were actually shocked, and in some cases aggrieved, that their British identity had been taken from them. It was nothing less than a crisis of national meaning”. James Curran, ‘Correspondence’, in Robert Manne (with David Corlett), Sending Them Home: Refugees and the New Politics of Indifference (Quarterly Essay 13), Black Inc., Melbourne, 2004, p.109. As early as 1967 however, according to Geoffrey Serle: “We are happily – or phlegmatically – exchanging one neo-colonial situation for another. Australia has abandoned the prospect of independent nationhood; we are going to become just slightly different sorts of Americans”. Geoffrey Serle, ‘Godzone: Austerica Unlimited?’, Meanjin 26, 1967, p.240.
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In Ruth 1:1ff. Ruth demonstrates the ethnic diversity that can exist within the nation of Israel. The book of Ruth portrays its central character as a non-Israelite who is prepared to embrace the religious convictions and customs of her mother-in-law, Naomi. A Moabite can find a place among the Semitic Jews — presumably we can imagine God smiling. Ruth’s story points to potential complexities, however. How does her religious conversion impact her sense of ethnic and cultural identity? The honest reader is left with the distinct feeling that intercultural integration sets the parameters for Ruth’s decision. Assimilation is neither sought nor urged. This is the free decision of a young Moabitess.
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river, displayed in archeological sites including middens, camps and tool making sites, all demonstrating use by many Aboriginal people at any one time as they shared in the river’s rich resources. This highly social Aboriginal presence on the river was echoed by white Australian settlers’ 19 th century use of the river’s extensive bushland foreshores, land which was then both public and privately owned. Both had been used for very public recreation, criss-crossed by informal tracks for fishing, hunting and gathering. Public recreation was also focused on the commercial ‘Pleasure Grounds’ which attracted literally thousands of urban visitors at weekends from the 1880s to the 1930s in large rowing, sporting, dancing and bushwalking groups. 31 The 1930s and 1940s river residents who had developed the first phase of the environmental campaign to save the river’s ‘Green Belt’ bushland had themselves used the river as the centre of their social activities. They had continued actively using the undeveloped escarpments but had also formed many groups, like rowing, football and music clubs, and gathered regularly for informal fishing, picnics and swimming all through summer in the river bathing enclosures. These highly valued social networks led directly into the environmental activism of spokespeople like George Jacobsen and Alf Stills for groups like the Picnic Point Regatta Association, which had spearheaded the campaign for a National Park to save the foreshores in the 1950s.
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This anthropological study focusing on the small Australian town of Kuranda is an exploration of theoretical and philosophical issues regarding the politics of identity. It is a study of the way people constitute themselves in relation to place and construct, communicate and contest categorical identities generated within the context of a bureacratic state order and global economic and political forces. The study is not about any particular culture or sub-culture, not the European settlers, nor the Aboriginal population, but the practices of both groups at the interface of their social and political engagement. The ethnographic task was to explore the fields of sociality of people who call Kuranda home, in order to discover how they make it such, through their practices of place-making.
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