The miserable life of black women has been reflected in many works in Ameri- can literature. Black women lived in the bottom of the society; they suffered from oppression of both sexuality and racial discrimination. Zora Neale Hurs- ton’s masterpiece, Their Eyes Were Watching God , is taken as one of the black Americans literary classics and one of the most outstanding works in modern li- terature of blackfeminism which focuses on woman’s quest for rights and dig- nity.
Once back in Jamaica, the important position of Pan-Africanism within Marson’s blackfeminism intersected with and influenced her black internationalist ideas, which she expressed in London Calling and Pocomania. London Calling was written in London and set in the winter of 1934. The plot follows the characters of siblings Rita and Sydney Fray, who are students from Novoka, an imaginary non-African British colony. In the opening act, Rita and Sydney are invited to perform a ‘native sketch’ for the International Students Society and aristocrat Lady Burton asks them to visit her home in Kent. Rita and Sydney, along with fellow colonials Alton and Frank, ask their African friend, Prince Alota Bayo, a law student, to dress them as Africans because Alton claims they ‘have only English customs in Novoka’. 95 In the first Act, Marson makes a number of references to Pan-
This article examines two of Toni Morrison’s novels, The Bluest Eye and Beloved in the lights of blackfeminism, racism, realism and naturalism. It is an attempt to reflect the powerlessness, inhumanity, and pains that women of color went through. By using a feminist racist and naturalist filter, a descriptive-analytical method of study and by analyzing the situations, the characters and themes, the status of women of color in Literature based on Morrison’s selected novels are revealed and represented. Morrison very well describes how different women characters react and respond differently to the injustice and the inhumanity imposed on them through for example the contrasting nature of Sethe in Beloved and Pauline in The Bluest Eye. She depicts the bravery and courage in Sethe , the self-absorbedness in Pauline and the passiveness in Pecola all of which raise powerful questions regarding black-women’s self-identity, self-concept, and struggles to achieve freedom as a living being if not a human being: a path which will deepen our understanding of women issues in general. The researcher believes that a womanish and racist study of the selected novels would contribute to broaden our views of humanity. The researcher selected women of color because she thinks the sorrows of black women, and the pains and toils they went through have always been deeper than those of the white ones.
El BlackFeminism evidencia que no hay una opresión de las mujeres en general, que el sexis- mo y la heteronormatividad, aunque como sis- temas de dominación están institucionalizados, nunca han determinado una forma absoluta del destino de las mujeres y tampoco de los hom- bres, y que los dos (hombres y mujeres, con características particulares de clase, raza, orien- tación sexual, religión, edad) tienen la capaci- dad de resistir a sus condiciones particulares de subordinación. En este sentido, “el feminismo negro resulta ser una oportunidad teórica perti- nente para comprender las desigualdades socia- les contemporáneas” (Gil, 2008, p. 497) y brin- da elementos de análisis claves para hacer una relectura de la forma en que operan las mas- culinidades. En este caso me interesa explorar
As we have seen, Gomez attacks the patriarchal traditional Gothic narrative from several fronts. She creates stories where the main character is a black woman, breaking up with the invisibility and marginalization of blacks in the American literary imagination and with the Gothic canon in particular. Moreover, she takes away violence and terror fundamental to the vampire encounters and she replaces the tension forever present in the unsettling proximity of a non-human creature with a vision of vampires as the best embodiment of our desire for contact and love. In doing so, the Vampire, the Stranger, the Outsider, the immortal Seducer disappears and we are left with a marginal creature persecuted and isolated from civil society and overall unable to make a comfortable and secure place for itself. Gilda, despite her efforts to be recognised as a valid interlocutor, finds herself discriminated and on the brink of extinction. She ends up representing a species that won’t even have enough force to fly to our windows at night and beg to be let in.
Yet, how much of the existing body of work is true to the original concept of intersectionality? To what extent the original concept is of relevance beyond its original context is contentious. In recent months, the intersectionality of sex and power has been taking the front stage in public debate. The #metoo hashtag has been used millions of times across social media platforms, and the eponymous movement has been extensively documented in the news media. The online movement has also fed into a discussion of how the shared stories of sexual misconduct is not to be understood as cases of ‘women against men’, but rather as instances of privileged individuals exercising power over others in specific contexts. Still, in the wake of the ‘Black lives matter’ movement, the #metoo campaign has been criticized for being co-opted by white, privileged women who are able to speak, and who are able to be heard. On Instagram, a seemingly more frivolous outlet, the hashtag #intersectionalfeminism and close derivatives have been used over 300,000 times. However, many voices denounce the depoliticized, de-contextualized heralding of intersectionality or intersectional feminism. Such hashtagging trends could be seen as idiosyncratic, symptomatic of a postfeminist era in which theories and concepts can be used ad hoc as buzzwords or temporary signifiers before moving on to the next fleeting wave of (online) ‘activism’.
But I think that feminism does a number of different things in relation to racial justice movements today. I am especially thinking about the role of blackfeminism. I’ll give you three things that I think it does: first, it makes us think differently about or, hopefully, expand where we look for victims and resisters to state violence. It says that while there’s a traditional or normative model of who we think about as the victim of state violence, which is often a hetero- sexual man in a confrontation with police, we know that state op- pression manifests not only in that model but in lots of different places. It happens through the denial of state welfare assistance, and it happens in the ways we militarize the public schools that primarily black, Latino, and poor kids attend. These are different forms of state violence. And I think feminism fundamentally makes us ask the question, when we confront the traditional model, what are the other examples of state violence or state oppression that we need to be paying attention to? Of course, feminism has us intervene in tradi- tional sites of state violence by asking the very basic question about the status of women. So if we’re looking at campaigns that are mo- bilizing against direct police violence and only mention men as tar- gets, feminism would have us ask, where are the women? The Say Her Name campaign (AAPF 2015), the work that the BYP100 is doing in Chicago around the Rekia Boyd case (BYP100 2015), and, some would argue, even the Sandra Bland case (Alter 2015) are examples of attention to direct police violence where we can say, “Well, wait a minute, this is also happening to women.”
Abstract: Women have been a baggage of our culture, they are half the human race yet they have been treated as secondary or subordinate or “other” to men. Their voice is suppressed by the dominant patriarchal voice, but literature provides them a medium to express and articulate their sufferings. Feminism and its various branches explore the numerous factors affecting and evoking a feminine psyche. Literature is known to be the mirror of the society and the contemporary issues could not have been left, so is the women’s condition. The theme of women’s predicament figures prominently in the contemporary Indian English novels. The present paper endeavors at screening different feminist ideologies which are considered as a powerful medium of modernism and feminist statements. A woman’s role is not limited to the household boundaries, they have paved their ways through ancient times to the modern. The Indian society is deeply rooted in patriarchy and hypocrite and still has miles to go. The portrayal of women in Valmiki’s Mahabharta to Anita Desai’s Voices in the City, these writers have chosen issues faced by women in the male dominated world. Therefore, considering the essential role of women in our society there is still a need to look and improve their status. These ideologies explain feminine subjectivity and what actually feminism is. Feminism in Indian literature has somehow proved successful in putting restriction to the suppression of women in silence, helped breaking that silence and making that silence their weapon and silence ultimate becoming their voice. It is in this sense of the concern and its faithful reflection through literature that has given voice to the silenced and suppressed women. The paper discusses the term feminism in the contemporary Indian context and its role in Indian literature.
12.2 Gender analysis is unevenly mainstreamed into parts of sociology. Feminism has had a major impact on cultural studies and qualitative methodology, being core to these ﬁelds. Feminism has had implications for the rest of sociology, but less strongly. Gender is present in some social theory, but relatively absent from the ‘core’. Gender is present in economic sociology and political economy; but these ﬁelds have become less central to sociology with the rise of the business schools. Gender is present in political sociology, but this is not central to the discipline, being more often found in political science. Gender is important in the analysis of violence, but this ﬁeld is rather on the margins of sociology (and indeed also gender studies), being more often treated as a separate ﬁeld.
sectarian group that had come out of SDS. Then, in the early 1970s I encountered feminism. It was not until several years later that I went on to graduate school. Having at first felt a sense shared by a lot of us in those days that we actually expected some kind of real socialist revolution within a short space of time, it then became clear that that was not going to happen. You burn out, and I realised that I needed a longer- range plan for my life. It was at that point that I said ‘ok, I used to love philosophy, let me see if I can stomach a PhD programme’. But I brought to my graduate studies this formation that I had from my ten years of activism. I have to say that I learned a lot in college and in graduate school, but if I had to single out one thing, my most important education was in my years of activism. And I think it’s there, really, where I learned what ‘critical theory’ was, even if I didn’t really know what that phrase meant exactly. And since then, the best I can say for myself is that I am a kind of armchair activist. I’m basically an academic and I try to be a public intellectual to a certain extent.
In many ways it is dangerous. Women in Nigeria are often forced to present their own wealth under the banner of their husband’s wealth. Whilst she might in reality be the breadwinner, in order to negotiate the wider family and culture, the owner of the wealth is silenced in order for peace to remain at home, so that others don’t ask who wears the trousers, or accuse her of bewitching her husband. When we look at some of the tweets under #BeingFemaleinNigeria - a social media campaign that went viral in 2015 - you see plenty of evidence of neoliberal nego-feminism. One woman described ‘being the one that made all enrolment arrangement at your child’s school and having 1st bill addressed to Mr Daniel’. There is no doubt that the ‘discrete and isolated feminist consciousness’ that Rottenberg speaks of exists in feminism in Africa under this nego-feminism banner.
consciousness, discuss political strategies, participate more fully in public meetings and carry out activities unhindered by male opposition or our own deference to men. And a small faction of feminist separatists argued that any participation in mixed groups would be doomed by these factors, and opposed co-operation with unions, broader campaigns and political parties. But the majority of feminist activists disagreed. 1970s UK feminism divided into three sub-sections - the separatist minority; women’s rights campaigners like the Fawcett Society and professional organisations like Women in Publishing; and a substantial third group of socialist feminists. There was some overlap between the second and third groups, but very little between them and the separatists - because the separatists were pretty separate. But, contrary to the stereotype, lesbians were found in all three.
One of the foremost tasks of feminism is the exposure of, and struggle against, violence toward women. In the twenty-first century this violence shows no sign of decreasing. In this essay the author argues that because the discourse on violence has tended to be appropriated by radical feminist thinking—violence is not only, but also exclusively, what men do to women—the question of violence, as part of psychic reality, has become something that feminism repudiates. Continuing her ongoing engagement with psychoanalysis and feminism, she explores two women thinkers who placed violence at the core of their life’s work—Hannah Arendt and Melanie Klein—both of whom track the complex relation between violence in the world and in the mind. How might their understanding of violence be theorized for modern feminism?
turn. Feminist scholars have analysed the political changes in the situation of women that have been brought about by neoliberalism, but their assessments of neoliberalism’s conse- quences for feminist theory and politics vary. Feminist thinkers such as Hester Eisenstein and Sylvia Walby have argued that feminism must now return its focus to socialist politics and foreground economic questions of redistribution in order to combat the hegemony of neolib- eralism. Some have further identified post-structuralism and its dominance in feminist schol- arship as being responsible for the debilitating move away from socialist or Marxist para- digms. I share their diagnosis to the extent that it is my contention that the rapid neoliberali- zation characterising the last thirty years has put women and feminist thought in a completely new political situation. However, in contrast to those feminist thinkers who put the blame for the current impasse on the rise of poststructuralist modes of thought, it is my contention that the poststructuralist turn in feminist theory in the 1980s and 1990s continues to represent an important theoretical advance. I will discuss Foucault’s genealogy of neoliberalism in order to assess the ways it can contribute to feminist theory and politics today. I contend that Foucault can provide a critical diagnostic framework for feminist theory as well as for prompting new feminist political responses to the spread and dominance of neoliberalism. I will also return to Nancy Fraser and Judith’s Butler’s seminal debate on feminist politics in the journal Social Text (1997) in order to demonstrate that a critical analysis of the economic/cultural distinction must be central when we consider feminist forms of resistance to neoliberalism.
The presence of feminism in Carver’s work is not studied in depth. The attention is focused on the description of masculine characters while their feminine counterparts have been neglected. In fact, in Carver’s female characters can be noticed their strive for freedom and escape which for men is normal but for women can be considered heroic. Carver gives enough space for female characters to develop and show their traits. Therefore, in his work one can see the presence of the topic of gender issues which during the ‘70s and ‘80s became the predominant topic of concern. Carver depicts in the female characters those characteristics that embody the favourite topic of the feminists, the “conflict” between masculinity and femininity. His feminism is not perceived in terms of incompatibility and equality but rather on the position, status as well as the role they have in the society. His female characters are really complex. During the second wave of feminism in the United States the attention was focused mainly on middle class women. The same was reflected in Carver’s work. Eventually, the working-class people especially women are given a particular significance, which was a novelty for the time.
The fact that women with disabilities are invisible to feminism and its strands is due to different social and cultural factors, which historically have awarded women with disability a vulnerable role within society. This perception of women with disabilities as dispensable and dependent on others is conducive to an imprisonment, a reductionism concerning their position as legal subjects which at the same time leads to oblivion and invisibility. The existing relationship between vulnerability and invisibility further increases the impact of stereotypes and assigned roles. Within our societies, there is at least a double discrimination and social exclusion for women, on account of their gender and due to their disability, and this places them under one or more (as the case may be) particularly vulnerable social groups. In the words of Barranco "the vulnerable nature of human beings is not dependent, or at least not totally, on their personal features. It is society's development what can make people become vulnerable" (BARRANCO AVILÉS, 2011). In this vein, Sheldon illuminates much of our subject matter when she asserts that women with disability are portrayed within society as needy, dependent and passive, all of them typically feminine features, whilst they are construed as incapable of assuming feminine roles (SHELDON, 2004). At the same time, Barranco points out that when this dependence becomes "official," 11 it leaves room for arbitrary domination, and that is when rights become vulnerable.
When the term “feminist literary criticism” is used even the collocation of the three vexed words causes turbulence among critics. But that would not solve the problem of interpretation whether it should be kept as a separate entity (feminist-literary-criticism) attached to a particular subject such as English studies or whether it should be subsumed into the cross-disciplinary institution of “feminist criticism”, one of whose interests will be literature for as long as literary studies last, but which is already prepared for the day - should it ever arrive - when literature is annexed by cultural studies and has to call for attention alongside more popular signifying practices such as films and television. The concept of literariness is a product more of categorising acts which result in some texts being declared “literature”, and others not ̶ acts which serve some people’s interests more than others’ and are therefore political in nature. For even when written by and purposefully for women, feminist literary criticism is read also by men who make a living from talking about (feminist) books. And it provokes several further questions among many central issues of and over feminism. What makes a book “feminist”? Are women’s novels feminist novels? Is feminist reading a political act? Is feminist writing a political act?
crime control and the incarceration of men. In apparent lock step with the movement of the American penal system, feminists have advocated a host of reforms to strengthen state power to punish gender-based crimes. In the rape context, this effort has produced mixed results. Sexual assault laws that adopt prevailing views of criminality and victimhood, such as predator laws, enjoy great popularity. However, reforms that target the difficulties of date rape prosecutions and seek to counter gender norms, such as rape shield and affirmative consent laws, are controversial, sporadically-implemented, and empirically unsuccessful. After decades of using criminal law as the primary vehicle to address sexualized violence, the time is ripe for feminists to reassess continued involvement in rape reform. This Article cautions feminists to weigh carefully any purported benefits of reform against the considerable philosophical and practical costs of criminalization strategies before making further investments of time, resources, and intellect in rape reform. In advancing this caution, the Article systematically catalogues the existing intra-feminist critiques of rape reform and discusses reasons why these critiques have proven relatively ineffective at reversing the punitive course of reform. The Article then crafts a separate philosophical critique of pro- prosecution approaches by exposing the tension between the basic tenets of feminism and those animating the modern American penal state. Finally, it discusses why purported cultural and utilitarian benefits from rape reform cannot outweigh the destructive effect criminalization efforts have on feminist discourse and the feminist message. The Article concludes that feminists should begin the complicated process of disentangling feminism’s important stance against sexual coercion from a criminal justice system currently reflective of hierarchy and unable to produce social justice.
Fox-Genovese’s perspective fails to include this transformative nature, she does not qualify as a feminist in Baehr’s eyes. However, Baehr does note that while conservative feminism may not qualify as its own category of feminist thought, perspective’s like Fox-Genovese’s can inform and shape other feminisms, rendering them more or less conservative. As such, she concludes that one does “not have to call Fox Genovese's thinking ‘feminist’ to acknowledge that it is a serious form of advocacy on behalf of women, and that as such it can be fruitfully included in discussions about what is good for women” (117). Baehr’s stance marks a noticeable shift from previous scholarship on the topic, which often presented conservatism as anathema to feminism. Although Baehr does not accept the idea of conservative feminism, she does account and allow for its influence in modern feminist thought, which indicates a softening towards the previously established conflict.
marco para el voto de los afroamericanos, las mantenía a ellas en la servidumbre. La paradoja del suceso es que muchas activistas mujeres como la esclava liberta Sojourner Truth y Paulina Wright Davis, entre otras, partici- paron en la causa de la abolición de la esclavitud, junto a cuyo logro se situaba el del reconocimiento del dere- cho a voto de las mujeres, pero no pudieron ver cumplido este último. La historia muestra y el feminismo lo recuerda, de qué modo pudo más el poder del patriarcado que el del reconocimiento de la igualdad para todos. Lo cual no justifica, pero sí demuestra que la tensión entre dos formas de libertad podía desgarrar el ánimo de algunos, como los de la propia E. Cady Stanton quien elevara también argumentos racistas con el fin de no perder en su reivindicación al afirmar que: «It is better to be the slave of an educated white man, than of a degraded, ignorant black one!» [¡Es mejor ser la esclava de un hombre blanco educado que de un degradado negro ignorante!](McMillen, 2008: 161). Pero, tal y como advirtiera Sojourner Truth «There is a great stir about coloured men getting their rights, but not a word about the coloured women. » [Hay un gran alboroto sobre que los hombres de color consigan sus derechos, pero ni una palabra sobre las mujeres de color.] (167). El liberalismo tendría tales contradicciones que, incluso aquellos que nos encontramos sometidos en él, solo estaríamos en condiciones de superar de un modo siempre relativo, esto es, dejando a otros fuera del espacio político.