No other Black Power organization has received more sustained attention than the BlackPantherParty (BPP). The group’s spectacular rise from its roots in Oakland, California to international cause célèbre is the subject of numerous eyewitness and scholarly publications. In this ‘golden age’ of research on the Panthers (2), scholars have moved beyond traditional top-down accounts of the organization’s national leadership to a focus on the diverse experiences of rank-and-file members in local chapters throughout the United States.(3) Much of this recent work reflects broader interpretative turns currently underway in Black Power Studies and as such contributes to a fuller sense of the BPP’s antecedents, community programs, gender politics, cultural production, multiracial alliances, decline, and legacy.(4) A growing number of scholars have also begun to explore the BPP’s global reach through studies of the organization’s International Section and myriad affiliates and offshoots from Palestine to Polynesia.(5)
The intense media scrutiny and focus on Ericka Huggins creates an opportunity to examine how both the Black Panthers and their enemies gendered narratives of martyrdom to grapple with changing understandings of black femininity. Coinciding with the beginning of the women’s liberation movement, the various depictions of Ericka Huggins give insight into how the BlackPantherParty debated the meaning of gender within its ranks. It illuminates the ways Party women struggled against and at times reflected larger societal views of black women. Overriding all of the struggles over Huggins's image was the question of her own agency—to what degree did she have control over how she was depicted and what effect did that have on her later activism? During her trial in New Haven, Huggins found herself at the mercy of forces outside of her control. In those moments of helplessness, she turned to her poetry, her work with
to the party’s identity. Female Panthers also played large roles in the party’s Survival Programs: numerous programs designed to provide support (regarding themes such as education, nutrition, housing and health) for the less fortunate and oppressed (not only black) communities throughout the United States. Women most often headed these programs, or played an important part in them. However, members of both sexes helped and found importance in being part of a program that helped those who were less fortunate. This shows that the BlackPantherParty, complete with its vision, values and identity, changed over time. This included the ideals of black masculinity and black femininity, which many male and female Panthers identified (or tried to identify) with. Whereas black femininity later revolved more around personal strength and confidence, both ideals eventually cherished concepts such as family, community, nurturing and helping. These changes can be seen in the growth of the Survival Programs. Additionally, contributions made by women, such as those to the BlackPanther newspaper, have been of great importance to the identity of the BlackPantherParty. Female members also brought attention to black feminism and created their own visions of what a “Black Revolutionary Woman” should be—therefore creating and supporting self-confidence not only for fellow female members, but for all black women. Ideals surrounding the concept of black femininity and the Black Revolutionary Woman were shared by the BlackPanther. The newspaper has been of great importance, since it was the largest way of communicating news regarding the BlackPantherParty, but mostly because it spread messages of support, either through articles or through art. Women’s involvement in the party's newspaper, as well as the Survival Programs, is often overlooked or forgotten, because it does not coincide with the party's tough and largely male reputation.
Muhammad, The Condemnation of Blackness: Race, Crime, and the Making of Modern Urban America (Cambridge, Mass., 2010); Jeffery Adler, First in Violence, Deepest in Dirt: Homicide in Chicago, 1875–1920 (Cambridge, Mass., 2006); Kali Gross, Colored Amazons: Crime, Violence, and Black Women in the City of Brotherly Love, 1880–1910 (Durham, 2006); Cheryl Hicks, Talk with You like a Woman: African American Women, Justice, and Reform in New York, 1890–1935 (Chapel Hill, 2010); Rebecca M. McLennan, The Crisis of Imprisonment: Protest, Politics, and the Making of the American Penal State, 1776–1941 (New York, 2008); and Lawrence M. Friedman, Crime and Pun- ishment in American History (New York, 1993). On carceral institutions after 1945, see Donna Murch, Living for the City: Migration, Education, and the Rise of the BlackPantherParty in Oakland, California (Chapel Hill, 2010); Robert Chase, “Civil Rights on the Cell Block: Race, Reform, and Violence in Texas Prisons and the Nation, 1945– 1990” (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 2009); Norwood Henry Andrews III, “Sunbelt Justice: Politics, the Professions, and the History of Sentencing and Corrections in Texas since 1968” (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas, Austin, 2007); Volker Janssen, “Convict Labor, Civic Welfare: Rehabilitation in California’s Prisons, 1941–1971” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, San Diego, 2005); Volker Janssen, “When the ‘Jungle’ Met the Forest: Pub- lic Work, Civil Defense, and Prison Camps in Postwar California,” Journal of American History, 96 (Dec. 2009), 702–26; Heather McCarty, “From Con-Boss to Gang Lord: The Transformation of Social Relations in California Prisons, 1943–1983” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 2004); Staughton Lynd, Lucasville: The Un- told Story of a Prison Uprising (Philadelphia, 2004); and Robert Perkinson, Texas Tough: The Rise of America’s Prison Empire (New York, 2010). For works by nonhistorians, see, for example, Mona Lynch
Reasons for forming SWAT across the country varied, but it is evident SWAT teams are a bit of the norm for police departments across the United States. Some departments were motivated by the increase in political crimes; the Columbus, Ohio, SWAT team formed after the 1973 killings of athletes at the Olympic games in Munich. 25 Other cities such as Boston and St. Louis formed their respective SWAT teams to combat racial disturbances, which took place in those cities in previous years. Anti-war protest coupled with growing racial tension helped form SWAT teams in Minneapolis and the nation’s capital. However, the rise of the BlackPantherParty created the most significant reason for departments nationwide to add SWAT teams.
Many works have been written about the BlackPantherParty. Most of the written works, aside from the narratives written by former Party members, are academic in nature and focus on the “militant” and political work of the Party. Texts like Black Against Empire (Bloom, 2013) which is a detailed, historical account of the Party that provides an excellent treatment of their story but it reads like a history textbook. It is a great resource but not an introduction. Many of the existing texts, are not written in an accessible format. So much so, that the people the Party would have liked to reach the most would not be interested in reading them. Written in the language of the academe, most of the available text are interesting, relevant, and well-researched; they just are not accessible. Those who could gain the most from them are turned away because the works are written like an academic textbook. I knew once I began this study, that I needed to create something accessible that could be easily understood and pique interest in further study by those interested in the subject. The Party had an exceptional ability to express complex ideas in ways that were easily understood, and so that the information reached those to which it was directed. They did everything with oppressed communities in mind; so while they could have written academic level texts, they took the time to write directly to the people.
Taking an implicit approach to party nationalization, the laws have set three qualiﬁcation thresholds for parties: consisting of at least 10,000 members; having offices in at least 20 provinces; and having at least 35 founders, who represent a minimum of 20 provinces. Although these thresholds have not explicitly referred to the ethnic composition of political parties, they were indeed designed to encourage broad-based parties given the regional concentration of ethnic groups. Even so, these laws have failed to encourage cross-ethnic parties or coalitions. Afghan parties have remained fragmented, personalized, and ethnic-based. In fact, no cross-ethnic party has grown in Afghanistan. Although some cross-ethnic coalitions have emerged during elections, they have failed to institutionalize as stable and cohesive political forces. This paper shows that the failure of laws to encourage cross-ethnic parties and coalitions has been due to their command-and control nature (as compared to incentive-based) and the fact that the laws have failed to set a regulatory framework for the cross-ethnic coalitions that have emerged, particularly during the presidential elections.
Theories often explain intra-party competition based on electoral conditions and intra-party rules. We further open this black box by considering intra-party statements of preferences. In particular, we predict that intra-party preference heterogeneity increases after electoral losses, but candidates deviating from the party’s median receive fewer intra-party votes. Party members grant candidates greater leeway to accommodate competing policy demands when in government. We test our hypotheses with a new database of party congress speeches from Germany and France and use automated text classification to estimate speakers’ relative preferences. The results demonstrate that speeches at party meetings provide valuable insights into actors’ preferences and intra-party politics. We find evidence of a complex relationship between governing context, the economy and intra-party disagreement.
tial strategy also argue that it would alienate Blacks from the Democratic Party establishment; that it would further and more severely divide and fac- tionalize Black leadership; that Reagan’s reelection would deprive the Black community of patronage and infrastructure support (physical and social) that would flow from even a conservative Democratic administration; that it might permit Ronald Reagan to “pack” the Supreme Court with a reactionary ma jority; and that the strategy might fail in that Black voters might overwhelmingly reject Jackson’s inde pendent candidacy in favor of the Democratic nominee, thereby rendering independent Black presidential politics impotent. Except for the poten tial problem with the Supreme Court, we believe these are short-term losses that are outweighed by the potential long-term gains.
“ In its lead report on the Democratic Platform deliberations, the New York Times dispatch began by reporting, “The Democratic platfrom committee today neared completion of a platform that includes far fewer commitments to sweeping social programs and is considerably more conservative than those adopted by the party in recent years.” See Warren Weaver, “Democratic Panel Nears Completion of Fall Platform, "New York Times, June 24, 1984, p. Al. David Broder, in his post convention analysis of both major party platforms, noted the “. . . shift to the cen ter and away from the New Deal-Great Society ap proach in the Democratic platform” but also an “ . . . accelerated right wing movement [in the Republican Platform] that is now almost unchecked by any sig nificant intraparty moderate or progressive opposi tio n .” See “Parties Resharpen D ecades-old Ideological Clash, Washington Post, August 18,1984, p. Al.
The Democratic Party essentially provided a political framework within which these major social changes wee nurtured, and both the symbolic and practical manifestations of these changes were carried over into the party’s procedural apparatus and phil osophical perspectives as reflected in changes in delegate selection and con vention rules, the messages of its major presidential candidates, and the policies supported by its liberal- moderate contingent in Congress. The burdens of being in the vanguard of such major social change have resulted in a weakening of the tradi tional Democratic coalition, and at the leadership level, a profound equivoca tion about the “rightness” of the par ty’s philosophy of governance, especially in the wake of the Republi can victories.
There are many cross-domain communication scenarios, such as email communication, mobile phone com- munication, and instant messaging, where the information being communicated may need to be protected against both passive and active attackers. In these scenarios, a user is typically registered to some kind of domain server, such as email exchange server or home location register (in the cases of email and mobile phone communications, respectively). Moreover, two communicating parties from different domains very often neither share a password nor possess a public key certificate. Hence, although two-party and three- party authenticated key exchange protocols have been extensively studied and widely deployed in the real world, see for example [1, 6, 11, 26, 32], it is not clear how they can be directly applied to establish a secure cross-domain communication channel.
Save Time By T he distant ancestor of today’s Macs, the Apple IIe, had a small glass monitor that supported two colors: black and green. Today’s mod ern computers come equipped with beautiful monitors, some of them liquid crystal display (LCD) or plasma flat-screen, capable of dis playing millions of colors, and with a viewing area of nearly two feet. But there’s more to your monitor than just the physical hardware: You also use many pieces of software to control what you see and how you see it. In this Technique, for starters, you find out a thing or two about what screen resolution is, how to choose the proper setting, and how to easily manage these settings. Then you work with color management in Panther, using ColorSync. We discuss how Mac OS X handles fonts, why you might want to adjust that behavior, and how to do it. Finally, we cover how to configure your Mac to make the best use of multiple monitors. Determining and setting the optimal resolution for your monitor gives you more screen space to work with, a better interface, and more reliable results (for graphic designers). In short, the steps in this chapter make doing the things you need to do easier.
In her most recent book, Crowds and Party, Dean (2016) sets out to refute such criticism (though this objective is never explicitly stated). Needless to say, the purported virtues of communism still play a central part in this book, but the primary focus has shifted from questions of ideology to questions of form. The main discussion no longer revolves around communism as a superior horizon that somehow ‘conditions our experience’, but around what type of organization that is best suited to spearhead the battle against capitalism. Dean takes the recent upsurge in popular uprisings (The Arab Spring, Indignados, Occupy etc.) as her main point of departure. By referring to these mass-mobilizations as ‘crowds’, she invokes a grand body of literature that ranges from the writings of Gustave Le Bon and Sigmund Freud to the contemporary hype around buzzwords like ‘crowdsourcing’ and ‘hive mind’. Drawing on the work of Elias Canetti in particular, Dean arrives at a conceptualization of the crowd as a collective being that is configured by a so-called ‘egalitarian discharge’, which is best conceived as an ‘intense experience of substantive collectivity’ . Through the egalitarian character of the crowd, the argument goes, people are allowed to escape the ideological grip of communicative capitalism by imagining themselves as more than just individuals. In the crowd, people become one rather than many.
particles are adjuvants that enhance allergic inflammation in BALB/c mice. Expression of polymeric immunoglobulin receptor, complement C3, neutrophil gelatinase-associated lipocalin, chitinase 3-like protein 3, chitinase 3-like protein 4, and acidic mammalian chitinase was altered in BALF after particle exposure. To compare the differences in biological processes after pulmonary exposure to AgNPs and ambient particles, in the current study, these six BALF proteins were further analyzed with PANTHER. We found that ambient particle exposure induced proteins involved in reproduction (7.7%), stimulus response (15.4%), immune system processes (15.4%), cellular processes (15.4%), metabolic processes (15.4%), cell communication (7.7%), system processes (7.7%), and transport (15.4%). A similarity was observed in the biological processes induced by AgNP exposure and ambient particle exposure. Taken together, these data suggest that pulmonary exposure to particulate substances such as AgNPs induced immune responses. The particle’s physicochemistry may be a pivotal parameter that determines the severity of immunotoxicology. The physicochemical characteristics of nanoscaled particles contribute to oxidative- inflammatory reactions. 30,31 We also elucidated the functions
The competitive nature of Florida’s two-party system remained evident in the 1990s, although it also demonstrated some new and important pat- terns. One symbolic victory for the Republican Party was that they con- trolled a majority of U.S. House seats following the 1990 election. However, it was at the presidential level that provided the major story of the 1990s. The 1992 presidential election saw the most competitive contest in Florida since 1976. Although George H. W. Bush carried the state, he did so nar- rowly. The closeness of the race was a reflection of the Clinton-Gore ticket, unlike Democratic nominees in the previous two elections, refusing to write- off the state and making several campaign appearances in the state (Hulbary, Kelley, and Bowman 1994). Additionally, Bush’s support was being siphoned off by the independent candidacy of Ross Perot, thus making for the close result on election day. The narrow Bush victory perhaps energized Clinton in 1996 who made a concerted effort to win Florida (Tenpas, Hul- bary, and Bowman 1997). Clinton’s efforts worked, as he became the first Democrat since Jimmy Carter in 1976 to carry the state. That Florida had become a “battleground” state at the presidential level was further—and dramatically—underscored in the 2000 presidential contest. After all the counting, recounting and further recounting of ballots was complete George W. Bush bested Al Gore by just 537 votes out of over 6 million cast! (Tauber and Hulbary 2002).
The history of CHWs has been reported to date back to the 17 th century with the Russian feldshers(“barber-surgeons”), Chinese “barefoot doctors” and Latin American promotores in the 1950’s. There was an emergence of CHWs in the United States in the 1960’s which was borne out of the Great Society domestic programme (Perez and Martinez 2008). Throughout the CHW trajectory, their primary function has been to bridge the gap in health inequalities for disadvantaged communities. CHW are viewed not just as community advocates due to their understanding of the issues of importance for the communities to which they belong but are also thought to be policy influencers and have been described as “natural researchers” (Perez and Martinez 2008 p 11). Peer support and CHW interventions have been reported as low-cost and effective interventions for extending capacity within primary care practices, minimising the shame and stigma associated with diabetes for some black, Asian and minority ethnic communities, mitigating against diabetes ‘burn out’, addressing organisational inflexibility and providing a more holistic approach on both an individual and population specific level.
ABSTRACT Metarhizium viride has been associated with fatal systemic mycoses in chameleons, but subsequent data on mycoses caused by this fungus in reptiles are lacking. The aim of this investigation was therefore to obtain information on the presence of M. viride in reptiles kept as pets in captivity and its association with clin- ical signs and pathological ﬁndings as well as improvement of diagnostic proce- dures. Beside 18S ribosomal DNA (rDNA) (small subunit [SSU]) and internal tran- scribed spacer region 1 (ITS-1), a fragment of the large subunit (LSU) of 28S rDNA, including domain 1 (D1) and D2, was sequenced for the identiﬁcation of the fungus and phylogenetic analysis. Cultural isolation and histopathological examinations as well as the pattern of antifungal drug resistance, determined by using agar diffusion testing, were additionally used for comparison of the isolates. In total, 20 isolates from eight inland bearded dragons (Pogona vitticeps), six veiled chameleons (Chamaeleo ca- lyptratus), and six panther chameleons (Furcifer pardalis) were examined. Most of the lizards suffered from fungal glossitis, stomatitis, and pharyngitis or died due to vis- ceral mycosis. Treatment with different antifungal drugs according to resistance pat- terns in all three different lizard species was unsuccessful. Sequence analysis resulted in four different genotypes of M. viride based on differences in the LSU fragment, whereas the SSU and ITS-1 were identical in all isolates. Sequence analysis of the SSU fragment revealed the ﬁrst presentation of a valid large fragment of the SSU of M. viride. According to statistical analysis, genotypes did not correlate with differ- ences in pathogenicity, antifungal susceptibility, or species speciﬁcity.