There remains a disparity between men and women occupying leadership positions in the UK. While there has been an increase in the number of white women in leadership roles, women in general remain a minority (Carli and Eagly, 2016; Hoyt and Murphy, 2016). Leadership literature that examines women’s aspirations (Fritz & Knippenberg, 2017) and experience of leadership, tends to focus on white women’s standpoint. Black women’s leadership experience is generally absent from the leadership canon (Parker, 2005) because leadership in Western countries is associated to white men (Coleman, 2012; Lumby, 2007). Furthermore, their experience is generally not considered in leadership studies, theories, concepts and research in general. A fundamental reason for this is that women leaders has become synonymous to white women, as white privilege plays a significant part in
York University and taught a course on Brown v. Board in the Fall of 2004. She organized a national conference titled The Impact of the Brown v. Board of Education and the 1964 Civil Rights Act on Race and Higher Education at The Claremont Colleges that convened in February of 2005. And, at the present, she is completing a manuscript on the History of Black Women’s Higher Education from 1862-1968.
A study using a clinical convenience sample exploring these relationships among Caribbeans living in Baltimore, MD and in their home countries (e.g., St. Croix and St. Thomas) found that physical IPV was associated with disordered eating. 19 IPV was also associated with PTSD and depression among Caribbean Blackwomen in these samples; moreover, severe IPV was associated with more negative mental health outcomes than less severe forms of IPV. 19 These findings were supported in a national study that found associations between mental disorders and IPV. 15 However, comparative population-based studies are needed to disen- tangle the mental and physical health risk of IPV among Caribbean Blackwomen who might already be predisposed to poor health outcomes.
We are interested in a mixture of papers ranging from full-length manuscripts, brief reports, quantitative and qualitative, mixed methods studies, literature reviews, and conceptual papers. Focusing on experiences of women across the African Diaspora, papers in this special issue may be theoretical or empirical in nature. These papers must be conceptual or evidence-based, guided by scholarship, but not editorial.
Study strengths and limitations. Our study has several strengths. First, we recruited federally employed premenopausal women to ensure that they all had health insurance and access to health care; both groups of women were similar in age, BMI, daily energy intake, and physical activity levels. Since both groups had comparable whole-body S I , this enabled direct comparisons of substrate kinetics and tissue-specific insulin sensitivity. Second, our postabsorptive study design, measuring the components of hepatic glucose produc- tion, allowed determination of two pathways that contribute to fasting hyperglycemia: the insulin-sensitive pathway, in which rates of glycogenolysis are most sensitive to insulin (40), and alternative regulators of increased gluconeogenesis, such as substrate availability. However, a few limitations are noteworthy. As this was a cross-sectional analysis in premenopausal women, we cannot infer whether tissue-specific insulin sensitivity will change over time in response to age or rapid weight gain or if these findings are general- izable to men or postmenopausal women. It is also unclear whether these racial differences in gluconeo- genesis or hepatic insulin sensitivity would persist under glucose- and insulin-stimulated conditions, such as during a meal. Finally, this cross-sectional analysis compares metabolically healthy Black and White women who were overweight or obese, and larger studies of men and women with prediabetes are needed to determine whether the relatively small differences in glucose production observed in this cohort directly contribute to the lower prevalence of fasting hyperglycemia in the larger population.
Fortunately there are some exceptions to the omissions of race in body dissatisfaction research. Such research has specifically analysed images of Blackwomen in popular media. Baker (2005), for instance, coded approximately 150 images of sexualized women featured in adverts in 2002 issues of the popular Black women’s (Essence and Honey) magazines. Unsurprisingly, the Black women’s magazine adverts featured more Black than white women (67% vs 27% White women). Despite this, the majority of the images of the women in these magazine adverts still had lighter skin (81%) and straighter hair (69%). The majority were also thin or curvy (74% i.e., not higher weight or muscular). Similarly, Hazell and Clarke (2007) coded images of Blackwomen in 18 issues of popular US Black women’s magazines (Essence and Jet) published in 2003 and 2004. Although they did not report the exact proportions, they also found the majority of Blackwomen had lighter skin, straighter hair, average sized noses and lips and average or thin body types. Finally, Smith (2015) coded 138 images of Blackwomen featured in adverts in 5 issues of Ebony magazine. Each issue was published once per decade between 1964 and 2014. She found that the majority of Blackwomen again had lighter skin (85%) and straight hair (61%). Collectively these studies have found that of all images of Blackwomen featured across popular Black media, there are few that have dark skin, afro hair, wider noses or lips, and higher weight.
As a theoretical framework, Black feminist thought serves as a powerful tool of critique that can be used to examine how institutions perpetuate systems of inequity which influence the social standings of Blackwomen and issues of marginality in varying contexts (Collins, 2009). The experiences of Blackwomen graduate students in institutions of higher education positions them as "outsiders-within," or individuals that participate within the academy, yet are still considered outsiders because of their social identities which make them invisible. Existing on the margins, therefore, gives these women a unique perspective in higher education. Applying the Black feminist framework to issues of marginality is necessary for not only asking the right questions but also for finding solutions that are culturally relevant and that account for the valid knowledge that Blackwomen graduate students possess regarding their activism. Understanding the complexity of Black women's activism, however, requires an acknowledgment of the various ways in which Blackwomen have engaged in social protest (Collins, 2009). Collins stated the assessment of Black women's activism should focus less on "public, official, visible political activity even though unofficial, private, and seemingly invisible spheres of social life and organization may be equally important" (p. 217). Her conceptualization of Black women's activism consisted of two domains: struggles for group survival and institutional transformation.
education. It is imperative to contextualize the experiences of this study’s participants to gain an understanding of where their individual narratives fit within the broader landscape of diversity, multiculturalism, and inclusiveness in American colleges and universities. The focus of this study was to give a voice to the multiple dimensions of African-born blackwomen faculty experiences in the U.S. institutions of higher learning, bringing to light how gender, race, and ethnicity inform their experiences. This study used a qualitative research methodology drawing largely on heuristic phenomenology, a process and a method used to study and discover the underlying aspects of human lived experiences. Interviews were conducted with 11 participants selected by purposeful sampling of African-born Blackwomen currently serving or having served as faculty in varied U.S. two-year or four-year institutions of higher learning. The participants were originally from Kenya, Cameroun, Ghana, Nigeria, Serra Leone, and Senegal. Data were analyzed using Colaizzi’s descriptive phenomenological data analysis and NVivo computer software to identify overarching themes. The analytical framework was guided by components of critical race theory and Black feminist theory, all contributing to placing the intersectionality of marginalized identities in the context in higher education. Eleven common themes emerged from the study: effective and successful career, mentor influence, insidious racism, underrepresentation, gender roles and sexism, students’ interaction, the value of
As a Black woman of color, graduate student at the local university, and executive director of this program, I always found myself shifting between my roles and figuring out how I could build bridges to make connections between the university with plenteous resources and the east side of town with people just trying to get by. I positioned myself as a member of the east side community because I lived where the families lived, attended church in the same neighborhood, and taught at the local high school for three years. However, it took time, hard work, and dedication to build meaningful relationships with members of the community because although I lived there, I had a master’s degree and social and cultural capital that they lacked. I realized that they were not looking for a savior, just a partner and someone who cared enough to listen to their concerns and provide access to basic resources and services that our lighter brothers and sisters were given without asking. They also wanted to ensure that I was in for the long run and not just offering a program one year and gone the next year.
Other Awards that May Be of Interest to Graduate Students in Women’s and Gender Studies lists awards that, while not directly or exclusively targeted at Women’s and Gender Studies proposals, emphasize themes and issues that are relevant to scholars of Women’s and Gender Studies. For example, the Harry Frank Guggenheim Dissertation Fellowship program would support research on domestic violence or anti-‐gay hate crimes. The Charlotte Newcombe Fellowship program would support research on ethical, religious, or cultural values as they relate to gender. The Villers and Wellstone Fellowships might be suitable for a scholar with interest in how gender relates to the issue of health care access. And so on. These programs accept applications from a wide range of disciplinary backgrounds, with an emphasis on humanities and social science or policy research.
Table 1 shows median regression results using the MORG. The coefficient on white esti- mates the wage gap between white and blackwomen among Baby Boom 1. The interaction terms of race and cohort indicate how much more or less the wage gap is for the respective cohort relative to Baby Boom 1. The first two columns show results from the sparse and full models without controlling for selection into the labor force. The following four col- umns provide results for both the Manski and Juhn and Murphy techniques. For all cohorts except Post-War, the wage gap is smaller when controlling for the full set of covari- ates, indicating that part of the wage gap is due to demographic differences between white and blackwomen. Our main result of interest, however, is not affected by whether we con- trol for the full set of characteristics. The three younger cohorts exhibit a higher racial wage gap than our two older cohorts, Baby Boom 1 and Post-War.
men because they had “desirable hair”. Straight hair or hair of a straighter texture is seen a symbol of sexual de- sirability [3,6]. The idea of hair as a tool to allure a mate has a long history throughout the Americas. During the late 1800 and 1900’s advertisements from White, manufacturers targeting a Black audience indicated that their products would add to African women who “lacked”, beauty and feminine grace [2,3]. The ads played upon al- ready held notions of hair and race inferiority that were prevalent in White and Black communities. Young Black girls learn at very young ages that their hair will help them attract a man . In the popular novel Their Eyes Were Watching God, by Zora Neale Hurston , the main character Janie ties her hair up in the store un- der her husband’s orders so that other men will not touch her. Hair is a tool for sexual desirability across races and ethnic groups; however, the issue within the African community is that the “type” of hair that is often de- sired  is not necessarily one that many Blackwomen naturally possess. In other words, straight textures are often desired, but it is not the natural texture of most women of African descent. As African American men at- tend school and are socialized and acculturated with the dominant White culture, their preferences are influ- enced . This means that men, just like women are conditioned to desire textures that more closely mimic a White European ideal. Some Blackwomen will often “shift” to adapt to societal norms and be accepted by White people and Black men . Some Blackwomen have chosen a permanent shift in wearing their hair straight because their husbands or mates do not like their “curly/kinky” hair . For Blackwomen discrimina- tion against their person can lie within the walls of their very homes.
Blackwomen daily face numerous commercials of color cosmetics from different companies seeking to promote new line of make-up, creams that reduces wrinkles, and skin lotions and product directed towards women (Swain, 2012). The challenge blackwomen face with these countless advertisements is finding a suitable skin tone that will suit their skin colour. Even when they find the skin colour for their cosmetic product, they are faced with the issue of skin irritation on their skin because of the ingredients that are used to make these products. In 2009, Essence magazine’s Smart Beauty panel explored Black women’s shopping experiences in the beauty market and found out that blackwomen spent over 7.5 billion on beauty product every year and an additional 80% when it came to cosmetic products. (Smith, 2009) observed that blackwomen spent more time first trying to look for the right colour that suited their skin tones, and undertones and pigment that matched their skin colour within the prestige beauty market (Smith, 2009). This has raised concern as blackwomen seek to find color cosmetic product they can trust. (Smith, 2009) argues that blackwomen seek for brands they can trust which have high quality ingredient and product that reflects their personality. This issue may be resolved by how much consistency the brands that provide make up for blackwomen can come up with products that suits their skin as well as ensuring that these blackwomen skins are protected from skin irritation and abnormalities that often occur with make-up products.
women means that there are fewer partners to maintain housing in their absence. Women are more likely to be held in custody further away from home than men given the dispersal of women’s prisons across England. This makes it harder to maintain good links with housing providers. Many women are also primary carers and losing their home can have a disproportionately greater impact, particularly if their children are taken into care or handed over to family members as a result of a custodial sentence. A vicious cycle can develop with women not being able to regain custody of their children because they don’t have stable accommodation, and not being able to get stable accommodation because they don’t have their children.
On the other hand, despite national efforts to increase awareness about men’s use of violence against women, men have become somewhat less informed. Evidence is clear that violence against women is common and gendered (Table 1). However, decreasing proportions of men understand that it is mainly men perpetrating violence against women. In addition, the ‘monster myth’ remains with a decrease in men recognising that women are more likely to be sexually assaulted by someone they know (Figure 1). Finally, men increasingly believe that both men and women commit acts of violence equally.
was praised like her and in her interviews adds that “Although we were banished from our homeland, our souls will return there.” These very sentimental and intense words reveal the strong emotions that these women have for the city, where they were born and raised. Everyone who experienced the September pogrom of 1955, the memories of the incidents are enduring. Anna Dimitriou Doptoglou in her testimony remembers the fear that she felt that night. She was 13 years old and she recalls herself wishing she had wings to fly away to a secure place. She also refers to her Jewish neighbor who declared that the attacks were justified because of the fire in the house of Atatürk. Finally, she thanks a Turk tenant of the building who saved them by giving order to the doorkeeper to prevent any attackers. An anonymous woman recalls an unknown man warning her and her husband to avoid speaking in Greek while their Turkish neighbor after that night got expensive things like furs, since many people who participated in the pogrom took the opportunity to steal expensive goods from the Greek shops. 93
Benma Pioneer Technology Co., Ltd. (China). Cetylpyridinium chloride and Eriochrome Black T were obtained from Merck (USA). Ultra – pure water was used for solution preparation, the specific conductivity was 1.5x10 -6 S cm -1 . The concentration of EBT was kept constant at 1×10 -