Importantly, none of the Call of Duty games set during the Second World War attempt to represent the entirety of the war itself. Instead, they utilize the war’s historical unfolding as a backdrop for the individual military conflicts they both represent and replay. Specifically, Call of Duty: Finest Hour (Spark Unlimited 2004) takes as its subject the Russian charge of Stalingrad, British campaigns in North Africa, and American tank battles in Belgium. Call of Duty 2: Big Red One (Treyarch 2005) focuses on the eponymous American infantry division and its combat thrust from Africa to Germany. Call of Duty 3 (Treyarch 2006) allows the player to engage in the battle of Normandy in 1944. Call of Duty: World at War replays both the United States’ push against Japan in the Pacific and the Red Army’s battle towards Berlin on the Eastern Front. Indeed, the individual games in the Call of Duty franchise exist within a historical sub-genre Josh Smicker (2010, p.112) defines as “re-enactment games.” Re-enactment games are those that attempt to “recreate and reproduce, as accurately as possible, specific wars, battles, armies and equipment,” and pay “fastidious attention to artifactual and organizational detail” (ibid.). While the accuracy of such detail is debatable, the Call of Duty franchise emphatically proclaims the historical fidelity of its individual titles by referencing consultations with veterans and historians during the games’ closing credit sequences. As opposed to allowing players to play through the entirety of World War II, each Call of Duty game positions its individualized digital recreation of the past as an accurate portrayal of a specific moment within a much broader historical time line.
‘This’, we understand, is the ‘War on Terror’. The Call of Duty franchise frames itself firmly in terms of major threats to the West/the US: the original games focused on World War 2, with subsequent releases addressing the Cold War and war in the Middle East. Here, however, ‘jihad’ and ‘martyrdom’ have replaced the original American black-ops and ‘heroes’. As part of a selection of products responding to what some commentators have dubbed BrandWW2 (Bullinger and Salvati, 2011), the game presents the player as a heroic figure ‘within a grand historical and nationalist narrative’ (Gish, 2010: 169) in what one commentator has called ‘a clear cut “good vs. evil” scenario’ (Salvati and Bullinger, 2013: 154). The rhetorical action of the IS poster reverses this position, contesting this presentation and thus the ‘goodness’ of the ‘War on Terror’.
Videogames are defined to a large extent by their interactivity, and historical videogames offer the promise of a new relationship between the reader of history and the account of an historical event. Such games have the potential to transform the “reader” of history into the active “user” or even “maker” of history. Indeed, the very concept of historical videogames implies that the user may play an active part in the construction of historical narratives and, thereby, in the implications of these historical events for the present. In this paper, I examine the appropriation of indexical archival footage into the videogame Call of Duty: World at War (Activision, 2008) and the historiographic effects of this appropriation. I argue that the particular ways in which documentary archival footage is used in this game have a powerful potential to shape how users experience and think about the past events represented. Indeed, the appropriation of indexical archival footage into any videogame may produce in the user a phenomenological experience of what Vivian Sobchack (2006, p. 269) refers to as “the charge of the real” or a “documentary consciousness charged with a sense of the world, existence, bodily mortification and mortality, and all of the rest of the real that is in excess of fiction.” We recognize and experience these images as more “real” than the rest of the game. At the same time, however, the formal strategies deployed “around” the archival footage actively shape and limit the historical meanings that may be attributed to this footage, producing a particular, ideologically charged version of the past as if it were the only possible account. Indeed, I argue that while Call of Duty is at the cutting edge of game design, its use of archival footage imports and reinforces a conservative and even reactionary historiographic model into the emergent genre of digital history, or what I refer to here as “digital historicism.” However, through an analysis of the database narrative Tracing the Decay of Fiction: Encounters with a Film by Pat O’Neill (O’Neill, Comella, and Kang, 2002), I also suggest that other models of digital historicism are emerging to challenge this static, teleological paradigm.
War videogames raise a lot of controversy in the educational field and are by far the most played videogames worldwide. This study explores the factors that encouraged gamers to choose war videogames with a sample of 387 Call of Duty players. The motivational factors were pinpointed using a non-experimental descriptive exploratory study through an online Likert-type survey that was valid and reliable (Cronbachʼs α = 0.897, Kaiser-Meyer- Olkin coefficient, KMO: 0.903). A factor analysis with varimax rotation was applied, which yielded 7 dimensions: graphics/playability; social interaction; learning; challenge/overcoming; fantasy; fun; and competition. Considering the score obtained for each dimension, it can be concluded that the most influential motivational factors were game graphics/playability game and the social interaction allowed by its multiplayer online status, both of them being factors determined by game design elements. These aspects should be considered in the design of educational activities so as to make them impactful and motivational.
Whatever the right view, though, there are some limits about the role that hypothetical consent can play in determining what can be done to (or with) a person’s body when she is unconscious regardless of what she would consent to. I suspect that one kind of limit is that we cannot use the idea of hypothetical consent to impose a weighty burden on a person that she would have no duty to bear were she conscious. Imagine that using my body as a means could save the child of a stranger and this is the only way for the child to be saved. But using my body in this way would lead me to lose my foot. Suppose that I often go beyond the call of duty. Were I conscious, you conclude, I would save the child at the cost of my foot even though I am not required to do so. Would it then
OpTic GAMING was established in 2006 as a semiprofessional Call of Duty sniper team. In 2009, they started posting their games on YouTube and began their legendary run as professional Call of Duty gamers in Major League Gaming. They now have the largest following of any pro-gaming team, with more than 16 million fans across YouTube, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram who are devoted followers of the Green Wall.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my Supervisors Nick Crafts, Peter Loizos and Alan Milward, who all provided a level of support that seemed beyond the call of duty I am also grateful to the Depa[.]
As noted, many HCPs acted in a supererogatory manner during the SARS outbreak , none more so than Dr. Carlo Urbani of the World Health Organization, who himself died of SARS after being exposed to the yet unknown virus in the course of carrying out his profes- sional duties. Likewise, scores of nurses, doctors, respira- tory technicians, and other professional and non- professional health workers laboured extremely long hours at personal risk. This demonstration of going above and beyond the call of duty, which proved necessary to control the disease, was highly morally commendable. At the same time, however, serious concerns did surface during SARS about the extent to which HCPs would toler- ate risks of infection [8,9]. Some baulked at providing care to those infected with the unknown virus. In some cir- cumstances, staffing became an issue in SARS wards and assessment centres; indeed, failure to report for duty dur- ing the outbreak resulted in the permanent dismissal of some hospital staff. As a consequence, the risk that was faced during SARS was not distributed equitably, and those HCPs who volunteered to provide care faced the greatest exposure.
Ethical literature extensively defines supererogatory acts. Feinberg and Feinberg identify the essential element as going beyond duty’s demands (Feinberg & Feinberg, 1993). Consider the act of starting a new program to provide relief or moving to the area and building a hospital. Society and Singer both agree that these acts are supererogatory, but for less grand gestures consensus crumbles. The disagreement is over what duty is. Barry Curtis defines when duty ends. He explains that “…if the cost or risk is roughly as significant as the moral value of the end, the agent has done something which is ‘above and beyond the call of duty’...” (Curtis, 1981, p. 311). The duty, then, is to help until personal sacrifice equivocates the recipients’ disparity. Therefore, if the sacrifice is less than the recipient’s suffering, then giving is morally obligatory. Curtis also describes supererogatory acts in terms of moral ends: when neither the reason for moral action nor self-interest overrides each other (Curtis, 1981). The moral action and self- interest are not of equal moral value in the considered situation. For the average middle class American, providing food, clothing, shelter, or a job to another human clearly overrides saving $200. Based on these definitions, three critical aspects must be considered when declaring an act obligatory or supererogatory: moral value of the ends, harm prevention for the recipient, and sacrifice of the actor.
This study analyzed the impact of various fiscal incentives (export promotion schemes) in the East African Community on promoting exports in the region. The schemes in place are; the manufacturing under bond scheme, export processing zones and duty remission facility for Kenya; Duty draw back scheme, excise duty relief, export processing zones and VAT exemption scheme for Tanzania; for Uganda it has duty drawback, manufacturing under bond and foreign exchange liberalization schemes. These schemes are stated in the East African Community customs union protocol, 2005. Effectively, this study was to investigate the actual impact of these schemes for each country and carry out a comparison on which ones have performed better than which ones (if actually there is any performance). Using an augmented gravity model, results showed that duty drawback scheme was the most significant export promotion scheme in promoting export volumes in EAC partner states. The results showed that duty drawback scheme boosted the volumes of exports in both Uganda and Tanzania. In Kenya duty remission facility and export processing zones were the most effective export promotion schemes in promoting the volumes of exports. Export processing zones though effective for Kenya, the results showed opposite impact for Tanzania. Manufacturing under bond scheme, though being in existent in Kenya and Uganda for a very long time, was not effective in promoting volumes of exports in both countries according to the study results. Also, Value added tax remission and excise duty relief schemes are not effective in promoting the volumes of exports in Uganda and Tanzania respectively.
attendant homeowners association or condominium, the assent of all owners must normally be obtained. In addition to the major administrative costs associated with this endeavor, it is plagued by inescapable collective-action problems. 368 Any owner who knows she is likely to cease maintaining her property will hold out. Moreover, all owners have an incentive to not enter the covenant, which places a burden of maintenance on them, and stand back as their neighbors enter the covenant. Given that those neighbors will now maintain their lands, the recalcitrant adjacent owner who did not enter the agreement will benefit from the agreement just as much as those who did, without sharing in the costs. In other words, on the one hand, all surrounding owners benefit from the enforcement of a promise to maintain a neighbor’s land and none can be excluded from enjoying this benefit. On the other hand, enforcement is costly for an owner. The result is that all owners have an incentive to hold out while others agree, and thus, no covenant will be created. 369 Their appeal notwithstanding, reciprocal neighborhood contracts imposing a duty to maintain are almost exclusively therefore a phenomenon reserved to new developments in which one owner, the developer, owns all lands, and thus no administrative costs or collective-action problems impede the drafting of covenants. 370
This specific duty requires the Council to assess the likely impact of policies on race equality before they are adopted. The aim of it is to build race equality into the policy making process and make it as inclusive as possible. Camden already does this to some extent through the consultation process for new policy development. The Council will develop an Equality Impact assessment tool to achieve this. This will be broadly based on approaches used in Northern Ireland and by the NHS. This tool will help the Council to identify actual and potential inequalities in the impact of the policy/service and respond appropriately to them. The crux of this process will entail: setting out the aims of the policy or service and intended outcomes; identifying and reporting on the potential impacts on different racial groups based on available or new data; consultation with stakeholders; setting out options to mitigate this impact and making recommendations on how these
Ismat Chughtai, an Indian writer in the 20th Century was influential in the Urdu literary scene for her role in furthering the women’s cause. This paper focuses on her translated short story “Sacred Duty” in which the sanctity of ‘secularism’ is questioned by addressing interfaith marriages in order to polarise religious orthodoxy of older generations with that of the flippancy of the youth. It unfurls the pseudo- fraternal form of coexistence of the middle and upper class ‘progressives’ that was practiced to appease their own sense of modernity. By contextualising this within the communal riots of post-partition India, a seeming anxiety is noticed within the newer generations in contending with their ‘duty’ to the nation and religion. Offsetting this against the postcolonial scholarship by Partha Chatterjee based on Benedict Anderson’s notion of an “imagined community,” this story remarks on the strength of that argument in view of the religious boundaries that consecrate such a nation. The married couple Samina and Tashar’s stance heralds a crucial question about the possibility of climbing over this wall drawn out by Hindus and Muslims and escaping this ‘community’ altogether. Through this analysis, the restricted nature of Indian secularism post-Independence is highlighted as propagating divisionist ideology.
Surah An Nisa (Qur’anic Surah 4 Verse 29) says that, “Do not to eat other’s wealth among you in a wrong way, except through trade based on the fact that both of you like to do it”. Based on Ibnu Katsir’s interpretation, the phrase ‘to eat in wrong way’ means a variety of ways with a full of cheating, except through the way that blessed based on what has been agreed. What is agreed is based on offer or Ijab and acceptance or Kabul, which serves as the basis of entering into an agreement or contract. In the field of trade, Amanah or trust means also to act honestly, which is being supported with transparency or tabligh; all of these elements correlate in turn to each another. All of the traits have been shown in the personal characters of the Prophet pbuh, including during his time in business. In view of the above, the BJR doctrine can be implemented in mudharabah contract, based on the following. Firstly, between shahibul mal and mudharib establish a fiduciary relationship, because shahibul mal entrusts his investment fund and relies his expectation on mudharib for profit from the business that fully managed by mudharib. Secondly, having the fiduciary relationship, theoretically, mudharib is obligated to do his fiduciary duties, comprising duty of good faith, duty of care, and duty of loyalty. Thirdly, the important meanings of the three fiduciary duties are also contained in some Qur’anic verses, as also interpreted by the authoritative Islamic scholars.
including those variables independently. These results show a 1% increase in Duty when a duty is initiated leads to a 0.4% decrease in U.S. steel imports from a named country. Imposing the duty leads to an additional 0.915% decrease for a 1% increase in Duty. The investigation effect seems to be similar as the previous specification, but the additional decrease in U.S. steel imports after imposing a duty is even larger than the results from the previous model. This again shows the strong impact against dumping countries when an antidumping duty is imposed. Going back to the example in section 2, we saw that dumping countries take a loss once they begin to dump. If nothing stops them from dumping, then in the long run they will obtain more market share and be able to offset those losses. Imposing an AD duty on the dumping country means that the dumping country will continue to take losses as long as they have an artificially lower price.