parents can be vigilant to the differential effects of parental religiousness and labor to promote positive (e.g. by emphasizing efficacy and warmth), and inhibit negative (e.g. by minimizing maladaptive control and rejection), associations of parental reli- giousness with parenting and with childadjustment. Our findings of positive and negative associations of parents’ religiousness with parenting and childadjustment are consistent with past piecemeal stud- ies showing the ‘multivalent’ nature of parental religiousness. In accordance with our first hypothe- sis, greater parental religiousness at age 8 was associated with higher parental efficacy at age 9 and in turn increases in children’s social competence and school performance at age 10. In partial accor- dance with our second hypothesis, greater parental religiousness at age 8 was associated with higher parent-reported parental warmth at age 9, and parent-reported warmth was associated with increased child social competence and school per- formance (but not fewer internalizing and external- izing problems) at age 10. Parents report that their religiousness and self-rated warmth are associated, but their children do not. What may explain these positive patterns of association? Parental religious- ness is associated with more effective parenting, communication, closeness, warmth, support, and monitoring and less authoritarian parenting (Snider et al., 2004; Wilcox, 1998). More religious parents may also enjoy stronger and broader parenting supports, and attending worship services regularly might provide stability and community for children. Parental religiousness may emphasize the family, promote moral values, or teach self-regulation (Hood, Spilka, Hunsberger, & Gorsuch, 1996; Maho- ney et al., 2008; McCullough & Willoughby, 2009). For example, ‘sanctification’, viewing God in rela- tionships with other family members, is nondenom- inational, and sanctification in parenting may be a way religion is embedded in everyday interactions between parents and children (Mahoney et al., 1999). Sanctification is associated with constructive discipline practices and diminished conflict with children (Mahoney et al., 1999; Volling, Mahoney, & Rauer, 2009).
MLM offers the analysis of child-specific as well as family-wide effects that may be pertinent for child outcomes. MLM partitions between- and within- group (here, “family”) variance, and allows the inclusion of predictor variables to account for portions of these variances. Here, we are interested in family-wide factors that contribute to the extent to which siblings are similar to each other (in adjustment), and differentiated from children in other families, and child- specific factors that contribute to sibling differences in adjustment. Child-specific and family-wide variables are added as predictor variables to examine their potential contribution to the within- and between-family variance in childadjustment. In brief, MLM yields fixed effects (similar to traditional regression coefficients) as well as random effects, which represent the within- and between- family level variance estimates once predictor variables are accounted for. Within-family variance also captures measurement error. The use of MLM for family data is described in more detail elsewhere (Jenkins et al., 2009).
Abstract: The paper is basically a mini-review on “Secrecy and Parent-Child Communication During Middle Childhood: Associations with Parental Knowledge and ChildAdjustment”. Based on my review of the paper in terms of its contributions, that the results can suggest how parents know about children’s experiences may be more important than how much they know, it should definitely be a nice article; however, there are still some points, which the coauthors may like to take for reference, that I will write them down here in order to enable the author to improve the article. In my opinion, it is clear that the authors attempted to provide their point that there should be a common interpretation of the link between low parental knowledge, and child- adolescent problem behavior 1 : “parents, by actively monitoring the nature of their adolescents’ activities and companions, are […] able to intervene, which in turn reduces the likelihood that their children will engage in […] problem behavior [in the future].” Besides, it is good that they provide a great deal of scholars’ ideas to support his point that processes. In this study, they focused successfully on two topics, parent-to-child communication and child secrecy, which their longitudinal associations with parental knowledge and childadjustment were also focused.
Data for this study were obtained as part of a larger project on IPV and childadjustment. The project included two samples: a sample recruited from domestic violence shelters in a large urban area in the southwest, and a community sample recruited from the same neighborhoods in which the shelter families resided prior to their shelter entry.
negative and three positive) in the same analytical model, which allows shared variance to be accounted for statistically and unique relations with parental acceptance-rejection to be assessed. Second, we collected data in 9 Western and non-Western countries, permitting direct comparison of relations between acceptance-rejection and childadjustment in and across countries. Third, we sought children's perceptions of mothers and fathers, and mother and father effects were separately determined and compared. Fourth, we collected data across three time points, allowing for the investigation of stability across time, within-time correlations, and relations among acceptance-rejection and childadjustment controlling for stability as well as within-wave relations in all constructs. Finally, to rule out potential confounds, we controlled parental age and education (a proxy for socioeconomic status), two demographic characteristics previously linked to variation in acceptance-rejection (Erkan & Toran, 2010), and social desirability bias in parental reports. We expected that: (1) mother and father acceptance-rejection would be related to children's internalizing and externalizing behaviors, school performance, prosocial behavior, and social competence, even when relations among the child outcomes and stability across time were controlled because when a child's fundamental need to be loved and accepted is not met, his or her adjustment in many aspects of life likely suffers (Rohner, 2004); (2) patterns of relations between parental acceptance-rejection and childadjustment would be universal (i.e., largely similar) across countries because there is theoretical and emerging empirical evidence that feeling accepted by one's parents is a fundamental human need regardless of community; and (3) patterns of relations between mother acceptance-rejection and childadjustment, and father acceptance-rejection and childadjustment, would be similar because mothers and fathers are both influential in their children's development.
control that suggest the need for distinguishing between parenting behaviors that are intrusive in nature versus behaviors that aim to provide guidance and structure of the parent-child interaction. This is particularly important in research with Latinx families, given work suggesting that the use of directives and physical manipulation may not be an expression of intrusiveness but rather an effort to provide structure and teach central socialization goals, such as familism and respeto, within this culture. An important contribution of this study is the use of a newly developed and culturally informed observational measure of Latinx parenting that distinguishes between parental behaviors that are coercive and parental driven versus those that are child-oriented and intended to provide structure and guidance within the parent-child interaction. Additionally, this study examines the effects of parental intrusiveness and parental guidance on indicators of childadjustment (internalizing and externalizing behaviors) while considering the emotional context within which parent-child interactions occur to understand how maternal warmth may contextualize the effects of parenting on Latinx children’s adjustment. Finally, this study uses a multi-method longitudinal design, and analyses included multiple covariates and were conducted using best practices in SEM to minimize bias in statistical estimation.
The second major finding was that children’s adjustment did not differ significantly as a function of household composition. Although much of the literature on children growing up in heterosexual families has suggested that children in one-parent homes are at a disadvantage, differences between children in one-parent and two-parent households did not approach statistical significance in this sample. As in the literature on heterosexual families, one-parent families in the present sample did report lower incomes, t (35) = 3.05, p < .01, but even the lower incomes of one-parent lesbian families studied here, averaging about $30,000-$50,000 per year, placed them in relatively comfortable financial circumstances. In contrast, incomes in one-parent heterosex- ual households are generally lower, and many of the disadvantages suffered by children in one-parent heterosexual households can be attributed to family economic stress (McLanahan & Sandefur, 1994). Whether for this or for other reasons, household composition was not a strong predictor of childadjustment among lesbian families studied here. Overall, as reported in more detail elsewhere (Patterson, 1994, 1997), children were well-adjusted.
Child temperament as a moderator
Self-determination theory emphasizes parenting behavior as a supportive or undermining force for the development of autonomy and competence in children. This top-down,
unidirectional model has been common in the socialization literature, viewing children as passive recipients of their environmental forces including parenting. Therefore, problems that children show are often viewed as due to “bad” parenting. In contrast with this view, temperament researchers suggest that children’s temperamental characteristics themselves can be risk factors for their later adjustment problems (e.g., Thomas, Chess & Birch, 1968). Thomas and Chess (1977), however, emphasized that an interaction, or a “goodness-of-fit,” between parenting and child temperament is the key to understanding children’s adjustment. Therefore, although controlling parenting can be directly associated with adjustment problems, its negative impact may also depend on children’s temperamental characteristics. Guided by Thomas and Chess’s (1977) goodness-of-fit model, an increasing number of researchers have examined not only direct associations between parenting and childadjustment but also moderating effects of temperament on this relationship (e.g., Belsky et al., 1998; Colder, Lochman, & Wells, 1997; Karreman et al., 2009; Mangelsdorf, Gunnar, Kestenbaum, Lang, & Andreas, 1990; Mangelsdorf & Frosch, 2000; Morris et al., 2002).
The present study is the first to examine the longitudinal course of verbal abuse by the teacher and its predictors, as well as its effect on subsequent childadjustment. In addition to its longitudinal framework extending from kindergarten through early adolescence, the strengths of this study include the use of multiple sources, thus re- ducing the risk of shared source variance and associated reporter bias. In addition, the control of important con- founding variables, such as peer rejection, as well as the consideration of potential moderating variables allowed for a detailed test of the unique effects of verbal abuse by the teacher on subsequent childadjustment. Despite its strengths, however, the present study also has several limitations. One such limitation is the fact that the mea- sure of verbal abuse was based on a single, albeit peer- rated, item. Although this item is similar to measures used in research on verbal abuse from other sources, notably peers (eg, ref 32), it does not differentiate be- tween the various behaviors that constitute verbal abuse (eg, shouting, scolding, and criticizing). Moreover, our measure did not consider other types of abusive behav- ior, such as acts of neglect, which may also be harmful to children’s healthy development. The use of a more com- prehensive peer-rated measure of global psychological abuse by the teacher with young children poses a chal- lenge, however, and consistency of measurement over
The links between parenting and child behaviour in cultural context have received increasing research attention. We investigated the effect of parenting on childadjustment using a multi- method design, comparing English and Turkish families. The socioeconomically diverse samples included 118 English and 100 Turkish families, each with two children aged 4-8 years. Mothers completed questionnaires as well as parent-child interaction being assessed using a structured Etch-a-sketch task with each child separately. Children were interviewed about their relationships with their mothers using the Berkeley Puppet Interview. Multiple- group Confirmatory Analysis (MGCFA) was used to test Measurement Invariance (MI) across groups, and a multi-informant approach was used to assess parenting. We found partial cross-cultural measurement invariance for parenting and childadjustment. Strikingly, the association between parenting and childadjustment was stronger among English families than Turkish families. Culturally distinct meanings of both parenting and child behaviour must be considered when interpreting their association.
The evidence with respect to the main effects of neighbour- hood SES on child behaviour is less mixed. In studies carried out in the USA and the UK, the concentration of low-SES neighbourhood residents has been found to have a moderately adverse impact on children's emotional and behavioural adjustment, even when fa- mily background characteristics are accounted for ( Kohen et al., 2008 ; Leventhal and Brooks-Gunn, 2000 ; McCulloch, 2006 ; Mid- ouhas et al., 2014 ). High-SES adults in the neighborhood may act as positive role models, provide economic, social and educational resources, and help to maintain social control, thereby promoting opportunities and minimising antisocial behaviour ( Sampson et al., 1999 ). Neighbourhood share of single-parent families, a good proxy measure of structural disadvantage and a correlate of low SES, can also relate to individual children's emotional and beha- vioural problems. This association has also been tested, but mostly in cross-sectional studies ( Boyle and Lipman, 2002 ), frequently using small samples ( Shumow et al., 1998 ). The link is certainly plausible. Single parenthood is related to poor material circum- stances, which predict poor child outcomes ( Bradley and Corwyn, 2002 ). At the same time, single parents are subject to numerous stressors (other than low income, unemployment or low SES), such as con ﬂict with partners and steep parenting demands, that could weaken their involvement in the community, and, in turn, the institutional and social supports available to the children. To the extent that neighbourhood share of single-parent families has Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Adoptive parents completed 1 of 2 versions of the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ) . One version is for 2–4 year olds and another version for 4–18 year olds. The SDQ consists of five subscales, measuring emotional symptoms, conduct problems, hyperactivity-inattention, peer relationship problems, and prosocial behaviours. Each subscale contains 5 items on a three-point Likert-type scale to measure to what extent a symptom, e.g., “considerate of other people’s feelings” applied to their child’s behaviour over the last six months, using the options “Not true”, “Somewhat true”, or “Certainly true”, with scores ranging from 0–10. A higher score is indicative of more problems for all subscales, except for the prosocial scale, where higher scores correspond to strengths in prosocial behaviour. The 2 versions are identical, except that in the younger version, the item on reflectiveness is re-phrased and 2 items on antisocial behaviour are replaced by items on oppositionality. The SDQ is a psychometrically sound measure of overall child mental health problems in studies from around the world [58,59]. Reliability, validity, internal consistency, test–retest reliability after 4 to 6 months, and interrater agreement for the SDQ are satisfactory . The SDQ is also deemed an appropriate screening tool for detection of emotional, behavioural, and concentration problems among looked-after children .
This study with its longitudinal design and a homogenous population made it possible to investigate a model of factors influencing child behavioral adjustment after the diagno- sis of cancer. The statistical approach used in this study provided us with more advanced knowledge regarding this subject. Due to the relatively small sample size, we tested a model in which variables were included based on observed correlations. Non-significant correlations were excluded from the model, while previous studies have found an effect on some of these excluded variables, such as demographic and disease-related factors. Next to this, in this study we focused only on the behavioral adjustment during treatment, which might limit the ability to draw conclusions on long-term behavioral adjustment. In addition, this study included child behavior problems and parent factors as important variables. Parenting stress was treated as influencing childadjustment, based on previ- ous findings. However, they also might influence each other the other way around: child behavior might lead to parenting stress. The longitudinal nature of this study provided evidence for the framework we tested, however the effect of behavior problems on par- enting stress could not be delineated with the current study. Next to this, in this study there was no assessment of variables, such as parenting behaviors, that could directly link parenting stress to child behavioral problems. In addition, we only used parent proxy reports in this study due to the young median age of children diagnosed with ALL. Parent reports were used to assess both parent and child functioning, and from previous research
interaction was measured in two ways: (a) dyadic flexibility, defined as the dispersion of parent and child behavior across all possible behaviors and the number of transitions between different parent or child behaviors during the task, and (b) attractor (i.e., parent- focused, child-focused, or dyad-focused interaction pattern) strength, defined as the number of visits, duration per visit, and return time to that interaction pattern. Childadjustment outcomes were measured using parent-report (internalizing and externalizing problems) and child-report (coping efficacy) at baseline and a 6-month follow-up. Linear regression analyses were conducted examining dyadic flexibility and the proposed attractors as predictors of childadjustment, while accounting for demographic variables, attractor content, and adjustment at baseline. Findings suggested that dyadic flexibility in the parent-child coping interaction was largely adaptive for childadjustment, whereas attractor strength demonstrated a more complex relationship with childadjustment outcomes. This study demonstrates the utility of applying state-space grids to examine the structure of parent-child coping interactions, in addition to content, as predictors of childadjustment. Furthermore, this study offers novel, detailed information about coping interactions in families with children in middle childhood. Clinical implications,
From a theoretical perspective, the study is founded upon a developmental systems approach (Lerner, Lewin-Bizan, & Warren, 2011), whereby bidirectional relations between individuals, the family, and the wider social world, including his- torical time and place, are viewed as inﬂuential in development. More speciﬁcally, the study was guided by the theoretical and research literature on parenting that shows that the quality of children’s relationships with their parents, including warmth, sensitivity, and appropriate discipline and control, as well as parental psychological well-being, is associ- ated with positive childadjustment (Bornstein, 2002; Collins, Maccoby, Steinberg, Hetherington, & Born- stein, 2000; Lamb, 2012). Despite the commonly held assumption that gay fathers may be less nurturing than lesbian or heterosexual mothers, and the possi- bility that they may be exposed to greater prejudice, existing research suggests that gay father families would not differ from lesbian or heterosexual fami- lies with respect to parenting processes such as warmth and sensitivity that are associated with chil- dren’s psychological adjustment. However, studies in the United States provide some indication that adoption agencies tend to place children from the most difﬁcult backgrounds and with the most chal- lenging behaviors with same-sex parents (Brodzin- sky & Evan B. Donaldson Adoption Institute, 2011; Brooks & Goldberg, 2001; Matthews & Cramer, 2006). If this is similarly the case in the United King- dom, less positive parenting and childadjustment may be predicted for gay father families. It was also hypothesized, based on the growing body of research showing that family structure is less predictive of childadjustment than the quality of parent–child relationships (Biblarz & Stacey, 2010; Golombok, 2000, 2013; Lansford, Ceballo, Abbey, & Stewart, 2001; Patterson, 2006, 2009), that parenting processes would be more strongly associated with childadjustment than family type.
The ﬁndings are also of more general theoretical interest regarding the inﬂuence of parenting on child development. Much of the limited previous research on fathers as primary parents has focused on single fathers (e.g., Santrock, Warshak, & Elliott, 1982) or on fathers who assume primary responsi- bility for limited periods of time (Russell, 1999). Comparisons between gay and lesbian families enable the inﬂuence of parental gender on child development to be examined in a novel way by controlling for the presence of two parents. Although such “natural experiments” are not free of methodological problems, they are informative in that they allow the separation of factors that in traditional families occur together (Rutter, 2007; Rutter, Pickles, Murray, & Eaves, 2001). The ﬁnd- ings of this study suggest that men can be just as competent at parenting as women, and that the absence of a female parent does not necessarily have adverse consequences for childadjustment. Moreover, the ﬁnding that externalizing problems in children are associated with high levels of parenting stress but not family type, replicates that of Farr et al. (2010a, 2010b) with a sample from a different geographical area, and adds weight to the growing body of evidence that family processes are more inﬂuential in childadjustment than is family structure (Biblarz & Stacey, 2010; Golombok, 2000, 2013; Lansford et al., 2001; Patterson, 2006, 2009).
psychological functioning and did not differ from their counter- parts in two-parent families suggests that single motherhood, in itself, does not have negative psychological consequences for children. Interestingly, when the group comparisons of parenting and childadjustment were conducted without covariates, the find- ings were identical, indicating that differences between solo mother and two-parent families were not being masked by the inclusion of covariates in the analyses. The fact that the solo mothers made an active decision to parent alone rather than finding themselves in this situation unintentionally may have contributed to the positive outcomes for these families; children born by donor insemination to single mothers by choice are extremely wanted children whose mothers went to great lengths to conceive them whereas divorced single mothers and unmarried single mothers who had unplanned pregnancies did not set out to parent alone. Thus, it is conceivable that the intention to be a single parent contributes to positive mother– child relationships and, conse- quently, to positive child outcomes. In contrast, more negative mother– child relationships and child outcomes may result from parenting alone when single motherhood had not been planned or desired. Although it is not known why there was a lower frequency of mother– child conflict in solo mother than in two-parent fami- lies, it may be relevant that, unlike the mothers from two-parent families, the solo mothers did not have to cope with the potentially stressful experience of their partner’s infertility and his lack of a genetic relationship with the child.
associated with fewer total problem behaviors among boys, and marginally fewer internalizing behavior problems among girls (Caughy et al., 2002).
As previously mentioned, cultural socialization outcome research has been cited as an appropriate methodology to examine the ways in which adoptive parents help their children approach and overcome the cultural and psychological challenges related to transracial adoption (Lee, 2003). For example, DeBerry, Scarr, and Weinberg (1996) found that adoptive parents were more likely to encourage a bilingual upbringing of their children during childhood. Yet, the same data showed that parent efforts at cultural socialization decreased in adolescence (DeBerry et al., 1996). Implications of this shift remain speculative. Thus, far more is known about the socialization strategies than the link between cultural socialization and childadjustment. Therefore, there is a need in the adoption literature to better understand the mechanisms by which cultural socialization affects not only racial and ethnic identity development but also the overall psychological adjustment among transracially-adopted children (Lee, 2003).
measure of parent-child interactions (PCI). The PCI measured parent behavior in three, 7-min structured interactions. Parenting behavior was coded from videotapes using a version of the Qualitative Ratings of Parent-Child Interactions/Young Family Interaction Coding System (YFICS) (Cox & Paley, 1997), originally designed and developed as a triadic or whole- family level (i.e., mother-father-child) coding system for use with families with children ages 2-3 years old. The system has been adapted for use with families with older children (i.e., by adapting tasks to be age-appropriate) (Paley, Cox, & Kanoy, 2001). The six parenting dimensions coded were Positive Regard for the Child, Negative Regard for the Child, Sensitivity, Intrusiveness, Detachment, and Flatness of Affect. Detachment was coded, but not used in analyses due to low internal consistency. Positive regard for the child was frequency and intensity of verbal or physical warmth and positive expression (e.g. smiles, hugs) toward the child. Negative regard was frequency and intensity of verbal or physical hostile, negative behaviors (e.g., name-calling, pushing away). Sensitivity was the degree to which parent behavior was responsive and reciprocal, according to the child’s needs.
This research has led to several publications about how war-related and post conflict experiences affect the long-term mental health and psychosocial adjustment of former child soldiers (Betancourt, Simmons et al. 2008; Betancourt 2010; Betancourt, Agnew-Blais et al. 2010; Betancourt In press; Betancourt, Borisova et al. In press; Betancourt, Zaeh et al. In press). The research indicates that the long-term mental health of former child soldiers is affected both by war experiences and by post-conflict factors. For instance, lower levels of prosocial behavior (such as helpfulness towards others) were associated with having killed or injured others during wartime, and with the presence of social stigma toward that child, after the war. Young people who reported having been raped exhibited heightened anxiety and depression after the war.