societal recognition of the profession’s value can make self-reflection within CYC work difficult to maintain. Speaking with co-workers and appropriate experts on an ongoing basis about the choices and dynamics within one’s professional relationships establishes the critical elements of accountability and perspective. It is in everyone’s best interest for professionals to regularly ask others to both give their perspective and ask questions about their practice (Reamer, 2001a). The CYC field in particular is in a good position to benefit, as CYC work often takes place within team settings in which regular ‘perspective check-ins’ can be implemented. A well-led team is an invaluable resource, as it provides an arena of safety in which to reflect honestly on practice and relationships with clients. See Reamer (2001a) for a helpful seven-step ethical decision-making process (pp.107- 113), applicable to situations of potentially blurring professional boundaries.
The definition of culture in scholarly perspectives created many debates (Ayman & Korabik, 2010). Culture is defined as “a set of attitudes, values, beliefs, and behaviors shared by a group of people, but different for each individual, communicated from one generation to the next" (Matsumoto, 1996, cited in Savicki, 1999, p. 241). In a similar way, culture is characterized by “an acquired and transmitted pattern of shared meanings, feelings, and behaviors that constitute a distinctive human group” (Kluckhohn’s, 1951 cited in Ayman & Korabik, 2010, p. 158). Scrutinizing these definitions reveals that culture implies on a set of (different or similar) attitudes, values, ethics, meaningful collective behaviors, traditions, rituals that all differentiate a group of people who possess them and transfer them to next own generations. Apart from visible features such as country boundaries, cultures have invisible components that differentiate societies around the world. These components act to some extent complexly when many diverse cultures coexist serenely and justly in a single society (Jacobs, 2008). Focusing on these complex components, most multicultural societies set their policies on inclusiveness and the plurality of ethnocultural traditions. Most characteristics of multicultural societies can be summarized in egalitarian values, diversity, critical inclusivity, and pluralism. In these kinds of societies, leaders encounter more complicated roles as they work within more diverse cultures in sub layers of a society such as child and youth educational settings or mental health care.
This challenge to define professional boundaries is further complicated by the introduction of communication technologies into the mix. Practicing from a life-space perspective in this age of technology can lead to some significant ethical challenges. Social media, cell phones, and other forms of technology represent much more than tools for communication. They change how people relate and interact, how relationships are formed, and how people complain, celebrate, discover, and create. As a result, CYC practitioners must be cognizant of the potential ethical and boundary issues associated with the use of these technologies in their work with children, youth, and families. For example, where should a CYC practitioner draw the line when it comes to communication technologies? Is it ever okay to accept a client’s friending request? Is looking at a client’s profile or blog an invasion of privacy? Can posting on social media sites make the CYC worker vulnerable to the unintended use of their own private information?
perspective (Eisikovits, 1997) and/or want to ‘fix’ them. This often goes hand-in-hand with difficulties setting limits and maintaining boundaries. Konopka, in 1954, described the ongoing tension in group care between all-out permissiveness and total control – both of which can be equally damaging – and the difficulties associated with helping front-line staff to maintain an appropriate balance between the two. These problems still exist today. I am aware of entire programs in which the staff do not set limits, and the young people are in full control of the program, the staff and all that transpires. This can easily contribute to programs – and the young people residing in them – becoming ‘out-of-
program consists of a scheduled series of structured, face-to-face therapeutic sessions organized at various levels of intensity and frequency in order to assist the persons served in achieving the goals identified in their person-centered plans. Day treatment programs are offered four or more days per week, typically with support available in the evenings and on weekends. A day treatment program may prevent or minimize the need for a more intensive level of treatment. It may also function as a step-down from inpatient care or partial
It should be noted that the assumption concerning the availability of unpaid care by someone else than the parents is a controversial one. Previous studies have dealt with this problem in different ways. While some authors (such as Blau and Robins (1988), Michalopoulos, Robins, and Garfinkel (1992), Ribar (1995), Blau and Hagy (1998) and Lokshin (2004)) explicitly assume that free care is available for all mothers, others (such as Gustafsson and Stafford (1992) and Kornstad and Thoresen (2007)) stress that this assumption is unrealistic. In the latter studies, employment of mothers always implies that childcare has to be purchased. As the descriptive data for Germany show, almost 20 percent of mothers are observed to be working but not using paid center-based or private childcare for their children. 8 However, assuming that this possibility exists for all households, is unlikely to be a realistic representation of their care opportunities. Thus, I decided to restrict the choice set for households who do not have access to these unpaid arrangements. This information is not directly asked in the SOEP data set. As a proxy indicator I use a information from the question “Are there additionally (to the utilization of childcare facilities and paid nannies) other persons outside the household who regularly watch or take care of your children?” Mothers who answer that relatives or friends regularly care for their children, are assumed to have access to unpaid care arrangements, while the others have not.
Promotion/prevention programs are proactive and evidence-based/evidence-informed, striving to reduce individual, family, and environmental risk factors, increase resiliency, enhance protective factors, and achieve individual and comprehensive community wellness through a team or collaborative approach. Promotion/prevention programs utilize strategies designed to keep individuals, families, groups, and communities healthy and free from the problems related to alcohol or other drug use, mental health disorders, physical illness, parent/child conflict, abuse/neglect, exposure to and experience of violence in the home and community, and to inform the general public of problems associated with those issues, thereby raising awareness; or to intervene with at-risk or identified individuals to reduce or eliminate identified concerns. Programs may be provided in the community, school, home, workplace, or other settings. Programs that offer training to current or future child/youth personnel are also included. Organizations may provide one or more of the following types of promotion/prevention programs, categorized according to the population for which they are designed:
childcare assistance or deep employee discounts in order to afford care for their own children. Childcare is an extremely labor-intensive industry. Even though they are relatively low, wages comprise the biggest line item in most programs’ budgets, primarily because of the large number of workers needed to maintain the required staff-to-child ratios and remain open for up to 12 hours each day. Childcare professionals in Colorado appear to be faring slightly better than their counterparts in other states in terms of wages. The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) reports three job categories related to center-based childcare: director, preschool teacher, and childcare worker. According to the BLS, childcare workers in Colorado earn more on average than childcare workers in every state except Vermont, California, New York, Massachusetts and the District of Columbia. xi Within the job
With condition (3), n no < n care, nogrowth < n care, growth15 . Therefore, child-care services raise the fertility in the eco- nomy for which no child-care sector exists. In addition, even if growth of income per capita continues in the steady state with child-care service, then the growth rate in child- care service (20) is less than that in no child-care service (16) 16 . Child-care service decreases the growth rate. With a large decrease in the growth rate, growth ceases and con- verges to constant capital per capita (22). Without child- care services, the opportunity cost for caring for children (parents must stop working to raise their children) pre- vents parents from choosing to have children. However, with child-care services, the opportunity cost vanishes and fertility increases. Therefore, it is readily apparent that capital-per-capita k t+1 and the income growth rate g t de-
There is no place else it can be. For without our presence in the in-between, there is no opportunity for a co-created connected experiencing to occur. The co-creation of the in-between between us is central to Relational Child and YouthCare practice…the interpersonal in-between, under the conditions of security, vulnerability, caring, and engagement, becomes what some have called the place of “us” (Mann-Feder, 1999) where “connected experiencing” (Garfat, 1998) occurs, the opportunity for the co-creation of reality (Peterson, 1998) is available, and relational practice (Garfat, 2003a, 2003b) takes on full meaning. In this state we (self and other) are the interpersonal in-between. It is here, in this interpersonally co-created place, that Relational Child and YouthCare practice occurs; and so, it is this that we work towards in our interactions with others. (pp. 8–9)
BPI, we characterize these effects as endogenous, ex- ogenous or correlated effects . These terms have be- come standard in the economics literature examining neighborhood and peer effects and each has a very specific meaning related to the mechanism that generates the as- sociation. Correlated effects occur when individual behav- ior is similar because of shared individual characteristics that are correlated with behavior. An example of a corre- lated effect in our study might be the negative association between income and child behavior problems [55-58]. In- come would be classified as producing a correlated effect because children with low-income often live in the same neighborhoods; in other words the correlation between in- come and child behavior produces similar child behavior within a neighborhood. Our model included an extensive set of socio-demographic controls to account for these po- tential correlated effects in child BPI. The second type of effect we examine is exogenous. Exogenous effects are de- fined as group or neighborhood measures related to the outcome variable that are exogenous to the outcome measure itself. They exist because individuals are exposed to similar environments or other factors. For example, child behavior may be influenced by poor neighborhood upkeep and neighborhood upkeep and child behavior are exogenously determined. Our unique measure of neigh- borhood condition allows us to examine the exogenous ef- fects of the local neighborhood, and it allows us to test the geographic extent of the neighborhood influence. Finally, endogenous neighborhood effects are defined as group or neighborhood measures related to the outcome variable that are endogenously determined with the outcome vari- able. They occur because individuals are influenced by their peers, or reference group. We used the behavior of other children in our study who live in close proximity as the “geographic peers,” and we tested if endogenous ef- fects are present within the geographic peer network. In- dependent identification of endogenous, exogenous and correlated effects has been given much attention in the econometrics literature [59,60]. In what follows, we in- corporate these methods to examine each of the inde- pendent effects.
Although it is remarkable that only in the last ten years randomized controlled trials on narrow-focus intervention programs have been published, it is promising to see a shift towards more solid research designs in the field of childcare and early childhood education. Still, there is much room for improvement. For instance, the studies included in our meta-analyses were systematically under-powered as a result of the small number of subjects. Moreover, in many studies we were confronted with lack of information needed to perform a meta-analysis, for instance, sample size, randomization procedures, raw data (means and standard deviations), and pretest-posttest correlations. In addition, we were confronted with missing information on intervention characteristics such as duration and spacing of training sessions (e.g. Driscoll et al., 2010; Domitrovich et al., 2007; Fukkink & Tavecchio, 2010). Furthermore, although the studies were rather homogeneous in design, they were at the same time heterogeneous with regard to other aspects such as sample size, SES of the sample, focus of the intervention programs, duration and frequency of training sessions, and outcome measures. The relatively small set of studies (k = 19) restricted our exploration of identifying effective components within and between studies. A remarkable moderator was the presence of placebo training for the control group. Programs without a placebo intervention were less effective, which is in contrast with Blok et al. (2005). It is possible that the studies with a placebo intervention for the control group do not report more effective programs, but merely represent methodologically higher quality studies with better outcome assessments. Our conclusion that overall program duration and intensity did not moderate program effectiveness should be considered with caution, because the small number of studies forced us to dichotomize these moderators in our analyses. Our findings are in line with those of Blok and colleagues (2005), but in contrast with those of Nelson et al. (2003) who concluded that more lengthy and more intense programs in preschool are more effective. It should be noted that studies in the meta-analysis by Nelson et al. (2003) directly targeted children, not caregivers.
Information may also be shared with the provider when an applica- tion is filed, withdrawn, denied, or when the CDC case is closed. The DHS-1171, Assistance Application, and the MDE-4583, Child Development and Care (CDC) Program Application, includes a release of information allowing the department to provide this information. All other provider concerns should be directed to the client.
Table 1 (Barnett, 2003b) indicates where the states have currently set their minimum post-secondary degree standards for teachers in state-financed prekindergarten (pre-K) programs. These range from 24 credit hours in California, a Child Development Associate (CDA) certificate in 11 states, and a BA degree in 20 states and the District of Columbia, to a master’s (MA) degree (after five years of employment) in New York. Thus far, however, states have had mixed success in meeting their own standards, particularly in privately operated sectors of state-funded pre-K systems (Bellm, Burton, Whitebook, Broatch & Young, 2002).
Our work has explored and highlighted the way in which structural, professional and geographical boundaries can impact on the implementation of an ehealth service intended to work across such boundaries. Cross sectoral IT services are intended to improve a range of outcomes but generally involve multiple stakeholders with different professional cultures, and competing interests. While the idea of electronic data sharing might appear to be an uncontentious way to improve patients’ experience of care and to reduce its cost, little progress has been made in implementing it. This is mainly due to the obstacles posed by the structural, professional and geographical boundaries we have described. Our findings are consist- ent with previous literature on the diffusion of innova- tions , and suggest that structural boundaries between health and social care staff shaped their respect- ive priorities, IT systems and ability to cooperate. Simi- larly, professional boundaries affected their respective understanding and acceptance of the aims of SSA, as these boundaries influenced the information required to do their jobs, and whether they saw SSA as supporting or undermining their professional culture and ethos. These boundaries are however, not immutable forces of nature, but the result of specific, identifiable, actions and decisions-to change priorities, reallocate funds and maintain current working practices. There was also evi- dence of human action overcoming boundaries-as when some professionals chose to work together in a new way to improve service delivery, while colleagues in another area did not do so. These findings resonate with previ- ous published literature [16,30] which has found that the contours of boundaries are shaped by local forces and are not necessarily rigid.
Human rights are essentially the rights of people. They are the rights that an individual can avail and enjoy, by virtue of being born as a human being. it means the rights relating to life, liberty, equality and dignity of an individual guaranteed by the National Constitution or embodied in the international convents and they are enforceable by the judiciary. Ngugiin Weep Not, Child has tried to express the grave reality of his nation as he covers the time duration from colonialism to post colonialism and Neocolonialism. In the works of Ngugi the subordinate masses try to resist the dominant group. The novel is set before and during the emergency in Kenya. It presents the picture of a village community that disintegrates as a colonial settlement resulting in the alienation of people from their ancestral god given land. Land is the visible symbol for Kenyans as well as the means of establishing contact with the ancestral spirits. Ngotho is the legitimate owner of the land. His aboriginal title is based on gen. Jacobo is the native aid of Mr. Howlands. He forces the natives to work on his master’s farm. He takes precaution that no other native farmer can become rich like him. He plays a role of middleman in case of supplying workers to work on low wages.
Another coping mechanism which is usually deployed in street-level bureaucracies is the rationing of services (which will be referred to as ‘rationing’). In theory, there is no real limit to the demand of public goods. However, in practice there obviously has to be, because agencies can only offer a limited amount of resources. This means that organizations have to find ways to ration the supply of services available (Lipsky, 2010 p. 87). In order to achieve this, street-level bureaucracies should find ways to reduce the demand of their services. A couple of methods to do this are: Lowering accessibility, ‘queuing’ people (let people wait for service), privileging clients and ‘creaming’. To elaborate, each of these will be given an example: Lowering accessibility is the first method, which makes it more difficult for an individual to apply for the services, such as application forms consisting of many requirements. Queuing people is what the name implies, an individual has to get behind in the queue to apply for the service. Only people who can afford to wait, will be able to apply for the service. Third, there is the method of privileging clients: When a street-level bureaucrat has the resources to give a select group of clients a more favourable service, they will give it to the clients they favour. These could be acquaintances, or clients who appeared to be very polite at first sight. Lastly, there is the method of ‘creaming’. Creaming usually occurs when a street-level bureaucrat has to meet, for instance, a minimum amount of clients processed per day. In order to process this amount more easily, they would choose to service clients that are easier to help. Creaming can also be applied to make work more bearable for youthcare employees: If they are able to, they could choose to help the youth in need who are most likely to succeed their trajectories (Lipsky, 2010 p. 107).