Child Sexual Abuse Prevention

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Audit tool for assessing child sexual abuse prevention content in school policy and curriculum

Audit tool for assessing child sexual abuse prevention content in school policy and curriculum

School system policy and curriculum can serve as a measure of edu- cation authorities' symbolic and material actions in relation to child sexual abuse prevention. The School Policy and Curriculum Audit Tool (Walsh et al., 2017) provides a valid and practicable means of auditing school systems for the strength and comprehensiveness of policy and curriculum for prevention of child sexual abuse. Future research should test the tool in different school systems to determine how using such tools influences school-system improvement related to child sexual abuse prevention. Audit and feedback need not be mandated to effect change, though their positive effects may be greater when institutions’ staff are actively involved in the audit process, with defined roles and re- sponsibilities for realising change (Jamtvedt et al., 2006). In any case, this research demonstrates the potential of an audit tool to collect meaningful data on child sexual abuse prevention policy and curricula, rendering the audit tool itself and the results of great benefit to the institutional governance of schools in Australia. Using this audit tool we have assessed the approaches taken by government and Catholic school systems to address child sexual abuse prevention, thereby identifying where efforts to improve or change practice are most needed.
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Child Sexual Abuse Prevention Training Guide

Child Sexual Abuse Prevention Training Guide

Red flags can be early signs of a sex offender’s grooming process. One red flag does not immediately indicate that someone is an offender, but may suggest that this person’s behavior should be monitored more closely. More than one red flag should be taken seriously, as reasonable suspicion, and steps should be taken to protect the child. The following are examples of red flags:

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1-2001 The Decline in Child Sexual Abuse Cases.

1-2001 The Decline in Child Sexual Abuse Cases.

Each of the potential causes of the child sexual abuse decline has important policy implications. If substantiated cases of child sexual abuse are declining because fewer children are being sexually abused, this would be a major endorsement for the decade-long mobilization of public policy in this area. It would provide encourage- ment for those working in the field and counter criticisms that characterize child sexual abuse prevention initiatives as na- ive and futile (Berrick and Gilbert, 1991; Melton, 1992). It would prompt careful at- tention to identifying which kinds of cases were most readily being prevented and which kinds had been most intractable. If, by contrast, substantiated cases of child sexual abuse are declining because of changes in reporting or investigation stan- dards, the implications for policy would depend on the source of the change and the reason for its impact on the trend. It could be that reporters of alleged child sexual abuse cases are being more judicious and accurate about what they report or that investigators are more judicious and accu- rate in what they substantiate. Such a find- ing would support the effectiveness of train- ing and education programs directed at mandated reporters and CPS investigators. However, it could also be that intimidation, negative attitudes about CPS, or increas- ingly stringent screening and investigation procedures are preventing more sexually abused children from receiving intervention and assistance. This would be a problem- atic development and would require imme- diate policy intervention.
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Child sexual abuse in youth-oriented organisations: tapping into situational crime prevention from the offender’s perspective

Child sexual abuse in youth-oriented organisations: tapping into situational crime prevention from the offender’s perspective

are perceived as troublesome kids in some organisa- tions (Erooga et al. 2012). In this context, place manag- ers (and other persons in a management position within the organisation) could be utilized to facilitate disclosure by staff and children when a suspicious incident arises. Specifically, managers could have the obligation to inves- tigate and disclose any form of sexual contact between staff and children. Children could also be provided with clear communication channels for disclosing abuse to managers. It would be relevant here to not restrict the disclosure process to one person only in case the man- ager is the offender. However, to maximize the likelihood of disclosure, there is also a need to understand situ- ational factors that could facilitate or obstruct disclosure in youth-oriented organisations. In fact, with a broad sample of adult sexual offenders, Leclerc and Wortley (2015) found that victim disclosure was more likely to increase with victim age for victims who did not live with the offender as opposed to victims who did live with the offender. In other words, being sexually abused by an adult within the home suppressed the increased empow- erment that age provided for victims abused by someone from outside of the home. This context may be compa- rable, to some extent, to youth-oriented organisations. Any adults who are in a position to have direct and ongo- ing authority over the victim may obstruct disclosure. In their obligation of disclosing sexual contact, management could also be responsible for organising regular external audits to empower staff and children to report suspicious incidents or cases of sexual abuse. This maps onto the measure of assisting compliance.
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Child Abuse Prevention Policy and Acknowledgement.pdf

Child Abuse Prevention Policy and Acknowledgement.pdf

Member expectations around children: Staff should be aware that members are expected to use appropriate language and act in a positive manner. Members, who talk in a sexual manner, perform sexual gestures, sexual acts, or attempt inappropriate contact with a child will have their membership suspended or terminated depending on the degree of the offense. The police may be contacted, if warranted. No use of cameras or cell phones is allowed by members in the locker room areas.

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What Causes Child Abuse? Citizens Identify Causes of Child Abuse and Suggest Prevention Strategies

What Causes Child Abuse? Citizens Identify Causes of Child Abuse and Suggest Prevention Strategies

Past researchers asked people to identify causes or definitions of abuse or assign blame in specific cases (Beck and Lips, 1998; Chan, Elliott, Chow, and Thomas, 2002; Giovannoni and Beccera, 1979; O’Toole, Turbett, and Nalepka, 1983; Smith, 1990; ; Staley and Lapidus, 1997; Strauss and Collings, 2002; Trute et al., 1992; Tite, 1993). Numerous patterns emerged from these studies. Many researchers focused on the influence of demographic characteristics (sex, age and socioeconomic status (SES)) on attributions of child sexual abuse. Most researchers found that people blamed older children for their victimization more often than younger children (Beck and Lipps, 1998; Finkelhor and Redfield, 1984; Maynard and Wiederman, 1997; Waterman and Foss-Goodman, 1984). Sex of the respondent, victim and perpetrator had various influences on attributions (Finkelhor and Redfield, 1984; Maynard and Wiederman, 1997; Waterman and Foss-Goodman 1984).
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Prevention of sexual abuse: improved information is crucial

Prevention of sexual abuse: improved information is crucial

So far, there exists a multitude of different prevention programs which address a different clientele (minors and/ or adults), work with a variety of methods (e.g., e-learning, face-to-face) or are targeted towards different contexts (school, family, clubs, church, etc.). Besides these, there are a number of efforts on the political (e.g., the Independent Commissioner for the Investigation of Child Sexual Abuse) [1,2] and church level (e.g., e-learning program of the German Federal Ministry for Education and Research, Centre for Child Protection) ([52], Zollner H, Fuchs KA: Wirksamkeit von Prävention, forthcoming) as well as public campaigns. Many of these strategies and programs intend to protect children and youth effectively from sexual abuse [51]. However, too much euphoria may be unwar- ranted. Quantity does not automatically also mean quality and what seems to be effective at first glance, may not be so after empirical review. This means that prevention pro- grams against sexual abuse need to be evaluated conscien- tiously and regularly with reliable methods and need to be developed further [23]. From today’s vantage point, no one can predict which type of prevention or which combination of different strategies will be most effective. Many programs have to be adapted to relevant specific contexts and needs.
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CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION: ROLE OF JUDICIARY

CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION: ROLE OF JUDICIARY

country. 16 It puts a restriction on selling buying of minor for the purpose of prostitution 17 and prohibits child rape 18 and unnatural offences against the children. 19 Apart from these provisions, various legislations like the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956; the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2000; the Commissions for protection of Child Rights Act, 2005; the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012 and the Information Technology Act, 2000 etc.

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Explanations for the Decline in Child Sexual Abuse Cases.

Explanations for the Decline in Child Sexual Abuse Cases.

The evidence for some true decline in inci- dents of sexual abuse comes from several directions. One is the decline in self-report measures of sexual assault and sexual abuse. The NCVS and the Minnesota Stu- dent Survey are both crucial indicators that are independent of the filtering or policies of social agencies. Although valid- ity problems are always present with the self-reporting of sensitive information, there are no strong reasons to think that candor about sexual abuse has declined. Another strong piece of evidence for a true decline is the improvement in many other indicators of crime, sexual behavior, and family problems over the same period of time. The decline in these areas sug- gests general movement toward improve- ment in the well-being of children. An actual decline in the number of sexual abuse cases seems more plausible in the context of such a trend than it would if the other factors had not improved. More attention has been focused on child sexual abuse during the past two decades than on any other form of child maltreat- ment. It should not be surprising that its decline would come before and be greater than that of other forms of maltreatment. Prevention and intervention efforts have included school-based prevention educa- tion, treatment programs for juvenile and adult offenders, and greatly enhanced resources for criminal justice investigation and prosecution. It is reasonable to think that, given the scale of these efforts, they have had some success in preventing or intervening in sexual abuse.
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Child Sexual Abuse and Human Papillomavirus Infection

Child Sexual Abuse and Human Papillomavirus Infection

My disagreement is with the authors’ stance that commonly eaten foods should be fortified so that “prevention occurs without the need for a behavior change.” If neural tube defects are attrib- uted to maternal elevated homocysteine levels, as are strokes and heart disease, as the authors state, we should think of all the “big 3 Bs”—folic acid, B12, and pyridoxine. The first two enhance methylation in the conversion of homocysteine to methionine, while pyridoxine enhances sulfuration to reduce homocysteine levels (as in the treatment for the pediatric disease homocystein- uria. My thought is that we should encourage the intake of these B vitamins plus the antioxidants and bioflavonoids found in folic acid-rich foods. In the face of the appalling rise of the incidence of childhood obesity and noninsulin-dependent dia- betes, we must think of changing the behavior of children and young adults by encouraging them to exchange some of their favorite deficient foods, such as white flour and pop, for nutri- ent-dense foods.
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Prevention of Child Abuse and Exploitation

Prevention of Child Abuse and Exploitation

A ll children deserve childhoods free from all manner of sexual abuse and exploitation. Without this safety, we put our future as a society at risk. Fortunately, when we focus on innovative programming and policies, such as those presented in this plan, we lay the foundation for children’s healthy growth and development into adults capable of having healthy relationships and thus reduce the potential for child sexual abuse and exploitation.

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Online child sexual abuse imagery

Online child sexual abuse imagery

Currently, the main source of help for potential offenders in the UK is the Lucy Faithfull Foundation, which provides the Stop It Now! Helpline (0808 1000 900) and Get Help website (get-help.stopitnow.org.uk) for abusers and those at risk of abusing. The Specialist Treatment Organisation for the Prevention of Sexual Offending (StopSO) also supports potential offenders by helping them find trained therapists and providing training for professionals. Despite the work of these organisations, support pre- offence is limited in its reach and scope. For example, the Stop It Now! helpline estimates that it misses around 1500 calls each month due to lack of resources. Better public understanding might encourage potential offenders to seek help sooner and avoid offending. Germany’s Dunkelfeld Prevention Project (www.dont- offend.org) has led the way in prevention internationally. The project began in 2005 as a large- scale media campaign advertising free confidential medical treatment to paedophiles who wanted clinical help.
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Identification of child sexual abuse and prevention of psychiatric morbidity

Identification of child sexual abuse and prevention of psychiatric morbidity

appear to be specific to a particular stress resembling childhood adversity which can be physical or emotional trauma or CSA. 61 Early severe stress and maltreatment produces a cascade of neurobiological events that have the potential to cause enduring changes in the brain as discussed above this is perhaps most important condition which increases biological vulnerability. These changes though occur on multiple levels from structural and functional changes however their mechanism remains undetermined. It is less like that it may be the consequence of straight forward neurochemical changes. It is not known whether neuroprotective and neuroplasticity mechanisms are also involved. 62 The major structural consequences of early stress include reduced size of the corpus callosum, left neocortex, hippocampus and amygdale. 63-66 These changes provide a framework for developing PTSD, depression, ADHD, borderline personality disorder, identity disorder and polysubstance abuse. 67
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Child Abuse Prevention Toolkit

Child Abuse Prevention Toolkit

Association of School Psychologists of Pennsylvania 2011 13 consensual sex when a person “is less than 13 years of age; or . . . who is less than 16 years of age and the person is four or more years older than the complainant and the complainant and the person are not married to each other” (P. S. 18, Section 3121 (a)). Therefore, according to Pennsylvania law, any adult may have consensual sexual relationship with any minor who is 16 years old or older without engendering a mandated report. Also, it is legal for a minor ages 13, 14, or 15 to have consensual sexual relationships with anyone who is up to four years older than him or her. For example, a 15-year-old child may legally have consensual sexual relationships with a person who is 18 years old (or even 19 if there is less than four years’ difference in their ages). However, a 16-year-old may legally have consensual sexual relationships with anyone regardless of age without engendering a mandate to report. According to
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Threat Assessment of Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse

Threat Assessment of Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse

This threat assessment derives in part from CEOP’s understanding of the similarities between organised crime and a large amount of child sexual exploitation and abuse. The offending behaviours are often organised, complex and result in serious harm. As highlighted throughout this report, many individuals coalesce to form online offender networks that are as tightly controlled as their ‘real world’ equivalents. It is understood that the individuals involved in these networks are generally unknown to each other offline and are commonly not financially motivated. The threat these offenders pose will be mitigated utilising the full range of law enforcement tools and assets to prevent the on-going abuse and exploitation of children both online and in the offline world.
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The Lowdown on Child Sexual Abuse - laboratory Reports

The Lowdown on Child Sexual Abuse - laboratory Reports

Under Melendez-Diaz , the restrictions on using laboratory reports have a wide and all-encompassing reach that have created new obstacles for prosecu- tors when presenting evidence in ca[r]

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EXPERT TESTIMONY IN CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE CASES

EXPERT TESTIMONY IN CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE CASES

4. In arguing to exclude the “consistent with” opinion, argue that the jury will be confused; tricked into thinking that the opinion is “has been abused.” Point out that, in several cases, the experts themselves have confused the terms "consistent with" and "has been." See State v. Cleveland, 154 N.C. App. 742, 572 S.E.2d 874 (2002)(unpublished)(expert asked if symptoms consistent with abuse; answer, "He has probably been abused."); State v. Givens, 158 N.C. App. 745, 582 S.E.2d 82 (2003)(unpublished)(expert asked if she had an opinion as to whether the child's symptoms were “consistent with a child who has been abused;” answer, "she has been abused."); State v. Thornton,158 N.C. App. 645, 582 S.E.2d 308 (2003) (expert asked if complainant exhibited symptoms of an abused child; answer: "[she] has absolutely been sexually abused").
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Virtual child pornography as potential remedy against child sexual abuse

Virtual child pornography as potential remedy against child sexual abuse

This study focusses on the potential effects of virtual child pornography on the sexual abuse of children, which is a widespread problem. Recent news items about child sexual abusers have brought the issue of pedophilia into the public eye. The media uses these two terms interchangeably. However, there is an essential difference between pedosexuals (those who sexually abuse children) and pedophiles (those who are sexually attracted to children). It is important to notice that not all pedophiles abuse children and not all pedosexuals feel sexually attracted to children. The research question is if virtual child pornography can prevent pedophiles from converting their fantasies into sexual acts. Literature retrieved by a search using PubMed. Sixty-four articles dealing with child sexual abuse, pedophilia, possible treatments for pedophilia and the effects of (virtual) child pornography were analyzed. Furthermore, information on treatment in the Netherlands was requested from the Hotline Child Pornography and an interview was arranged with Jules Mulder, therapist of pedosexuals and pedophiles at forensic psychiatric center De Waag in Utrecht, The Netherlands.
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Children as Witnesses in Child Sexual Abuse Trials

Children as Witnesses in Child Sexual Abuse Trials

Cases coming to trial, however, trigger an array of legal and procedural requirements inherent in the criminal justice system that are generally in- compatible with the needs of the vict[r]

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Child Sexual Abuse, Criminal Justice, and the Pediatrician

Child Sexual Abuse, Criminal Justice, and the Pediatrician

Child Sexual Abuse, Criminal Justice, and the Pediatrician. http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/79/3/437[r]

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