cal analysis to intra-industry trade in China. Quancheng Song (2003) used SITC1 and SITC2 classified methods, calculated our country’s foreign trade intra-industry trade index from 2000 to 2002 year. Discovered that the processing trade development is the mainly reason of China’s intra-industry trade growth. Wang  calculated 1993-2001 year between China and ASEAN’s intra-industry trade index by using the G-L modified index model and computed the intra-industry trade’s contribution rate to the increase of trade. Draw the conclusion that the intra-industry trade’s contribution rate was significantly higher than inter-industry trade between China and ASEAN, and vertical intra-industry trade will become the characteristic in China and ASEAN intra-industry trade. Li  researched on the high-tech products intra-industry trade and calculated G-L modified index of the high- tech products between China and America from 2002 to 2005 Years. Then found that the high-tech intra-industry trade’s structural is instability, and different products obvious have different intra-industry trade level. Xu  studied the level of manufactured product intra-industry trade China and the European Union overall GL index and empirically the manufactured products, capital and technology intensive industry of GL index and the in- fluence factors of labor-intensive industries in the GL index. Li  estimated the GL index of intra-industry trade level between China and SouthKorea. Tian Yan (2012) Korea calculated the SITC three digits GL index about manufactured products and the influence factors of manufactured products to intra-industry trade status quo are analyzed between China and SouthKorea.
Unlike SouthKorea and China, the Japanese government has never made any significant attempt to institute a real name policy for online communication. In Japan, anonymity often appears as one of the focal aspects of what it means to be online, so there would likely be less public tolerance for any formal policy attempt. Perhaps more importantly, the Internet has not yet become a major platform of political struggle, as one might argue it is for China and SouthKorea. A long-standing Japanese election law prohibits Japanese politicians from making use of the Internet for campaigning in the 12 days prior to an election (Tkach-Kawasaki 2003). Political candidates are allowed to have websites during this time, but they are not allowed to update them and may not post material via Facebook or Twitter (Masters 2009). Japanese Internet users may talk politics freely online, but even they are forbidden from engaging in campaign- related activities during the blackout period (Wilson 2011).
subtypes mainly involved China and SouthKorea where these new subtypes represented the majority of outbreaks. In contrast, although some of these new subtypes were introduced into south- east Asia (e.g., H5N6 in Vietnam), so far, the large majority of outbreaks have been caused by HPAI H5N1 viruses. Third, while there is a decreasing trend of HPAI H5N1 outbreaks in south and southeast Asia, emergence of these new subtypes in China and SouthKorea have caused very significant epizootics leading to an increase in the total number of HPAI outbreaks in comparison to the 2004–2011 period. Those differences may indicate why long- range transmission of HPAI H5N1 viruses have changed, because changes in disease circulation in different regions have created different patterns of transmission across the rest of the world. From 2004 to 2011, the majority of outbreaks were in southeast and south Asia, and long-range transmission through migra- tory birds from south Asia would require transmission through the Central Asian Flyway. From 2012 to 2017, the proportions changed, with comparatively more outbreaks located in east Asia caused by emergence of new clade 18.104.22.168 reassortants, and higher chances of long-range transmission through the Australasian- East Asian Flyway. In both cases, transmission into Europe or the U.S. by migratory birds likely would require movement through breeding areas in the Arctic. The migration routes used and the set of species involved may have changed, and with those changes, the spatiotemporal pattern of introduction risk into those distant regions was altered.
technological, marketing and financial knowledge due to closer supplier-vendor relationships over a period of time. Knowledge spillovers are provided by anchor firms attracting skilled labour and specialised suppliers. There is always provision for telecom and aerospace equipment manufacturers to improve their R&D expertise even though there might be deficit of learning process in a particular region, this is mainly because the sub assemblies can be developed in one or more locations, even in remote locations. The primary centripetal force has been the regional pool of skilled and semi-skilled labourers. On the other hand the longer manufacturing cycle time and persistent increase of R&D costs has been the major centrifugal force for the aircraft global decentralization, which is typical of the Toulouse cluster. Aerospace industry as compared to automobile industry does not have geographical disadvantage due to its location as aircrafts are produced in small numbers and impact of transportation cost is negligible in its final price. Offset agreements has been the prominent mechanism for technology transfer in aerospace industry. Governments in countries like India, Brazil, China and SouthKorea have been owners their respective national airlines, and have imposed conditions on aircraft producers relating to technology transfers and skill development in regional clusters.
A scramble for capturing leading positions in the global ZEV market has become a distinctive feature of BEV, FCEV and hydrogen technologies development in the East Asian economies. They are at the forefront of the course to introduce hydrogen as new energy carrier, and it can be seen as the starting (icebreaking) position for transition of a petroleum-based transportation system into one ultimately independent from fossil energy. Japan, China and SouthKorea are already implementing regulation, energy institute transformation and transition from the pilot stage to the practical development of carbon-free mobility systems at a national level. Currently, the fundamentals for the competitive development of all low-carbon technologies have been created in East Asian economies in order to reduce the transport system’s carbon footprint.
ASEAN at its formative years was seen as a landmark achievement in preserving and maintaining regional stability and cooperation. By 1967, at its incipience, five founding members pledged their support on the principles that would guide them as well as the myriads of objectives which the body set to accomplish: promoting mutual respect for the sovereignty of the member states, territorial integrity and national cohesion or identity for all member states. Going forward, ASEAN was seen as the world’s most successful and developed regional grouping, a landmark that other regions would strive to emulate. With these set of objectives described as “ASEAN Way”, founding members and other members that would later join the body felt protected and incubated; feelings that would translate into unique oneness as against individualism. First, these positive feelings led to the construction of mutual trust among its members that culminated into economic interdependence and growth, growth rate that catapulted some of its members to the taxonomy of “Asian Tigers”. Second, beyond economic viability, ASEAN succeeded in erecting frameworks aimed at solidifying such economic buoyancy and its principles. The ASEAN plus 3 arrangement (arrangement that comprises China, Japan and SouthKorea for cooperation); the East Asia Summit (another milestone arrangement that converges ASEAN plus 3 countries with India, Australia, New Zealand, Russia and the United States), the Chiang Mai Initiative (a framework for currency swap between ASEAN plus 3), the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) that brings together states in Asian-Pacific Region under the canopy of free trade area) and ASEAN regional Forum (a security framework that invites East Asian States and other non-regional states. It is within these laudable achievements that ASEAN became an epitome other regional groupings sought to envy.
Banking industries is one of the most complex financial services sector. A single-point evaluation cannot overall reflect the financial industries' multi-function ability (Paradi et al., 2011). Using DEA approach to evaluate the operational efficiency of multi- input and multi-output can provide directions for improvement to inefficiency (Zhu, 2000). Additionally, Sexton and Lewis (2003) and Abad et al. (2004) proposed that the superiority of two-stage DEA that represent the real operational process of firm in different stage of efficiency. Hence, this study followed the methodology used by Denizer et al. (2000, 2007) to measure the efficiency of commercial banks in the production and intermediation stages in Taiwan, China, Hong Kong, Singapore, SouthKorea, Philippines, Thailand and Malaysia.
Relations between the United States and the Asia Pacific date back to the late 18 th century when the US became an independent state. Today, US relations with many states in the Asia Pacific can be viewed as being positive. More than half of US exports are to this region (Aggarwal and Shujiro, 2013). In terms of security, five of the eight nuclear powers are in the Asia Pacific (Pant, 2007). Moreover, North Korea, SouthKorea, China, and Vietnam, all of them being Asia Pacific states, have some of largest militaries, by troop numbers, in the world (Shambaugh, 2005). Additionally, the Asia Pacific has been a major focus of US security for its history of hosting major conflict zones during the Cold War (Korean, Taiwan, Vietnam etc.) (Ong, 2005). Finally, the US has a major stake in the outcomes of territorial disputes in this region including those in the SouthChina Sea because they touch on the country‟s security interests; should allies lose territorial claims, US access to the region will be weakened and it is the promise of security that the US has been using to maintain influence.
This paper aims to study dynamic stock market linkages among 12 Asian coun- tries (Chinese Mainland, Hong Kong China, Taiwan China, Japan and SouthKorea, India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand) by examining their conditional correlations and return and volatility spillovers over the period January 3, 2000 to June 30, 2017. ADCC-GARCH model and Diebold and Yilmaz (2012) spillover index methodology have been employed to study the conditional correlations and cross-market spillovers across the sample mar- kets, respectively. ADCC-GARCH model results reveal that Singapore has the highest correlations with the Asian markets, while Pakistan exhibits least associ- ation with the sample stock markets. Surprisingly, Japan is found to have rela- tively weak linkages with the Asian countries despite of having a well-developed financial system. Highest pair-wise correlation is found between Chinese Main- land and Hong Kong China. Time-varying analysis of conditional correlations suggests that associations between the Asian stock markets amplify during the Global Financial Crisis period, reflecting financial contagion. Chinese meltdown also seems to impact the Asian markets owing to their regional proximity and economic and trade relations with China as is reflected in their heightened asso- ciations during this period.
Second, and more likely to be relevant for the practical incentives to consider alignment with TTIP, the authors have assumed a sectoral perspective. We have selected 10 fairly aggregate goods sectors where TTIP regulatory barriers reduction could be of interest to the 13 third countries as ‘biggest traders’ or as ‘other developed countries’. In filtering out the relevant sectors for each of these countries, we set (somewhat arbitrary) thresholds for the importance of an export sector to that country, and for their sectoral export-to-TTIP shares in these ‘important’ export sectors. The main conclusions in terms of sectors are as follows: i) chemicals stand out with no less than nine countries having a considerable interest in eventual alignment; ii) followed by electronic equipment (five countries) and agro and fish products (six countries but with somewhat lower shares); iii) with mining and quarrying as well as transport equipment (mainly automotive) of lesser importance (three resp. two countries), and metal products (four countries, but with lower shares). In terms of countries, China comes out as the leading export country potentially interested in aligning with TTIP so as to lower the regulatory barriers to its TTIP-market-access, in particular chemicals and electronic equipment (as well as textiles and leather), besides lower shares for agro and fish products, and metal products. The following three countries with an appreciable interest in aligning with TTIP all already have regional economic agreements with TTIP countries or are negotiating a FTA- plus: Israel in chemicals and electronic equipment, Japan in electronic equipment and transport equipment, and SouthKorea in electronic equipment, transport equipment and chemicals. Compared to China or some other countries, it should be easier for these three countries to find ways, in close cooperation with the EU and the US, to utilise their agreements or current negotiations for suitable options of alignment. If that works, it might increase the incentives for other countries, thereby engendering domino effects. Such developments might perhaps lead TTIP to propose plurilateral approaches in the WTO. Before jumping to such conclusions, however, we wish to emphasise that current TTIP negotiations do not look very ambitious specifically for regulatory convergence in chemicals and electronic goods.
Abstract: The BulkCarrier shipbuilding industry is marked by its global presence with ships being built in industrialized countries such as Japan, Europe, SouthKorea and China. The geographical distribution of new ship construction has show strong change starting from the original dominance of Europe to an increased role for Asian countries such as SouthKorea, Japan and China. The decision makers for strategic purchasing of marine companies greatly require an efficient, valid and fair tool to assist them in determining appropriate region to build from, which belongs to multi criteria Decision- Making problem. Most methodologies that deals with multi criteria Decision-Making even it deals with uncertainty problem need database to deal with the certainty portion, and it needs experts for more than one stage to give their opinions. In this paper, we present a consensus model for Group Decision-Making GDM problem with interval fuzzy preference relations to assist the decision maker to take the appropriate decision in short time under upset of data. We introduce an application example in choosing the best regional distribution of ship building market. The input data for this model were collected from expert persons, and the output is ranking of BulkCarrier shipbuilding region. The final rank of BulkCarrier shipbuilding region in year 2013 is China at the first then Europe , Japan and SouthKorea comes at the end.
The third phase of South Korean forest policy was oriented toward SFM. At the global level, SFM emerged as a paradigm of forest management. South Korean forest policies reflected this global trend. The 4 th NFDP (1998–2007) entered a transitional phase in forest policy, shifting its primary focus from economic functions to enhancing multiple benefits of forests (e.g., public and recreational benefits). The 5 th NFDP (2008–2017) aims to realize a nation based on sustainable forests. Sustainable management of the forests covering 64% of total land area is crucial to realize a green nation. The plan includes five key strategies (Lee et al., 2010): (1) integrated management and development of multi-functional forest resources; (2) forest industry promotion for the sustainable use of forest resources; (3) conservation and management of forests as national environmental resources; (4) increasing green areas and services for the public; and (5) international cooperation for global forest conservation and timber supply. In accordance with the SFM paradigm to maximize multi-functional forest resources, urban forest policies have been introduced in SouthKorea since the late 1990s. In accordance with the Creation and Management of Forest Resources Act of 2005, the KFS established a basic plan for urban forests (2008– 2017) in 2007. Following the plan, central and local governments are constructing and managing various types of urban forests (e.g., street trees, urban parks and school forests) (Koo, Park, & Youn, 2013). As of 2011, a total of 10.8 million seedlings have been planted, and 957 school forests have been created. 2.2.2. China
Overall, population reduction is proba- bly good news for Japan, and possibly other countries too, in that it provides opportunities for reconfiguring living conditions and it may help to reduce human pressures on the natu- ral environment. Nevertheless, ageing and depopulation bring with them consequences for affected regions, and policies may need to be developed to deal with these. What is in- teresting about JapanÕs situation as a pioneer shrinking society is how the outcomes of the- se processes and policies might inform us about the prospects for other East and South- east Asian countries such as China, SouthKorea, and Thailand in the years and decades to come, as they too experience similar devel- opmental pathways.
Results: In overall numbers, the clinical trial industry in Asia Pacific has remained stable when comparing the two time periods, with stable volumes of clinical trial numbers and site numbers. However, on closer inspection, a dynamic change in geography, nature, and therapeutic areas of the trials being conducted is observed. Japan, SouthKorea, People’s Republic of China, and Taiwan continue to be major clinical trial destinations. Developing countries, such as Indonesia, Vietnam, and Philippines, have seen rising standards of living and medical care; this is starting to impact their contribution to trials. Also, there are an increasing number of local trials in Asia Pacific with a bigger role being played by Asian pharmaceutical organizations. Consequently, indications under study are now including those with higher prevalence in Asia.
This issue of China Analysis reveals the stunning contradictions in Chinese experts’ views of North Korea. Once upon a time, North Korea was openly seen as a bulwark or buffer state, and, more often than not, China played the role of a defense attorney in the Six-Party Talks, which have been on hold since 2010. However, this defensive approach co-existed with Chinese contempt for an outdated North Korean socialist autocracy, which reminded them of the worst of their own past, and with North Korea’s huge commercial and human exchanges with SouthKorea. Chinese officials always underlined the limits of their influence on North Korean decision-making, but they seemed to draw no consequences from it. But in 2010-2011, China drew much closer to North Korea, vastly increasing its economic influence as the DPRK was increasingly sanctioned at the UN. Chinese leaders seemed to give their blessing to Kim Jong-un’s coming succession. However, a new game is now beginning. North Korea is increasingly – and infuriatingly – sindependent from China. Not only has it twice tested the bomb and launched another ballistic missile in April 2012, it has also boldly detained Chinese fishermen in the Yellow Sea – reversing the game that China itself plays with its neighbours. In another surprising catch, a Chinese mining company accused the North Korean administration of violating contracts and ignoring investors’ rights.
The discussion indicates that AEP initiated by the NDA government is yet to deliver the expected results. However, the current observations provide a wider glimpse to the evolving scenario. India’s bid to integrate with the ‘East’ has been quite successful, barring the exception of China. While China has pledged to cooperate with India through various forums like the BRICS, it continues to oppose Indian standpoint in several cases (e.g., the NSG membership bid). The Chinese response is a function of its rising economic stature (e.g., the rising growth rate, exports) and declining dependence on the ‘west’. Consequently, India has been able to come closer to the other ‘East’ Asian countries given the shared economic complementarities, growing production integration and the perceived urge to counter the security threats posed by the recent Chinese policies. China’s reluctance to abide by the verdict of the international tribunal in The Hague against its building of artificial islands in disputed waters of the SouthChina Sea (The Guardian, 2016), threaten the security of several ASEAN countries. The land and sea border disputes involving China concerns India and quite a few Asian countries (e.g., Vietnam, Japan, SouthKorea). There exist enough common ground for these countries to cooperate with India on strategic platform, which the economic cooperation initiatives can further strengthen. The Indian Prime Minister’s recent visits to various Asian countries (e.g., Mongolia, Vietnam) and the key agreements therein take note of this strategic need.
And yet a range of challenges facing Northeast Asian societies are of a similar nature. Demographic change, triggered by low birth rates, the absence of immigration, and a rapidly ageing population, has already become one of the unresolved questions con- cerning social cohesion and the future of social security systems in China, Japan and SouthKorea. It is by no means certain whether the simultaneous transition to digital- isation will be able to mitigate (some of) these negative consequences or tend to inten- sify them further. In either case, these societies are undergoing structural change that has never been seen before, and that is by no means complete.