28 interviewing sessions, each lasting between 5 and 6 hours (11.00am to 5.00pm), were undertaken over 28 days including the Easter school holidays, resulting in a total of 578 completed questionnaires. While the survey obtained individual responses, this represented 1,100 visitors because of the size of the group in which the respondent was travelling. Filter questions were used to exclude Christchurch residents, those living within one hours drive time of the City, those on day visits concerned with their normal work, study or regular/household shopping and visitors to Christchurch who had been in the City less than 24 hours. A total of 3,223 people were stopped for the survey. 1,344(42%) declined to be interviewed, 1,301(40%) did not meet the criteria and the interviews were closed. The 578 completed questionnaires were obtained from 18% of those stopped.
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without any ability to understand how the images are created (under what assumptions) and how they fit within the current area. However, with no ability for recourse if the visualisation and realisation differ, this leaves the council and public vulnerable to manipulation. This research is important now because this exchange is becoming more prevalent. This is exacerbated in Canterbury following the earthquakes. As the town is flattened, new ideas of areas and buildings are graphically created to present its new future. Yet, there is no control or ability for action when the idea presented does not match the actual building created. Recently the Canterbury Earthquake Recovery Authority (CERA) stated a new ‘innovative digital model’ would help ‘visualise the significant changes to the central city landscape’ (CERA, 2014). CERA see the potential in technology and visualisation in ‘creating a strong foundation for 3D visualization of the city’ (CERA, 2014). CERA state that ‘architects and their clients will contribute 3D models of ‘to be built’ developments to accompany the models of remaining buildings’ with the hope that these models can ‘design better buildings and outdoor spaces. With the models, they can visualise the developments around their designs and simulate environmental effects’ (CERA, 2014). The excitement at this proposal needs to be tempered with caution at the potential for manipulation.
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Prior to the devastating 2010-2011 Canterbury earthquakes, the city of Christchurch was already exhibiting signs of a housing affordability crisis. The causes and symptoms were similar to those being experienced in Auckland, but the substantial damage to the housing stock caused by the earthquakes added new dimensions and impetus to the problem. Large swathes of the most affordable housing stock in the east of the city were effectively destroyed by the earthquakes. In itself this would have pushed the mean house price upwards, but compounding problems exacerbated the situation. These include the price effects of reduced supply of both rented and owned housing and increased demand from both displaced residents and an influx of rebuild workers. The need for additional temporary housing while repairs were undertaken and the associated insurance pay-outs bidding up rents with improved rental returns leading to increased interest in property investment. Land supply constraints and consenting issues inhibiting the build of new housing and political infighting and uncertainty regarding the future of parts of the city leading to a flight of development activity to peripheral locations and adjoining local authorities. Concerns that the erosion of the city council rating base combined with inadequacy of insurance cover for infrastructure will lead to large rates increases, increased development costs and reduced amenities and services in future years. These and other issuers will be elaborated on in this paper with a view to exploring the way forward for affordable housing Christchurch City.
How have these events affected Māori library services provided in Christchurch? In Christchurch City Library Māori print resources have been inaccessible for some months; however more staff have been trained across the network in utilizing Māori online resources. Outreach programmes have continued to be delivered and stronger relations built by the Māori Services Team working with local community groups in response to increased need for outreach initiatives. Te Rūnanga o Ngāi Tahu staff have increased knowledge about preservation needs having worked closely with a local museum and paper conservator while also becoming intimately knowledgeable about their collections. Local members of Te Rōpū Whakahau have shared stories and experiences amongst themselves and with the nation through presentations at hui-a-tau. Those stories are the basis for this paper and working as a group has strengthened our relationships with each other. The new experiences of presenting nationally and writing this paper have meant that as a group we are stronger and more open to other new opportunities both personally and professionally. In April 2012 we again presented this information, this time to
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42 The destructive sequence of earthquakes that struck Canterbury throughout 2010 and 2011 has set the stage for the key issues that will face the Christchurch City Council now and in the future. Within Christchurch in particular, no decision can be made without taking into account the recovery from the earthquakes (CCC, 2013 p.15). This is not to say that there were no underlying issues in Christchurch prior to the earthquakes: one prime example is central city revitalisation, which is even more relevant in the post-quake environment. Some of the key challenges the city will face include post-rebuild economic growth, an aging population, and its effect on the workforce and its skills base, and the temporary or permanent relocation of business activities and residential properties (CCC, 2013 p.19). One of the very real and immediate issues crucial to the city’s recovery is dealing with the effects of the geographic shifts in population across the city both in terms of housing and businesses. A vast majority of the residential shifts are occurring from eastern (‘red zone’) areas to new residential developments within outlying green-field areas, while the business transitions are concentrated around central to suburban shifts. In relation to these
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This study is concerned with what makes e-learning effective and engaging as a workplace professional development tool. Using the example of a workplace e- learning programme in Christchurch City Libraries, the study considers the whole process from development of the programme to delivery and evaluation and asks what factors impact upon effectiveness and engagement in a workplace e-learning programme. A number of factors including the organisational culture and
Greening of the public realm is another aspect that appears to be aspirational rather than specific. Many ‘green’ zones are intended, in practice, to be largely built-up. The amount of greenery appears to be linked to funding sources for upgrades. Projects funded by central government seem to be generously treed. Major effort has been focused on reconfiguring the Avon corridor, including the Margaret Mahy Playground. Notably, however, proposals to dramatically remodel Victoria Square were toned down in the face of public protest. In contrast, the street projects that the Christchurch City Council is funding appear less well-endowed with greenery due to capital constraints. Private investment is focused internally within projects, as street frontage setbacks are no longer required, and the size of new courtyards means most greening is on a small scale, not providing the desired ecological or cultural services Ahern (2007) suggests. Few new buildings have adopted soft-green strategies such as green roofs, but most use green building technologies particularly for energy efficiency.
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32 Short term rental accommodation is perceived by the Christchurch City Council as having negative effects on a residential neighbourhood’s character and amenity, as well as affecting residential neighbours. This is because short term rental accommodation is considered to be a commercial activity taking place in a residential environment (McLaughlin, 2018). For this reason, the resource consent process is considered important as it enables these effects to be assessed and a decision made about whether a proposed rental accommodation activity is appropriate in particular locations (Christchurch City Council, 2018). The short term rental accommodation market within residential communities is also perceived by the council as reducing relationships within communities and neighborhoods. This is because instead of a residential unit containing full time permanent resident’s year round, it may regularly contain different people creating security issues as well as reducing the residential amenity of the neighborhood.
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While these same national level political and related legislative factors also apply to Christchurch, their effects were not very evident in the Lichfield Lanes area pre- earthquakes. The processes underway in this location were much more of a first wave gentrification character and, at least initially in spite of, rather than because of political direction. Later, and nearby on the vacant former Turners and Growers site, the Christchurch City council attempted to initiate a joint public/private large scale “new build” gentrification project in a joint venture with an out of town developer- but this failed get off the ground. There have been other examples of the Christchurch City Council attempting to engage in entrepreneurial property development activities with a view to inner city revitalisation (similar to those in Auckland described by Memon et.al. (2007)and Murphy (2003)) but with a notable lack of success. Most of the increase in Christchurch residential density has not been in the CBD but via small scale townhouse development in the surrounding inner suburbs (Valance Perkins and Moore 2005 and Murphy 2008).
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I also explore one more design model that can be considered in long-term situations. The model cannot be achieved in the short term because of the limitation of current population size and budget. However, it can provide new ideas or choices for urban MCR designs in the future. I introduce the method of building pedestrian and cycling bridge, shared-path separated from vehicle routes and surficial pedestrian and cycling spaces with underground vehicle tunnels. I summarize these methods into ‘Madrid Rio Park model’. The key ideas of this model are to promote urban cycling and to increase its benefits by providing a variety of safe and multi-functional spaces for cyclists (Figure 5-9). In the future, once related limitations and barriers are removed, the model can be first applied to some key areas in Christchurch City Centre where public transportation, walking, cycling and public interactions are encouraged. Ideally, it can be widely used in other urban areas with higher population density and traffic volume.
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revitalisation (see Figure 6). From developer, David Henderson, it bought five inner city blocks of land for approximately $17 million, which he had bought 2 years previously. The Council had already been working closely with Mr Henderson on revitalisation proposals. For example, in August 2006, before a seminar meeting on central city lanes re-development, the notes of the seminar state that the participants had undertaken a walking tour of the central city lanes area, including a briefing by Dave Henderson and Nigel Mayson at the Property Ventures office (Christchurch City Council, 2006b). Buying the five properties was highly controversial for three reasons. First, the CEO and senior staff conducted the process with extreme speed, giving councillors only one day to digest their reports and recommendations and one meeting to make a decision. Second, councillors did not discuss the purchase publicly nor was the proposal open for public consultation. Third, the business community was also vocal in its opposition as independent valuations were not sought by the Council for the properties in
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Water Edge Apartments enjoyed a mere two years of existence before mother earth began a cataclysmic seismic attack on Christchurch in September 2010. The apartments were initially thought to have fared well in the earthquakes and it was suggested that the expensive liquefaction hazard mitigation employed was successful. The foundations of Waters Edge were strengthened during construction by drilling 12 metres below the surface to reach bedrock. The technique then used stone poured into the drill holes which was later compacted (Collins, 2011). It was well known that the site was at a high risk of liquefaction and hence measures were taken to reduce the risk.
Many residents were forced to flee the city in the first few days after ‘22-2’ but accurately quantifying these movements is difficult. Korero we’ve collected in our interviews talks about leaving the family home, for varying periods including permanently, and often arranging for children to live away from the city with whānau. Table 3 presents estimates for the outward movement of Māori. The first three estimates are taken from earlier studies (Newell, 2012; Price, 2011), the fourth, ‘maximum’ estimate reflects that the Eastern suburbs have been worst hit and as many Māori are, or were, resident in these suburbs, resulting in a higher estimate of outward migration for Māori. As with non-Māori, the numbers leaving were disproportionately young whānau and sole parents. It is estimated that at least 560 and possibly over 1,000 Māori left the city in response to the earthquakes. Statistics NZ data now indicates that 16,600 residents left the city to the two years to June 2012 ((Statistics New Zealand, 2012e). If the city average of 7.3% of this group are Māori then at least 1,200 Māori may have left Christchurch and given the impacts on the Eastern suburbs and other Maori communities and our propensity to move for opportunities, the number could be several hundred more.
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This approach was particularly appropriate to the situation under study in the Lichfield Lanes area as there was no identified theoretical base for interpreting an earthquake interrupted adaptive re-use and gentrification process, and it was unclear at the outset what the ultimate research findings would “look like”. A field research or case study approach utilising qualitative methods was especially attractive to me as, in the words of Shaffir and Stebbins (1990 p.7), “field research is accompanied by a set of experiences that are, for the most part, unavailable through other forms of social scientific research”. My research draws on this and can be seen as field research or a case study, which is described by Blumer (1969 p.37) as “getting closer to the people involved in it [the field of study] seeing it in a variety of situations they meet, noting their problems and observing how they handle them, being party to their conversations and watching their way of life as it flows along”. I was enabled in this process by my well-established position as a property academic in Christchurch. In the next section I now turn to an elaboration of that position and its implications for the conduct of the research.
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Recreation and Park Association has historically promoted 10 acres (4.05 hectares) per thousand people. The level of open space provision in Christchurch appears to be high in comparison, however, as discussed in section 2.3.2, open space standards are of limited usefulness and, therefore, little emphasis should be put on these figures. The measurements do not allow for cultural differences. For example, Wilkinson (1988a) asserted that in Sweden, Finland, and Norway there was a feeling amongst the general population that there is not a great need for urban open space because people can readily access farmland and natural areas such as nearby lakes, fjords, and forests. In New Zealand, access to private rural lands is restricted compared to many parts of Europe (Swaffield, 1993). France also has very low provision of urban open space and people tend to venture out of the cities at weekends to holiday homes instead (Wilkinson, 1988b). Although baches (holiday homes) and the ‘great outdoors’ are also characteristic of New Zealand, they are becoming less affordable. New Zealand is well endowed with public conservation lands for recreation use but most are distant from urban areas.
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On 4 September 2010 the Magnitude 7.1 'Darfield' Earthquake marked the beginning of the Canterbury earthquake sequence. The Darfield earthquake produced strong ground shaking throughout the central Canterbury Plains, affecting rural areas, small towns and the city of Christchurch. The event produced a 29 km long surface rupture through intensive farmland, causing localised flooding and liquefaction. The central Canterbury plains were subjected to a sustained period of thousands of aftershocks in the months after the Darfield earthquake 1 .
Table 8. This shows that the HAZUS model significantly un- derestimates the scale of liquefaction, regardless of how liq- uefaction susceptibility zones are mapped between the Can- terbury and HAZUS classifications. The residuals have a negative mean in each implementation indicating an under- estimations bias. Furthermore, the maximum value estimated by HAZ1 and HAZ3 is smaller than the observed lower quar- tile. The coefficient of determination is also extremely low in each case, implying that there is little or no value in the es- timates. It is important to note that there is a measurement error in the lidar data itself of up to 150 mm, as well as a uniform probability prediction interval around the HAZUS estimates. However, even when using the upper bound of the HAZUS estimates (2 times the mean), only around 50 % of estimates fall within the observation error range. These re- sults suggest that the HAZUS model for estimating vertical settlement is not suitable for application in Christchurch. 6.2 Lateral spread
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• A green “frame” for a compressed city centre an aspect of the plan that has been widely acclaimed is the framing of the new city by a “Papa o otakaro /avon river Precinct”, intended to make the river a central visual focus to the north and west, with a “green frame” on the east and south. these lock together a central amenity frame, which along with the designated precincts (convention and performing arts, innovation and health), provide the skeleton for an amenity-rich destination. however, debate continues about how best to integrate a hospitality precinct, including cafés, bars, restaurants and night-clubs, within a denser commercial and residential central business district. as noted below, it is this latter step that now holds the key to how the city re-emerges as a destination.
Using future population and employment projections likely travel patterns throughout the city were modelled. As a result, this study identified that although the initial network represents a good step towards improving the city’s cycling environment, there are a number of areas where access will need to be improved throughout the years to come. A substantial amount of the city’s growth is expected to occur on the fringe areas of the city, including Belfast, Prestons and Halswell, thus ensuring that these areas are well connected to the inner city is going to be indispensable. The importance of the relationship between land use and travel choice has been discussed widely throughout this study; as people move further away from where they work, their propensity to simply travel by private motor vehicle is certainly going to heighten if travel choice is not provided. As safety is so often a deterrent to potential cyclists making the decision to instead travel by private motor vehicle, refining the network to improve cyclist safety became a focus throughout this research. Several areas where cyclist safety could be improved were identified, and potential extensions or improvements to the proposed major cycleways network were explored throughout these areas. Although it has been proven that addressing small gaps within a cycle network can have significant repercussions on access to the network, it was found that initially in Christchurch, more substantial extensions to the cycle network will represent better value for money, particularly in terms of the number of extra trips that will pass through a zone when safe and attractive infrastructure is provided.
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“Following completion of property remediation repair programmes and settlement of insurance proceeds from insurers, it is anticipated that there will be a recovery of investment property fair values. Therefore, the valuations for these assets necessarily require significant estimation based on a series of detailed assumptions and reflect the risk around the numerous resulting unknowns. If any of these assumptions were to change or prove to be inaccurate the impact on the valuation may be significant. The approach by the valuers, and the Group, has been to value the buildings at a fully repaired market value that reflects the post-earthquake market environment, less the estimated costs to remediate the investment property. This assessment has been made irrespective of whether insurance proceeds will cover the cost of repairs, as this is a separate economic event; however it is the expectation of the Group that the insurance cover up to and including the date of damage will be adequate to cover estimated damage. Upon the renewal of the Group’s insurance policy cover on 30 June 2011, covering the physical asset and the property rental streams, this has been obtained but it provides only 60% cover for Combined Business Interruption and Material Damage insurance for all natural disasters in the Christchurch region from 30 June 2011. This gap is being sought from the London market however uncertainty exists as to whether this will be obtainable. Remediation repair work has commenced prior to balance date and is on-going, and insurance proceeds are being received following acceptance by the insurer of claims submitted. Insurance proceeds received are being taken to the Statement of Comprehensive Income as claims are agreed by the insurer.
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