In Reynosa, traditional journalism, as in Thomas’ Boston, operates under a death threat, and career journal- ists have publicly told their harrowing stories. For exam- ple, on March 3, 2010, the Milenio television station sent reporter Raymundo Pérez-Arellano to gather information on the kidnapping of four reporters by drug cartel mem- bers in Reynosa, a battlefield between the Gulf and Zeta drug cartels for control of the “plaza.” But what Pérez- Arellano (2012) and his cameraman didn’t expect was that they, too, would become the reporters of their own kidnap- ping. They were beaten by cartel members who suspected that the broadcast journalists were working for the Zetas. At the time, however, there were no full accounts of the incident in other local newsmedia. Instead, the Milenio newspaper wrote a discrete note under the column
170 publication of the letter on the platform affirmed Lunt and Stenner’s (2005) assertions that counterpublic spheres do not always carry rational and critical debates. Instead, counterpublic spheres can serve as an emotional public sphere for the expression of marginal experiences as was the case. Furthermore, Wahl-Jorgensen (2019:2) established that “personal and emotional stories appear to be widely valued by both journalists and audience members” because “they have the capacity to cultivate compassion and enlarge our world views”. In this instance, the news article by the citizen journalist cultivated compassion and rended visible the lived experience of a survivor of political violence. While citizenjournalism at AMH Voices played a crucial role in highlighting everyday life challenges, it can also be credited for proffering solutions to the same. In attempting to provide solutions, citizenjournalism arguably became part of solutions-based journalism. Solutions-based journalism is an approach to news reporting that focuses on responses to social issues as well as the problems themselves. Local people are seen as empowered and capable of action because they are able to identify problems and provide solutions. For example, the commentary by Tawasika (2016: April 6) titled: “It’s everybody’s duty to keep Harare clean”, encouraged “citizens and corporates to help in waste management” instead of leaving it to the local authority. Instead of exposing the inadequacies of local authorities in service delivery, the commentary offered a solution to waste management through the collaboration of citizens and corporates. It called upon citizens to avoid littering and corporates to donate refuse bins. Another example of a solutions-based citizenjournalism was a commentary by Makunike (2016a: January 26) entitled: “Baby dumping: Holistic approach needed”. Makunike (2016a) called for a holistic approach to baby dumping through an analysis of push factors and the removal of “archaic laws” that punished women offenders without regard of the reasons that pushed them to dump babies. Malinganiza (2015: November 5) in an article titled: “What has caused nude parties among youths?” questioned the cause of youth parties privately held by high school students to allegedly engage in sex and drug abuse. To remedy this social ill, Malinganiza (2015) proposed that “parents and guardians should play a major role by monitoring their children’s daily activities”. He added that the community should also play a pivotal role by reporting any suspicious parties involving students and for the prosecution of the young offenders “to send a clear message to other students about the consequences likely to be faced if they are to be caught on the wrong side of the law”.
A number of newsroom leaders at large-circulation newspapers reported a discernable shift in source relationships in the wake of the spurt of cases, with more individuals disinclined to speak on condition of confidentiality, even for general background information. But the impact does not appear to be limited to the large national news organizations. For example, one respondent from a Rhode Island news organization reported that sources have referred to that state’s Taricani case 202 when declining to provide confidential information: “[Taricani] went to jail, and sources see that. More and more, people are not willing to put themselves in that boat. Sources say, ‘Even if you promise me, I will be found out. Even if you promise us confidentiality, you’ll be forced to tell. Maybe I shouldn’t talk.’” These concerns parallel many that were reported by investigative reporters in Blasi’s study, who emphasized that relationships of trust with sources were damaged by those sources’ perceptions of the legal pressures faced by the journalists. 203 The same appears to be the case today. Indeed, two respondents in the current study reported that they experienced, during the year that was the focus of the study, what Blasi called “the ultimate form of impairment of press coverage: a firm refusal by the source to grant an interview or to give the reporter certain information because of the fear of a subpoena.” 204 One claimed that during that year, a reporter at his organization lost a longtime source on these grounds; the other referenced a major investigative story that was not run because of a perceived subpoena threat. These specific examples, coupled with the overall tone of response, suggest that the issuance of subpoenas is negatively impacting relationships with potential confidential sources in a variety of ways, ranging from the overt to the subtle.
In May 2014 a study by Amnesty International showed that 80 percent of Brazilians feared torture from their own police when being arrested. In a survey conducted among 21 countries, Brazil was named as the one country where citizens felt most unsafe in the hands of authorities (Froio 2014). In addition, residents of Rocinha, Complexo do Alemao, Complexo da Maré and other favelas still lack basic services. A group called Rocinha Without Borders has had several attempts at establishing a dialogue between the residents and the UPP, although this was greeted with no success and reflects the problem of communication between authorities and residents in the mainstream Brazilian press. This is perceived as a reflection of the same concerns on a greater scale, illustrating a lack of communication between the government and citizens, which the protests are trying to tackle (Froio 2014). Marcos Barreira, writer and researcher for Favela News Agency, wrote that UPPs are a form of ‘urban marketing’ aimed at uplifting public opinion instead of addressing public security reform. He further stated that peaceful favelas are located around points of tourist interest when, in reality, the cause of peace is the movement of drug gangs to other areas (Froio 2014). Instead of addressing the issue of the favelas, according to Steel (2014), the media is used as a marketing ploy to show that football is the sport of the common people, as depicted by clips of children with no shoes playing in the street with makeshift goal posts. The actual reality could not be further from this imagery. To put this into perspective, in some areas of the favelas, a wall was built between the stadiums and the favelas, so that favelas could not be seen. Furthermore, in the Favela de Metro, near Maracaña, the first hundred families were forced out at gunpoint and were moved two hours away.
The problem here is finding ways of engaging the youth of Bauchi Diocese, North-East, Nigeria, who are suffering from illiteracy and backwardness, in citizenjournalism so that they can contribute their quota to church and society. Coming from Northern Nigeria where there is high rate of illiteracy, unemployment with school drop-outs; students who have failed the West African Examination Council (WAEC) as well as many who cannot afford tuition in higher institutions of learning, the researcher is attempting a study on how best to empower the youth in Bauchi Diocese with the skills of entrepreneurial journalism. These skills in computer appreciation, fundamentals of news reporting, recording, multi-media and news reporting and editing, with little or minimal fees will enable them to leverage on the opportunity for education, self-empowerment and service in the Church (as parish reporters or secretaries) and society (as citizen or professional journalists).
approach to studying social media. This project develops a unique coding structure, which combines previous research coding schemes with a scheme developed to examine social media specific traits, for examining Twitter content that can be expanded well beyond the study of news and journalists’ tweets. Second, as the Pew Research Center reported in May 2011, 13 percent of all online adults use Twitter and more recent studies indicate that 40 percent of Twitter users are using it as a wire service (Online News Conference, September 2011, Erica Anderson). As more news audiences move online to social media sites like Twitter it is important for researchers to know what kind of news they are consuming. The content analysis section provides a detailed analysis of news tweets in order for scholars to better understand the type of news that journalists distribute via Twitter. Using the new institutionalism approach, scholars have provided ample evidence of how specific media routines, ownership models, and other various aspects of media organizations can affect the news product. Yet, the past decade has also brought tremendous change into newsrooms. The advent of social mediajournalism is one of these important changes. As part of the content analysis, this study discusses how social media are changinghow scholars view the organizational determinants of news. In addition, it suggests that there are different determinants of social medianews as compared to traditional news content.
One of the reasons I get a lot of followers on Twitter is because if you work at it, you’re not just posting stories, you’re posting links to other stuff you’ve found interesting and you end up having conversations with people about stuff. But that all takes time, and half the time I think, “What am I doing reading this nonsense?” They suck you in, these social media things, and Twitter is a complete and utter wind-up most of the time. There’s an audience f or the blog and another for me on Twitter and they aren’t necessarily the same thing although one does help to advertise the other. Initially the stories were only promoted through Twitter, I took ages to take Facebook really seriously. Part of the Twitter thing is that you develop an online personality, so the stories may be the anchor but there’s lots of chat inbetween - useless nonsense that goes on.
news-production process. Paulussen et al. (2011) studied two cases of Belgian newsrooms that experimented with collaborative practices in cross-medianews production and “hyperlocal” citizenjournalism. It was found that online journalists were concerned about the availability of time, resources and manpower, with some saying that their workload did not allow them to do anything beyond their core tasks. Journalists in one of the case-study newsrooms expressed concerns about struggling with credibility, values, and the relevance of user-generated content in a professional-amateur collaboration regarded as “participatory news making” (Paulussen et al., 2011). Robbinson (2011) studied changes in the practice of journalism at The Capital Times, a United States print newsroom, and found tensions concerning the ability of people to perform their new tasks of producing news across different platforms, as well as the new relationship with audiences, including user-generated content and comments published on the website. The journalists claimed to be in fear of losing their identity because of the need to perform many tasks. However, they slowly adapted to new routine practices and found that multiple platforms and cross-media production helped them to determine what information was useful to people and how best they could deliver information to the public in the role of “community storytellers”. Snow (2014) made a good point in saying that in the age of fragmented information and loads of content online, it was difficult for audiences to distinguish between information and content prepared by a professional journalist. This suggests that the profession should be able to create content value from journalistic specialization, and find a business model that gains value from the niche and quality aspects of this content. While struggling to find such a business model, journalists should remember that quality is capable of saving journalism because people still look to them for the kind of information that makes sense of what is happening in the world. If journalism fails to uphold its quality, it risks losing both its authority and the chance to endure (Prasad, 2016; Yoon, 2016; Fernandez, 2017).
Bentley et al. (1988) conducted research that relied on the use of ethnographic methods over a shorter time frame by using of mixed-methods of data collection (Pink & Morgan, 2013). Following Pink and Morgan, this research also combines qualitative data obtained by ethnographical study and quantitative data. The short- term ethnography strategy is an alternative way for a researcher who has a limited amount of time for observation, as in the case of research by Paulussen and Ugille (2008) and Jordaan (2013). By the same token, this study applies a strategy of short-term ethnography and uses more structured interviews, or so-called semi- structured interviews, in data collection due to limited time. There is a risk that the researcher misunderstands the phenomenon in the fieldwork because it was observed in a short time. However, triangulation is employed to gain more rounded picture of the phenomenon and avoid bias. The decision to utilise a short- term ethnography strategy consequently means that acting as an intern as in a long-term ethnography is not appropriate to apply in this research. However, close observation is conducted as much as possible within the newsroom by attending important news production meetings daily between the traditional working hours from 9 am to 5 pm.
Cost was an important contingent factor. Reader participation was found to be expensive, mainly because of moderation—eighty per cent of the user generated content initiatives launched by the publications surveyed for this study were edited or pre-moderated. These costs have not yet been fully off-set by the revenues generated. Although contributors were found to be avid consumers of their own material, some publications were struggling to commercialise reader contributions due to low participation rates (at the Independent.co.uk) and insularity (at the DailyMail.co.uk). Questions remain about the extent to which users are interested both in participating themselves, and viewing other readers’ contributions. The fact that a ‘popular’ debate on the BBC News website’s post-moderated comments system—‘Have Your Say beta’—attracts contributions from just 0.05 per cent of the site’s daily unique audience, and one fifth the page views of a ‘popular’ news story 14 (Herrmann, 2006) calls for further work on the utilisation of these initiatives and the composition and motivations of contributors.
Daily activities on social media vary greatly, but some tasks are more likely to be performed than others, as can be seen from Table 2 below. Reading posts of people journalists follow (36%), monitoring discussions on social media about their own content (33%), adding comments to someone’s page or profile on a social networking site (22%), and posting original comments on social networking and/or microblogging sites (21%), are the activities that Finnish journalists are the most likely to perform every day. About an additional quarter of journalists carry out these activities weekly rather than daily and the rest less than weekly. Some activities are more likely to be carried out weekly rather than daily, these include reading blogs (15% daily and 36% weekly use), using social media to make new contacts (8% daily and 24% weekly use) and replying to comments received on social media sites (12% daily and 24% weekly use). There are activities which are performed even less frequently including maintaining a work-related blog (6% daily and 8% weekly use), publishing a story based on information found on social media (4% daily and 13% weekly use) and contributing to content communities or crowdsourcing sites (1% daily and 1% weekly use). Overall, these preferences suggest that different social media tools are used differently, some are used more actively while others more passively. Among the latter are blogs and content community sites, which are although popular with Finnish journalists, are used mainly to read information rather than to contribute to or interact with other people.
The Channel Zee News has started another program “Zee Helpline” It is the platforum where people can post their issues and problems facing by them in their area. Then The Channel picks the stories, talks to citizen journalists, visits the concern areas and verifies the facts then writes the stories and broadcast the storied. This way Professional media adds on the work done by citizen journalists (Rohit Sardana) Citizen Jorunalism is showing the way to professional media since professional journalists cant be present everywhere. So citizenjournalism is helping the professional media to raise the public interest stories.(Amit Prakash) If professional media takes the citizenjournalism with the sense of responsibility and maturity then media functioning will be definitely more strong. It can be called individual Journalism. (Abhishek).
Background: There is a ground shift happening in media industry, not just in news, because of the widening reach of social media. The use of Social Networking Sites (SNSs) in journalistic work has been a core concern for journalists. Scoop is sophisticated phenomena in media, which is associated with credibility. Objective: To verify empirically of this phenomenon, this study examined how scoop affect the credibility of the news on SNSs. This quantitative study presents and discusses empirical findings from a survey of 242 Jordanian journalists by questionnaire. Results: The results indicate that scoop always pushes journalists to communicate with sources that have a high level of quality and honesty to get real information. In addition, the results of this study provide positive evidence about the importance of scoop in maintaining the credibility of the news, journalist, and media, due to the ongoing verification of the sources that provide news to journalists. Therefore, the application of credibility criteria in dealing with news on social media contribute to the organization of this media phenomenon to become more useful to journalists and society. Conclusion: The competition among journalists to get the news before others, and the increased use of social networking sites as a source of news, will contribute to maintaining the use of scoop among journalists, especially given that citizens needing to know everything in the fastest time and from credible sources. Journalists and media organizations in Jordan should pay attention to new phenomena associated with the rapid developments in media work.
Citizenjournalism (in French Journalisme citoyen) is a form of journalism exercised by the public (the readers, the audiences and tele-viewers), specifically on the internet. Theoretically, it could be seen as a kind of revolution within the public getting into a trade long held jealously mainly by conventional journalists. What accounts for the fact that a trade, whose mastery requires training on its techniques and specific norms, gets invaded by untutored minds? That appears to be the central issue we are seeking to resolve in this article. We go from the hypothesis that citizen jour- nalism has developed as a result of the publics’ lack of satisfaction, both at quantitative and qua- litative levels with the delivery of conventional journalism. In effect, conventional journalism raises myriad issues that require the consumers to proceed to a kind of selection, which itself could be a problem. However, by their nature, issues that constitute news are complex, and this leads to some manipulation in their treatment. These two axes appear to reveal the main sources of discord between conventional journalism and revolted-publics.
Scholars have considered that Twitter could be modifying the professional roles of journalists (Lee et al., 2016) in two ways: adapting its management to the traditional journalistic culture or by exploring the limits of traditional journalistic standards such as objectivity, accountability, etc. (Bruno, 2011; Newman, 2011; Holton & Lewis, 2011; Hermida, 2013; Lawrence et al., 2014; Molyneux, 2015). Recent studies on journalistic roles in news in a multiplatform context (Mellado & Vos, 2017) have included the analysis of social media and thus adapted the operationalization of the different professional roles to this media platform. After almost a decade of research on Twitter and journalism, this paper delves into a relevant but little discussed issue so far: the interaction and dialogue between the media and journalists with the expert sources (Molyneux, 2015). One of the main reasons for the success of Twitter is its usefulness as a contact and interaction tool with specialized sources (Carr, 2010; Revers, 2014; Tenenboim, 2017). The interaction between journalists and expert sources (a political one, in most cases) has become an economic and effective informative content, which has triggered the interest of politicians for the production of their own “quotable” tweets (Broersma & Graham, 2013; Jungherr, 2014; Paulussen & Harder, 2014). Taking this context into account, this article analyses the main dynamics of interaction between journalists and political sources, developing a scale that can articulate these mechanisms for interaction on Twitter.
In general, the Nepali press upholds the Anglo-American ideals of the press (Pokhrel, 1998). The press often claims itself to be the “Fourth Estate,” and given its pivotal role in waging a campaign against the autocratic Panchayat Regime (1970-1990) and subsequently contributing greatly in the restoration of democracy in 1990, the Nepali mainstream press holds significance in the political development in Nepal. American media scholar James Carey’s observed that journalism and politics cannot be thought as two separate independent domains of activity; rather, they are related actively, symbiotically; and they can only be known via their mutual and active adaptations which are cooperative and antagonistic by turns; one can only be known in the light of the other (Carey, 1999, p. 51). Carey’s observation holds true in case of Nepal. But few realize Carey’s remark that without journalism there cannot be democracy, and without democracy there cannot be journalism either (Carey, 1999, p. 51). Kathmandu’s press-- after all more than half of the 800 plus dailies, weeklies and other periodicals in the country are published in this city-- is preoccupied more with Lippmannian ideal of centralization (national standards, national politics, national economy, and national culture) than with Deweyian ideals of decentralization (local standards, local politics, local economy and local culture). With the exception of a few newspapers, almost all dailies, even two-page tabloids of seemingly local nature, prefer to attach in their mastheads the “prestige” phrase “the national newspaper.” So much so that Sandhyakalin, the largest selling and the popular local tabloid, claims to be “the national daily” although a cursory glance would suffice to determine its very local taste.
‘freesheets’), and was covered on the inside pages of the Independent, the Sun, the Daily Mirror and the Daily Express. Headlines were remarkably consistent, communicating a clear consensus across tabloid and broadsheet, left and right. Moral indignation in the form of the Tomlinson family’s ‘fury’ and ‘outrage’ was the dominant emotional register. The police officer had been ‘let off’ and allowed to escape justice. News items, feature articles and editorials reinforced and advanced an inferential structure that had been developing since the footage of Tomlinson’s assault had been made public. Now, the dominant inferential structure extended beyond the Metropolitan Police Service (MPS) to include the CPS and the IPCC. The Tomlinson story continued to evolve as a rolling news story. But it was no longer about the Tomlinson case alone. It constituted collective press outrage at the impunity of police officers and the ineffectiveness of the structures of accountability designed to deliver public protection and justice. With each new development in the Tomlinson case, the inferential structure built around systemic institutional failure was consolidated and strengthened, and the journalistic distrust in those who possess and exercise institutional power simultaneously appeared to be validated and amplified across the criminal justice estate.
The introduction of such social media spaces as platforms for political debate fundamentally changes the rules of the contest. In the first place, it has the potential to undermine the power of the masthead: what Twitter users share as they discuss political events are links to individual articles that may be just as likely to exist on the Website of The Australian as on a random political blog; if other users click on those links at all, then, they are likely to encounter articles and opinions drawn from a broad range of Websites. (Similar arguments have also been made for news aggregators such as Google News, which Rupert Murdoch has accused of “stealing” NewsCorp content; cf. Smillie, 2009.) Twitter, in other words, serves to atomise the news: inherently, the social feed of links to information which other participants have deemed to be interesting enough to share is considerably more diverse than the RSS feed of new stories which followers of any one news Website or blog would have received in the past. The more users come to rely on Twitter and other social media platforms as a means of discovering what is happening in the world – in other words, the more they move from news consumption practices based on subscribing to news updates or even searching for news through Google and other search engines (where personal preferences for specific mastheads may still be exercised as users select from the available search results), and move towards a ‘news will find me’ mentality –, the less likely are they going to be to receive news only from any one specific news outlet. This user-driven processing, atomisation, and reconstitution of the overall newshole through collective social media information sharing activities presents a significant challenge for established news brands (cf. Hermida, 2010; Neuberger, 2010).
Students will enhance major area studies with an understanding of international media. International students studying advertising, journalism, media, or public relations at their home universities augment their knowledge with international aspects of media. The certifi cate is appropriate for Open University students in international media as a career-enhancement option or as an academic foundation. For more information, contact Dr. Bey-Ling Sha, firstname.lastname@example.org. The certifi cate requires 12 units to include Journalism and Media Studies 200 or 210; three units selected from Journalism and Media Studies 300, 408, 460 or 480; and six units selected from Journalism and Media Studies 375, 450, 475, 506, 574, 591, Television, Film and New Media 363.
Seth Jones (2007) writes in his article that he conducted interviews some US military officials and according to them the tipping point for Pakistan was 2005 (Jones, 2007). So was it the time of shifting US policy against Pakistan? After that so called „tipping time‟ several media groups started accusing Pakistan for helping Taliban insurgents in Afghanistan, the blame game started. British Channel 4, broadcasted a short documentary in 2005 under the title „Pakistan‟s double game‟ accusing Pakistan on multiple grounds (Obaid, 2005). Its co- incidence or some hidden agenda that in same year, 2005 first failed state index was published and ranked Pakistan 34 th but very next year, the so called tipping time, they declared it world most 9 th failed state (according to FFP, the report of every year is based on the study of its previous year). This entire situation confirming Nathan Roger‟s study (Roger, 2013), which argues that mass media system has been shifted to rhizomatic (grows horizontally under the ground) media system. Roger points out that such system relates to 7