Attention to questions of methodology have been limited in memory studies because much research has been concerned with theoretical concerns, though Keightley and Pickering (2013) argue that paying practical attention to how memory can be empirically studied will help in the intellectual coalescence of the field. Memory studies spans many disciplines and methods used are thus quite diverse. These methods include studying primary historical and archival sources, oral histories, case studies, interviews, surveys, though Roediger and Wertsch (2008) call for systematising and improving the methodological foundations of the field, reflecting that rigorous qualitative and quantitative approaches are also applicable to memory studies. However, oral historians have not engaged in any extensive way with the public dimension of memory and how it is constituted; and those involved with memory studies have failed to engage with oral histo ry because of “a leading preoccupation in memory studies with collective trauma, national history and heritage, grand-scale ritualistic social practices and macro-cultural memory, rather than with individual and small group micro-processes of remembering (Keightley and Pickering, 2013).
democratically elected government of the Spanish Second Republic and on a huge scale with tens of thousands of people losing property, suffering fines or coming under extreme pressure to ‘donate’ money to Francoists. Little recognition, compensation or restitution has taken place, although historians have increasingly turned their attention to the property confiscations. These scholars, however, have concentrated on the institutions that carried out seizures and on the social profile of the victims (Mir et al, 1997; Alvaro Dueñas, 2006). By contrast, this article examines popular participation in the seizures. It also seeks to overcome the divorce in the historiography between seizures carried out by the Franco regime and the confiscations that took place in territory held by the Republican government during the conflict. It further aims to close the gap between the history of the seizures and their collectivememory as well as to show that historians face serious obstacles when they try to bring the confiscations better into the public sphere and collectivememory. The reluctance of those controlling the Spanish state to confront this dark history explains a good number of the difficulties confronting these historians.
The Forum Imperii's decorative program included large-scale black and white figural mosaics flanked by rows of marble blocks; each of these featured inscriptions boasting about key events in the regime's history. This work examines the iconography of the Forum Imperii's mosaic decorative program and situates these visual statements into a broader discourse that encompasses the panorama of images that circulated in abundance throughout Italy and its colonies. Therein I highlight the Roman, particularly Augustan, models that Mussolini consciously exploited to depict himself as the founder of a new empire. Of special interest are instances of analogy to the figurative references displayed on state-issued postcards, medals, and stamps. This study of quotidian - often ephemeral - objects, fundamental in any archeological analysis, underscores not only the scope of the iconography and its audiences, but also the extent to which the minor arts, along with state architecture, functioned as integral components of a multi-faceted system of propaganda. I demonstrate how the Forum Imperii operated effectively in the aggregate of Fascist propaganda by exploiting the images already present in the collectivememory of Rome, a memory established through Mussolini's observance of the Augustan model of ritual, policy, public display, colonization, and his belief in personal destiny.
As it was mentioned above, the commemorative monu- ment projects analyzed in this research were proposed as a part of an initiative taken by the Russian authorities, the initiative as a part of a rehabilitation process that began after Stalin’s death. However, this process is still a subject of debate in the modern Russian society (Koposov, 2010, 2018; Morenkova, 2014). It would be difficult to present the all the elements of this debate in detail here, but we can try to sketch out the main points. On one hand, the ‘progressive’ trend (Morenkova, 2014) initiated by Gorbachev’s policy would like a complete rehabilitation of the victims of Stalin’s repression, accompanied by the denunciation of the crimes committed, probably associ- ated with a forgiveness enterprise involving the respon- sibility of the Russian State. On the other hand, during the 1990s, there emerged a ‘patriotic’ trend (Morenkova, 2014) around the narrative of the ‘Great patriotic war’ (Second World War) which ‘…serves to eclipse another memory, that of Stalin’s terror, and to convince Russians of the positive role of the State in national history’ (Koposov, 2010: 51). It seems that for a while this story has success- fully fulfilled its function. But the action of some media and opposition parties, the debate among historians and the public discourse of former victims of repression or their descendants will give renewed vigor to the denun- ciation of the crimes of Stalinism (Morenkova, 2014). This Table 5: Excerpts from typical texts of the Historical dimension and Human dimension classes.
Eugenics has been variously described "as an ideal, as a doctrine, as a science (applied human genetics), as a set of practices (ranging from birth control to euthanasia), and as a social movement" (Paul 1998 p. 95). "Race suicide" (Roosevelt 1905) and the ensuing national phobia regarding the "children of worm eaten stock" (Bobbitt 1909) prefaced an era of eugenic ideology whose influence on education has been largely ignored until recently. Using the concept of collectivememory, I examine the eugenics movement, its progressive context, and its influence on the aims, policy and practice of education. Specifically, this study examines the ideology of eugenics as a specific category and set of distinctions, and the role of collectivememory in providing the mechanism whereby eugenic ideology may shape and fashion interpretation and action in current educational practice. The formation of education as a distinct academic discipline, the eugenics movement, and the Progressive era coalesced during the first decades of the twentieth century to form what has turned out to be a lasting alliance. This alliance has had a profound impact on public perception of the role of schools, how students are classified and sorted, degrees and definitions of intelligence, attitudes and beliefs surrounding multiculturalism and a host of heretofore unexplored ramifications. My research is primarily historical and theoretical and uses those material and media cultural artifacts generated by the eugenics movement to explore the relationship between eugenic
Abstract: The occurrence of prevalent phenomena is an almost unclear but interesting subject for us. Here we have constructed a dual model of information fields originated from the news media and showed that the quasi-cyclic appearance of prevalence can be explained by such a model. The homogeneous field of information around us was assumed, which is composed of the real field originated from the primary media such as newspapers and the television, and the cyber field from the PC and smart phones. The latter field is of the SNS cyber world affected by the field of real world. The public was assumed to be influenced simultaneously by these two types of fields to result in the enhancement of the awareness of some specific things. To investigate the viability of such a dual model, inputting the data of the real field regarding the global warming (GW) already reported in Japan as an external variable, the feature was derived in what manner the public awareness of GW had varied during the past ~35 years. The high public awareness was found to be realized at around 2009 when the information environment was explosively enhanced in the real world. Such enhancement of the awareness could be explained by the contribution from the cyber field, which was brought by the instability of the field, or a burst, induced by a small perturbation from the real field. A possibility was pointed out that the spontaneous occurrence of quasi-cyclic instability such as the case of our explosive awareness could take place in the interactive dual system of information between the real and cyber fields. We pointed out that the spontaneous occurrence of prevalence in general could be explained also by the similar mechanism as ours.
In postmodern era arose a fundamentally different civilizational space and also new in its in- ternal culture dominant type of personality, which has every reason to be called a postmodern human. The reality is changing rapidly, increasing its own stochasticity and eventuality, it pro- vokes manifestations of powerful counter-trends in all spheres of public life, destabilizes existing and well-organized systems, increases the number of interpretive scenarios and options for future development. Strengthening social differentiation transforms structural interactions in society, and also affects the cardinal revision of values, both from an individual, and on a scale of ethno- national, cultural or religious communities. Approved in the postmodern finality of human exist- ence is also confirmed by its historical determinism – Post-Modernism does not cancel division of time into the past (potential), present (actual) and future (perpetual) – it changes the degree of their predominance. In the "premodern" (traditional) society the past reigned over the present and the future; social development was based on the observance of the laws, customs and traditions of the past. Modern (industrial) society believed in the infinite possibilities of the mind, its prog- nostic possibilities, created daring futuristic projects, idealized the future in relation to the pre- sent and the past. Postmodern (post-industrial) society asserts domination of the present over both the past and the future.
numerous histories became acceptable again’. There was no sense of post- colonial resistance to alien forms in Bawa’s output when he began to produce work as an architect. In fact, he worked initially for a firm of architects (Edwards, Reid and Begg) that had its roots in the British colonial period on the island (Robson 2007, 36). Rather than turn his back on European culture and ideas, he in fact drew on the concepts of the New International style which was emerging from Modernism. This awareness was also combined with an understanding of Europe’s previous cultural history and, with Plesner’s guidance, Bawa also re- appraised the historic vernacular traditions (of building and landscaping) of the island of Ceylon.
him the incentive to do it (we assumed at the start that it was well adapted). So, on the assumption that a set of such incentives can in fact exist, there is at least that much mutuality between the individual and the collective. Nevertheless, while it may be in the call it action A given what everyone else is doing (ie, action A is Nash), it may well be that the collection of all individuals could all do better if they were somehow all coordinated to behave otherwise say to carry out action B. In other words, the individual agents find themselves in a multi-player . In this case, we have two systems of rules competing for the allegiance of the population. One system directs them to carry out action A, acting as an isolated human atom, the other requires action B, where the population acts as a collective agent and each individual achieves a better satisfaction of his interests. While none of this may in fact be the case, it is clear that there is no reason in principle for us to assume that the characteristics which are spontaneously selected for in social systems will be more desirable to the members of those social systems than the characteristics with which they might wish consciously to endow them.
influence in politics (since they have the backing of Franco-Algerians, who are becoming an important electorate). They see this “war of memories” as their primary struggle, and if certain harkis (like Kerchouche and Besnaci-Lancou) weaken their fight, then they are denounced in favor of the greater good. One woman posting on the website, who described herself as the granddaughter of harkis, questioned this logic. She wrote, “Isn’t there more intelligent action than fighting amongst harkis?” She defends Kerchouche by saying, “she doesn’t pretend to be a historian, she simply relates the story of her family without hiding anything. I find that rather honorable and it allows an understanding of the complexity of this period. It wasn’t good vs. evil in Algeria before ’62. I learned a lot about the history of my family through reading this novel, even though there are differences, and each family has its own history. I think that if the harkis were more united between themselves, they would succeed in finally being heard.” 145 This post elicited a very hostile and defensive response
dropping of the atomic bombs, opened the door for the “official” epic version of the Pearl Harbor story to be criticized and challenged. While a grotesque frame of conspiracy and blame dominated many revisionist narratives, including the minority opinion of the Joint Committee report, the epic frame remained dominant. But the period of questioning, which peaked with Admiral Kimmel’s memoir in the mid-1950s, had a profound effect on the epic version of the story. Although the grotesque did not come to dominate mainstream Pearl Harbor narratives, those who told the story had to account for that frame’s questions, either by ignoring the causes of the attack or by making a point to provide an interpretation different from that of the revisionists. The questions were also addressed through the use of hindsight to develop a comic frame which was able to act as a bridge between the grotesque and the epic. For that reason, Tora! Tora! Tora! represents a significant moment in the construction of American collectivememory of Pearl Harbor in that it, for the first time, is able to reconcile the new information of the reports with the pre-existing attitudes of those employing an epic frame. And, unlike earlier attempts at such reconciliation, it is able to do so without engaging in casuistic stretching or ignoring the new information altogether. Later representations of the attack, then, could build upon the frame established at the end of the film, employing a slightly different epic frame than that employed by most major
In this work, we provide a comprehensive discussion on the various models proposed for the design and description of resistive random access memory (RRAM), being a nascent technology is heavily reliant on accurate models to develop efficient working designs and standardize its implementation across devices. This review provides detailed information regarding the various physical methodologies considered for developing models for RRAM devices. It covers all the important models reported till now and elucidates their features and limitations. Various additional effects and anomalies arising from memristive system have been addressed, and the solutions provided by the models to these problems have been shown as well. All the fundamental concepts of RRAM model development such as device operation, switching dynamics, and current-voltage relationships are covered in detail in this work. Popular models proposed by Chua, HP Labs, Yakopcic, TEAM, Stanford/ASU, Ielmini, Berco-Tseng, and many others have been compared and analyzed extensively on various parameters. The working and implementations of the window functions like Joglekar, Biolek, Prodromakis, etc. has been presented and compared as well. New well-defined modeling concepts have been discussed which increase the applicability and accuracy of the models. The use of these concepts brings forth several improvements in the existing models, which have been enumerated in this work. Following the template presented, highly accurate models would be developed which will vastly help future model developers and the modeling community.
Before leaving this aspect of our topic, let me just explicitly clarify my position in the hopes that I can avoid at least some misunderstandings about it. I am not saying that the famine or the other components of the victimization narratives do not deserve historical research and reflection, nor that evil should be ignored, nor that the memory of the dead should not be held sacred. But I object to instrumentalizing this memory with the aim of generating political and moral capital, particularly when it is linked to an exclusion from historical research and reflection of events in which Ukrainians figured as perpetrators not victims, and when “our own” evil is kept invisible and the memory of the others’ dead is not held sacred. There is an analogy that, for all its faults, might be useful for me to invoke. I write here in much the same way as would a North American Jew who feels all the horror of the Holocaust, but who is disturbed to see this tragedy exploited to further the agenda of various identity and political projects (e.g., the defence of Israel), particularly when it is linked to an exculpating narrative (e.g., vis-à-vis the Palestinians). 31
Energy Models Energy consumption can generally be split into two components: dynamic and static energy [28, 29]. The static energy is the leakage energy during the operation of an electronic device, regardless of the device’s activity. Dynamic energy represents the energy that is consumed by activities such as computation, sending and receiving messages, or memory accesses. For the purpose of our analysis, we assume that computation and local memory oper- ations (e.g., shuffling data) are free. These assumptions are similar to the LogGP model which also only considers network transactions. To model the energy for communication, we assume that each message consumes a fixed energy e. This represents the setup cost to send a zero-byte message and is similar to o and g in the LogP model, we do not separate CPU and network costs because energy consumption is additive and can thus be captured by a single parameter. Furthermore, we denote the energy required to transport each byte from the source’s memory to the destination’s memory as E, similar to LogGP’s G parameter. This model assumes a fully connected network such that the energy consumption does not depend on the location of the source and destination. Thus, ignoring local computations, the total energy consumption of a collective operation is L = T · P + D where T is the runtime (e.g., modeled by LogGP), P is the leakage power, and D is the dynamic energy model. In our analysis, we derive dynamic energy models for the overall operation (the sum of all dynamic energies consumed at each process).
But this book is not just about Via Rasella or the Fosse Ardeatine massacre. Portelli is also concerned with the memory of popular, anti-fascist, and working-class Rome, with middle-class Rome, with the individual narratives which help us to understand a historical event of this importance, with the judicial aspects of the case and with the big theoretical issues of memory, forgetting, consensus, and struggle.") Portelli begins each chapter with some names of the victims – the whole list is read out at the annual ceremony – and weaves the individual stories of those who ‘ ended up at the Ardeatine caves ’ into his broader narrative. As he writes, the victims and their personal histories ‘ sum up the whole complex stratification of histories of a big city ’."* Whilst all of those killed were men, the memory of the massacre has been carried forward above all by women – widows, mothers, sisters – and their voices (at times the oral history is over- used) and those which move the story forward from place to place, victim to victim, moment to moment, trial to trial (this is also true for the Civitella and Pisan cases). Portelli places Via Rasella and the Ardeatine massacres back in their historical context (the history of this period is not self-contained, and neither begins with the bomb nor ends with the massacre). The partisans had been active for months before the Via Rasella bomb attack (without reprisals from the Germans) and the resistance continued after the massacre. The experience of the whole war pervades the book – from the start of the resistance after September to the Allied bombings to the mass deportations of Jews and others. The book is particularly strong on the places linked to these moments – the huge popular housing projects of the Roman periphery, the caves and the later monuments and plaques, the red traditions of San Lorenzo and the Castelli Romani, the communist brick-workers of Valle Aurelia with their cult of the anarchist leader Errico Malatesta.
fun with them. I was excited. I loved the fun. My parents and older broth- ers said to me, little brother, this is the man, capita lao (the war leader at the sea) It is the man.’ We stroked them with rocks and burned those heads.” These stories on violence become latent conflict, which infiltrated into minds of younger generations. Karim gave an example why a Mus- lim or a Christian avoided religious out-group members based on collec- tive memory of violence. He said, as follows, “It happens to our people for example. A kid always asked where my father is. People told him that his father was murdered in the conflict. It makes him hate deeply. He sees, then, every Christians as his enemy.” Another consequence is it is probable that they would be reluctant in inter-religious interaction. He added, “It might happen that Muslims are afraid of having Christian friends in a fear of being converted to Christian. It might also be to Christians, they were reluctant to have contact with Muslims to avoid Islamization.”
A number of things happen when people’s lives and communities are disrupted, or uprooted in a disaster. It is not just the actual victim’s community affected but the larger collectives it is a part of as well. Notably the nation, and this is where the media comes in. The way in which journalists and historians talk and write about the courses of events starts a much larger discourse that informs the national, and even global memory, and the place of the victims in it. This is why the importance of the stories being told by the direct victims should not be understated, as they inspire deeper reflection and renegotiation of much larger narratives: “The stories of the past create the social memory of the present that influences how communities respond in the future”, and the re-telling of these stories has the potential to become as influential as living the experiences themselves (Madsen & O’Mullan 2013, 68-69). In turn, such larger narratives can affect the smaller-scale ones as well, there is a fluid dynamic of constant renegotiation following a disaster, which slows down as time passes but never completely.
Grass believes that Germany's past cannot be separated from its present. For decades, Grass has dealt extensively with German war past and has been an outspoken proponent of the thesis about German guilt. Grass says, “Never…should his generation have kept silent about such misery, merely because its own sense of guilt was so overwhelming….” (Crabwalk 103). However, in Crabwalk, Grass also returns to a war past in order to address the theme of German war suffering. Naval disaster, assassination, death, betrayal, hate-filled chat-rooms – all feature in Crabwalk, a clever interpretation of a historical event of sixty years ago. Crabwalk tells the story of the sinking of the Wilhelm Gustloff, a Nazi cruise ship refitted for war time service, torpedoed by a Russian submarine while carrying escaping German refugees, a platoon of submarine trainees and many injured servicemen and women. Grass reiterates the memories of an old woman who survived the sinking of a ship that toward the end of war transported German refugees from Polish territories. Woman's story is framed with the interpretations of her son, a leftist journalist and a former follower of the Students' Movement who has consistently refused to take his mother's memories public. By intertwining these two contradictory discourses - one that recalls war as a period of German suffering and the other that de-legitimizes those memories by highlighting the suffering that Germans inflicted upon other people – Grass opens up a dialogue between two mnemonic communities that for decades have stood in a stark opposition to each other.
It is commonplace for difficult issues of historiography to be represented by a succession of interviews with ‘talking-head’ experts. This sort of television has been mercilessly parodied by the comedians David Baddiel and Robert Newman in their sketch History Today (supposedly loosely modelled on the fierce polemical encounters between A.J.P. Taylor and Hugh Trevor-Roper) where academic debate soon deteriorates into vicious personal exchanges. There is no doubt that the sort of forensic discussion and presentation of rival opinions can work in the media. Amanda Vickery’s recent series, The Trouble with Love, driven in one sense by an academic curriculum, needed to engage in detail with the evolution of, and contestations between, different historical viewpoints: this was achieved by plotting discussions and interviews with ‘other’ voices into the arguments of the programmes.(15) Since these programmes were dealing with issues in the history of cultural ideas (love, emotions, the self), rather than a narrative of events, institutions and individuals, the structure of the visual time was not disrupted, by cut-aways from location or rostrum shots to the cut and thrust of verbal exchange. As Vickery has commented, she realized from the outset that the thematic history would be more palatable if conveyed via stories. Therefore, in each episode, she took a case study/source that exemplified a problem, paradox or particular context. The troubadour lyrics around Eleanor of Aquitaine enabled her to recreate some of the culture of courtly love. Lady Anne Halkett's autobiography revealed the balance of love, honour, security and passion among the civil war gentry. A 1740s church court case uncovered the rules, rituals and pitfalls of courtship before Hardwicke's Marriage Act of 1753. Shelley's poetry and letters exemplified a radical vision of free love. Rosamond Lehmann's letters and novels captured the attempt to find 'modern love' after the Great War. And finally the reminiscences of Maureen Freely, David Self and Frank Longstreth were used to chart changing mores in the wake of the permissive legislation of the late 1960s. The challenge of these programmes lay in interweaving the narrative, the history of ideas, and the cultural context of the period under discussion into one coherent package. To hold the three threads in tension, all the while entertaining the viewer at 7.30 p.m. (a time when programme makers do not expect to have the audience's full attention) was Vickery's burden.