Collectivism & Individualism

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Is Individualism-Collectivism Associated with Self-Control? Evidence from Chinese and U.S. Samples

Is Individualism-Collectivism Associated with Self-Control? Evidence from Chinese and U.S. Samples

Self-control plays an important role in human’s daily life. In the recent two decades, scholars have exerted tremendous effort to examine the etiologies of the individual differences in self-control. Among numerous predictors of self-control, the role of culture has been rela- tively overlooked. In this study, the influences of cultural orientation on self-control were examined based on the collectivism-individualism framework using both self-report and behavioral task to assess self-control. A convenience sample of 542 Chinese and 446 U.S. undergraduates participated in the research. They were invited to fill out self-report ques- tionnaires reporting their levels of attitudinal self-control and individualistic-collectivistic ori- entation after completing a computer-based Stroop task. Results of hierarchical regression models showed that Chinese participants reported less attitudinal self-control but had higher behavioral self-control than their U.S. counterparts. Moreover, individual-level individualism and collectivism was negatively and positively related to attitudinal self-control in both coun- tries, respectively. Individual-level collectivism was significantly related to better behavioral self-control, but no significant results were found for the relationship between individual- level individualism and behavioral self-control. In sum, individualism and collectivism have some influences on individual differences in self-control. Implications for future research were discussed.
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Corruptive Tendencies, Conscientiousness, and Collectivism

Corruptive Tendencies, Conscientiousness, and Collectivism

If personality has little or no role, then it is not surprising that culture plays a role in influencing behaviour of integrity (and corrupt behaviour) as indicated in the result of this study. In relation to natural and built environment, it is known that physical environment can influence collectivism/individualism of an individual (Kim, 1995; Van de Vliert & Yang, 2013). For example, collectivism which roots strongly and solidly among Jewish in 1920s was actually an effect of the first “kibbutzim” construction, a large collective farm, which also raises collective economy (Schwartz, 1957; Zakim, 2006). The problem is that an individual experience different cultures according to the place where he/she lives. However if culture “shifts”, whether as its implication, moral behaviour always changes according to culture? It is not as simple as it seems. This raises urgency on the need of other psychological construct to bridge this logical gap, and the most potential answer to this gap is moral identity. The influence of moral identity construct on corrupt tendencies needs to be further tested in terms of its main effect and especially its interaction with collectivism, conscientiousness, and other related psychological variables. Moral identity includes (Bauman, 2011, p. 86):
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Corruptive Tendencies, Conscientiousness, and Collectivism

Corruptive Tendencies, Conscientiousness, and Collectivism

If personality has little or no role, then it is not surprising that culture plays a role in influencing behaviour of integrity (and corrupt behaviour) as indicated in the result of this study. In relation to natural and built environment, it is known that physical environment can influence collectivism/individualism of an individual (Kim, 1995; Van de Vliert & Yang, 2013). For example, collectivism which roots strongly and solidly among Jewish in 1920s was actually an effect of the first “kibbutzim” construction, a large collective farm, which also raises collective economy (Schwartz, 1957; Zakim, 2006). The problem is that an individual experience different cultures according to the place where he/she lives. However if culture “shifts”, whether as its implication, moral behaviour always changes according to culture? It is not as simple as it seems. This raises urgency on the need of other psychological construct to bridge this logical gap, and the most potential answer to this gap is moral identity. The influence of moral identity construct on corrupt tendencies needs to be further tested in terms of its main effect and especially its interaction with collectivism, conscientiousness, and other related psychological variables. Moral identity includes (Bauman, 2011, p. 86):
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Individualism, Collectivism, and Trade

Individualism, Collectivism, and Trade

Psychologically, growing up in an individualistic social world biases one toward the use of analytical reasoning, whereas exposure to more collectivistic environments favors holistic ap- proaches. Thinking analytically means breaking things down into their constituent parts and assigning properties to those parts. Similarities are judged according to rule-based categories [. . . ]. Holistic thinking, by contrast, focuses on relationships between objects or people an- chored in their concrete contexts. Similarity is judged overall, not on the basis of logical rules. (Henrich, 2014, p. 593). In their study of Chinese farmers from two regions, Talhelm et al. (2014) showed that re- sponses to the Triad Task are correlated with collectivistic and individualistic production pro- cesses (rice vs. wheat farming) at the individual and societal level. Thus, we are comfortable using this proxy for an individual’s underlying degree of collectivism. Importantly, we hypoth- esize that the relational perspective that underlies holistic thinking applies equally to human relationships, such as that between the farmer and the local merchant in our experiment, and the relationship between the categorical matching of train and tracks in the above example.
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Societal Individualism–Collectivism and Uncertainty Avoidance as Cultural Moderators of Relationships between Job Resources and Strain

Societal Individualism–Collectivism and Uncertainty Avoidance as Cultural Moderators of Relationships between Job Resources and Strain

Further, we chose not to focus on mastery –harmony and monochronism –polychronism because, conceptually, these two cul- tural dimension should be more influential in shaping what goals individuals within that culture tend to hold (e.g., achievement vs. quality of life; broad and abstract vs. concrete and narrow goals) rather than the utility of various resources or the relationship between job resources and strain. This is because resources, including job resources, can typically be flexibly invested and used in a number of ways to achieve a wide variety of desired outcomes (Halbesleben, Neveu, Paustian ‐Underdahl, & Westman, 2014). As an example, social support from one's supervisor can be used to help one to more effectively man- age one's career (e.g., Erdogan, Kraimer, & Liden, 2004) or the interface between work and nonwork life to promote a higher quality of life (e.g., Kossek, Pichler, Bodner, & Hammer, 2011). Similarly, in more monochronistic cultures, job resources may be valued because of their immediacy in helping one to achieve highly salient and time ‐bound goals. However, in more polychronistic cultures, job resources may be similarly valued because one's longer term time horizon may lead one to hold more difficult and abstract goals that require significantly more resources to accomplish. For these reasons, we do not predict that societal mastery –harmony and monochronism–polychronism will moderate relationships between job resources and strain. In the next sections, we focus on the two cultural dimensions of interest to the current investigation, societal individualismcollectivism and universal- ism –particularism, and formulate specific hypotheses around their influence on individual ‐level job resource–strain relationships.
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Rating Leniency and Halo in Multisource Feedback Ratings: Testing Cultural Assumptions of Power Distance and Individualism-Collectivism

Rating Leniency and Halo in Multisource Feedback Ratings: Testing Cultural Assumptions of Power Distance and Individualism-Collectivism

Furthermore, rating biases could be exacerbated when raters possess cultural beliefs that are inconsistent with the practice of giving upward or lateral feedback (Leslie, Gryskiewicz, & Dalton, 1998). This concern stems from the widespread recognition that MSF, as a practice that originated in the United States, is premised on underlying assumptions of individualistic and low-power dis- tance values (Fletcher & Perry, 2001; Leslie et al., 1998; Shipper, Hoffman, & Rotondo, 2007; Stone-Romero & Stone, 2002; Varela & Premeaux, 2008). For instance, seeking (or providing) “objec- tive” feedback on an individual’s behaviors is based on individu- alistic values that emphasize personal striving and self- assertiveness (De Luque & Sommer, 2000; Morrison, Chen, & Salgado, 2004; Stone-Romero & Stone, 2002). Involving peers and subordinates also signals a redistribution of evaluative powers away from the superior and, hence, is more compatible with low-power distance values that are less sensitive to status and hierarchy (Leslie et al., 1998; Shipper et al., 2007). These argu- ments suggest that raters, particularly peers and subordinates, may be even more prone to rating biases when their power distance and individualism-collectivism value orientations are inconsistent with the premise of MSF.
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The Psychological Correlates of Endowment Effect: 
Individualism-Collectivism, Perspective Taking, and 
Real and Hypothetical Endowment Effects

The Psychological Correlates of Endowment Effect: Individualism-Collectivism, Perspective Taking, and Real and Hypothetical Endowment Effects

Whereas hypothetical endowment effect was measured by two questions, that were given you at the beginning and at the end, concerning the two train tickets. This effect corresponds to the asymmetry between the amounts given for such questions. In one of them, it was asked that how much you would accept, while in other, how much you are willing to pay. It was revealed that you wanted 16 million Turkish Liras more than the amount that you would buy the ticket for selling it on average. This study showed that there is at least some relationship between real endowment effect and perspective taking, that individualism-collectivism and perspective taking are significantly correlated with each other.
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Applying Priming Manipulations during Ratings to Relate Individualism and Collectivism with Discomfort towards Performance Appraisal and Leniency

Applying Priming Manipulations during Ratings to Relate Individualism and Collectivism with Discomfort towards Performance Appraisal and Leniency

Although activations and responses were automatic in all the mentioned scenarios, raters may be able to make sense of their actions if inquired. More subtle activations could take place as well, as analogs of priming manipulations (see Aaker & Lee, 2001; DeCoster & Claypool, 2004). In fact, evidence from research on social cognition suggests that impressions can be manipulated during the encoding phase of the appraisal process (e.g., Ferguson & Bargh, 2004; Higgins et al., 1977; Ikegami, 1993; Srull & Wyer, 1979). In Herr's (1986) experiment, for instance, participants exposed to pictures of celebrities displaying aggression were prone to tag a neutral target person as hostile than participants exposed to pictures of celebrities showing friendliness. What is more, there is evidence indicating that priming manipulations can be applied in the appraisal to overcome stereotyping biases (e.g., Blair & Banaji, 1996). In Sassenberg & Moskowitz's (2005) experiment, participants requested to think of a time of high creativity production in their lives gave less stereotyping responses than those in the control group. Similarly, Oishi et al. (2000) experiment suggests that priming manipulations can affect judgments during integration. In this study, participants primed with collectivism were more inclined to attribute good performance to dispositional factors and more willing to attribute bad performance to external factors than did students primed with individualism. Likewise, subtle priming manipulations may well activate schemas affecting rating scores (see Ikegami, 1993).
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Exploring relationships between employees' locus of control, individualism and collectivism orientation, and upward dissent message strategies

Exploring relationships between employees' locus of control, individualism and collectivism orientation, and upward dissent message strategies

measures individual IC orientation along four dimensions; Horizontal Individualism (e.g., “I’d rather depend on myself than others”), Vertical Individualism (e.g., “It is important that I do my job better than others”), Horizontal Collectivism (e.g., “If a coworker gets a prize, I would feel proud”), and Vertical Collectivism (e.g., “Parents and children must stay together as much as possible”) (Triandis & Gelfand, 1998, p. 120). Evidence for reliability of the measure has been found in previous research (e.g., Triandis & Gelfand, 1998). Triandis and Gelfand’s (1998) found reliability coefficients ranging from .40-.68 for the Horizontal Individualism subscale, .45- .59 for the Vertical Individualism subscale, .49-.67 for the Horizontal Collectivism scale, and .45-.61 for the Vertical Collectivism subscale. In my data analysis, I averaged the Vertical Individualism and Horizontal Individualism items to yield mean Individualism scores. Similarly, I averaged the Vertical Collectivism and Horizontal Collectivism items to yield mean
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The cultural syndrome "individualism-collectivism" and its psychological peculiarities including well-being of  regional communities' representatives in Ukraine

The cultural syndrome "individualism-collectivism" and its psychological peculiarities including well-being of regional communities' representatives in Ukraine

The obtained statistically significant points of change coincide well with the large-scale historical events of Ukrainian and Soviet history of the 20th century. This result indicates that the dynamics of the use of pronouns is a sensitive mechanism of society's response to important historical events. It was shown that the period of the "building of communism" (1918-1991) was characterized by a lowered individualistic orientation, compared with the previous and subsequent segments of time. Characteristically, gradual changes symmetrically cover the beginning of this period (the strong movement of individualism downwards begins in the middle of the 20th century) and its end (the strong movement of individualism upwards begins in the mid-70's). During this period, a brief surge of individualistic orientation comes from the Soviet- German War of 1941-1945. The period of “stagnation” is the longest period of the XX century. without statistically significant points of change. The period of “the reconstruction” in the charts of change seems like a logical continuation of the transformations that began in the second half of the 70's of the twentieth century.
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Cultural dimension of individualism and collectivism and its perceptual and cognitive correlates in cross-cultural research

Cultural dimension of individualism and collectivism and its perceptual and cognitive correlates in cross-cultural research

The dimension of individualism (collectivism) is considered to be one of the most useful and most intensively investigated constructs in the Þ eld of cross-cultural psychology (Schimmack, Oishi & Diener, 2005) and Hofstede’s theory of dimensions of national cultures represents a useful tool to structure and measure the nature of various cultures (Bond , 2002).One pole of the bipo- lar continuous dimension is “Individualism”(numerical value 100; in the further text labeled as IND), which is de Þ ned as a complex behavior motivated by an individual’s interest in his or her own (or his or her immediate social surroun- dings like a family or a partner) pro Þ t on the expenses of other social groups (neighbors, nation, stat). Second pole of the dimension – “Collectivism” (nume- rical value 0; in the further text labeled as COL) is traditionally interpreted as a behavior based on the interest of broader social surroundings and care of the traditions and values of society. This dimension can be generally de Þ ned as a quality of relationship between an individual and his or her social surroun- dings (Hofstede, 1983).
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THE FORMATIONAL AND FUNCTIONAL MECHANISMS OF CHINTREPRENEURSHIP – THE MECHANISM OF CHINA-WAY OF ENTREPRENEURSHIP: COLLECTIVISM VS. INDIVIDUALISM

THE FORMATIONAL AND FUNCTIONAL MECHANISMS OF CHINTREPRENEURSHIP – THE MECHANISM OF CHINA-WAY OF ENTREPRENEURSHIP: COLLECTIVISM VS. INDIVIDUALISM

Collectivism vs. Individualism: A Dilemma Sabotaging the Concept of Entrepreneurship Why and how, the rapidly emerged Chintrepreneurship can be incubated and nurtured in a politically autocratic, cronyism-oriented and collectivism-based system (China), should be treated as a theoretical question, fundamentally sabotaging or at least shaking the foundation of traditionally conceptualized framework that, only a politically democratic system can thrive the individualism based entrepreneurship (Zhao, 2017). To this end, the collectivism-based Chintrepreneurship deserves to be incorporated into the neo-classic economic theory, in order to provide a new paradigm for those contemporary Western scholars and politicians to shake-off their status quo of skepticism in the face of emerging model of China-way of entrepreneurship. The constant growth of China GDP even in the downturn of global economy proves itself that, Chintrepreneurship is successful in terms of speed, scale and scope (Keane, 2007; Kynge, 2000), indicating that, in today‘s rapidly globalized and diversified environment, the government- led or the collectivism-based entrepreneurship may be more appropriate than the traditionally individualism-based entrepreneurship. Given that the wholeness is greater than the sum of pieces, it is plausible to rationalize why those globally competitive FDIs failed to compete with the government-supported indigenous enterprises in China (Zhao, 2016; 2017).
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From us to me: cultural value changes from collectivism to individualism in Chinese commercials

From us to me: cultural value changes from collectivism to individualism in Chinese commercials

Prior research has assumed that Chinese culture is traditionally taken as collectivism (Hofstede, 1980; Triandis & Hui, 1990; Triandis, 2001; Lin, 2001; Oyserman et al., 2002; Cao, 2009). China promotes collective values that people shall keep a group thought rather than focusing on an individual’s self. However, recent scholarly work also points out that members of the Chinese younger generation, who were born after 1979, have gradually changed their cultural value from collectivism to individualism due to the cultivation by imported media from Western culture (Cao, 2009; Sun and Wang, 2010; Liu, 2008; Zhang & Harwood, 2002; Yang, 2012; Zhou, 2011). The Chinese younger generation have more personal attitudes and opinions than their parents. They tend to pursue freedom, to emphasis on individual, and to be unique. This study aimed to explore what kind of changes has occurred among Chinese commercials along with the change of their target. It examined if individualistic factors were more frequently used in the commercials in recent years than approximately ten years ago with consideration of merchandise type and production place.
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They Say It Where I’m From: Using the Language of Idioms to Compare the Characteristics of Individualism vs. Collectivism

They Say It Where I’m From: Using the Language of Idioms to Compare the Characteristics of Individualism vs. Collectivism

The Monochromic/Polychromic focus is an example of a type of cultural dimension. This study will focus on the cultural dimension of Individualism versus Collectivism. With the large research of idioms done by other scholars throughout all types of languages across different culture and country clusters, this project will undertake evaluating those idioms in terms of Individualism and Collectivism. The language and Individualistic/Collectivistic inclinations will be given a value to see if there is a correlation between the language of an idiom and the

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The relevance of the individualism – collectivism (IC) factor for the management of diversity in the South African national defence force

The relevance of the individualism – collectivism (IC) factor for the management of diversity in the South African national defence force

Triandis (1993) described these different opposing characteristics of a culture as a cultural syndrome and characterised it as “a set of elements of a subjective culture organised around a theme”. Eaton and Louw (2000) used Hofstede’s definitions of individualism and collectivism to explain the two themes or cultural syndromes. Individualism (I) is defined as a tendency within a culture to focus on the individual rather than on the group, and collectivism/ communalism (C) as a tendency within a culture to forward gregariousness and group orientation. This dimension, individualism-collectivism, distinguishes between cultures that value individual effort as opposed to collective team effort (Kruger & Roodt, 2003). The IC-factor refers to the degree to which a culture encourages, fosters and facilitates the needs, wishes, desires and values of an autonomous and unique self against those of a group. Members of individualistic cultures see themselves as separate and autonomous individuals, whereas members of collectivistic cultures see themselves as fundamentally connected with one another. In individualistic cultures, personal needs and goals take precedence over the needs of others, whereas, in a collectivistic cult ure, individuals’ needs are sacrificed to satisf y the group (Matsumoto, 2000). Hwang, Francesco and Kessler (2003) stated that for individualists, social behaviour is determined by attit udes, personal rights and contracts, whereas for collectivists such behaviours are rooted in norms, obligations, and duties; individualists view relationships as rational exchanges, whereas collectivists emphasize the communality of the relationship. This means that people from different cultures view the world, their environment, their workplace and, by implication, their military colleagues through their own cultural filters. Matsumoto (2000) defined this natural tendency as ethnocentrism.
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Individualism/Collectivism and Cultures of Happiness: A Theoretical Conjecture on the Relationship between Consumption, Culture and Subjective Well Being at the National Level

Individualism/Collectivism and Cultures of Happiness: A Theoretical Conjecture on the Relationship between Consumption, Culture and Subjective Well Being at the National Level

Another line of attack available to communitarian social critics rests in looking at different forms of individualism (Triandis and Gelfand, 1998). America is often seen as the global icon for individualism. While, on average, Americans are happier than the also-prosperous Japanese, they lose hands-down to the Danes, the Icelanders, and the Swiss (Diener and Oishi, 2000; Schyns, 2000). Fully exploring the reasons for this finding is beyond the scope of this paper. But it may be related to the distinction between “individualistic,” meaning free from social coercion, and “individualistic,” meaning self-interested and socially competitive. These very happy cultures tend to combine a sense of social responsibility and solidarity with a high degree of freedom for people to make key life choices by following their internal com- pass (Triandis and Gelfand, 1998). These cultures may also put rel- atively less pressure on their members to excel at the extrinsic goals of becoming rich and looking beautiful, thus leaving them somewhat freer to work on meeting their intrinsic needs (see Table 1). These very happy countries also allow for self-expression in most arenas, but limit American style individualism by enforcing an egalitarian distrib- ution of economic resources. This may increase their average level of SWB both by eliminating poverty, and by reducing envy and feelings of inadequacy among the non-rich (Hagerty, 2000).
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Collectivism and the Costs of High Leverage

Collectivism and the Costs of High Leverage

This table reports OLS regression results for Equation (2) using different subsamples related to the costs of high leverage. The dependent variable is SALES_G, firm sales growth, which is influenced by customers and competitors. The independent variables include the collectivism score (COL), our measure of high leverage (HLEV), and firm- and country-level controls. Detailed variable definitions and data sources are provided in Appendix A. Consistent with common practice (Opler and Titman, 1994; Campello, 2003, 2006), we use the relative measurement method when calculating firm-level variables. Specifically, a firm’s HLEV is measured relative to its country peers, and the other firm-level variables are constructed relative to their country-industry- year means. Model 1 repeats the results of the baseline model using the full sample. In Models 2 and 3, a firm is classified as having high (low) product specialization if its R&D-to-sales ratio is above (below) the sample median two years before the base year. In Models 4 and 5, industries with a high (low) debt level comprise those with an average long-term debt ratio above (below or equal to) the median of the overall sample two years before the base year. The last row reports the p-value for the test of difference in the coefficients on COL×HLEV between the low and high subsamples. t-statistics in parentheses are based on standard errors clustered at the firm level. ***, **, and * indicate statistical significance at the 1%, 5%, and 10% levels, respectively.
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Fregean sense and anti individualism

Fregean sense and anti individualism

Brown traces the alleged problem to the view that knowledge requires discriminative abilities. The reason anti-individualism appears to undermine privileged access is that a subject is unable ‘to distinguish a priori between the thought contents she actually has and the thought contents she would have in various counterfactual situations’ in which her environment differs (pp. 37–8). Brown’s response is to challenge the assumption that the counterfactual situations that would undermine a subject’s discriminatory abilities are normally relevant. So, that a subject cannot distinguish a priori the actual situation in which she thinks that p from alternative situations in which she thinks a different thought due to an environmental difference does not affect whether she knows that she thinks that p, since those alternatives are not relevant.
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Individualism/collectivism, cultural identity, and self enhancement : a study of New Zealand Māori : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Psychology, Massey University

Individualism/collectivism, cultural identity, and self enhancement : a study of New Zealand Māori : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Psychology, Massey University

Therefore, those individuals with a high level of Maori cultural identity who score high on vertical collectivism or horizontal collectivism will be less likely to express self-enhanceme[r]

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Stigma towards people with mental health problems: an individualism-collectivism cross-cultural comparison.

Stigma towards people with mental health problems: an individualism-collectivism cross-cultural comparison.

However, both Zhou (2002) and Triandis (1995; 2001) have also argued that there are nuances of individualism emerging, particularly in the younger generation. This is because traditions of Confucius, Taoism, and Buddhism have been knotted into new ideas in order to emphasise not only egalitarianism but also individual and team responsibility and competition. Triandis uses the example of teams now being rewarded according to productivity and their superiority relative to other teams. Before the 1980s, only the individual’s ‘social contribution’ was considered in the distribution of rewards, whereas more recently it is not enough to hold a socially contributing job – one must also do it well. They are also encouraged to find a job that is enjoyable. Furthermore, to the extent to which they are able, Triandis explains that the Chinese engage themselves in continuous learning and self-cultivation with the aim of becoming more loyal, filial, brotherly, and friendly to in-group members and to be good followers of the in-group authorities. Ho and Chiu (1994) explain that to be ‘filial’, one must regularly worship their ancestors (although only on the proper occasions), for children to repay the debts of their parents, accept the spouse chosen by the family. As Tu (1985: p234) elaborates, “For the son to cultivate himself, in this view, he must learn to suppress his own desires, anticipate the wishes of his father, and take his father’s commands as sacred edicts”. Evidence for loyalty to authority in- groups came from a study by Bond et al (1985) who found that compared to
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