Nonetheless, prevention fits well with the prevailing concern for ‘governing the future’; to avert potential harms, through foresight, anticipation and pre-emption (Zedner 2009). Yet this raises vexed issues concerning the knowledge and evidence upon which causal assumptions and developmental trajectories are premised and how knowledge generated is subsequently utilised. In the ‘Petabyte Age’ of ‘Big Data’ analytics, the criminological quest for causation – that situational prevention challenged three decades ago – may now be undermined further (Chan and Bennett Moses 2016). The volume, variety and velocity of new forms of data enable interventions in the present that shape the future in diverse (and as yet unimaginable) ways that eschew the search for causality (Mayer-Schönberger and Cukier 2013), with evident implications for security. Real-time data enable the generation of knowledge and its application in compressed time-horizons and prompts a perspective of emergent causality. It elicits a reflexive approach to knowledge creation and application as both relational and as a state of being, with feedback loops and changes through iterative processes (Chandler 2015). Such Big Data provides possible insights into shifting patterns and changing contexts, potentially enabling real-time reflexive awareness and management of risks and problems as they arise. It presages forms of ‘algorithmic justice’ where the preventive designs are built into the algorithms that determine how information is used. As Amazon and Google seek to predict your taste, so too the algorithms of future services, providers and utilities may seek to prevent ‘bad risks’ (Harcourt 2015). Nevertheless, what remains constant is the fact that crime prevention strategies – whether initiated or conducted by citizens, civil society
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Rather than seeking to implement a single program, social crime prevention strategies promote multi-agency collaboration between government and non-government agencies such as justice, health and education, youth affairs and local community bodies. A principle underlying the programs is the promotion of “community involvement and ownership which permits evidence- based solutions to be formulated or adapted to meet local conditions and needs” (CPV2002, p.14). Community Safety Week is one of the CPV programs designed to promote community
Profiles of this kind can be extended to all LGAs and are essential to evidence based crime prevention activities. As listed earlier ‘Developing demographic and need profiles of Local Government Areas’ is one of the major initiatives supported by the Safer Streets and Homes Program program (CPV, 2002b). The importance of community profiles has also been outlined in the Victoria Police policy and guidelines LSC Resource Kit (2002). According to this publication a community profile provides an overview of the local safety issues and acts as a planning instrument to assist police and LSCs “in identifying and developing strategies to address those issues” (p.18).
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(Feliciano et al., 2001). Towards this end, the State is considered a system of coordination and cooperation among the citizenry; local executes and the integrated law enforcement and public safety agencies created under this Act (Broadhurst, 2006). The PNP expressly states that peace and order and public safety can be assured only with the active involvement of the community (Domingo- Almase, 2013). The 1987 Philippine Constitution, notably the Declaration of Principles and the State of strategies commands that the prime obligation of the administration is to serve and secure the general population (Desierto, 2010). The administration may call upon the general population to protect the State, and all nationals might be required under conditions gave by law, to render a man, military or ordinary administration (Chadwick & May, 2003). The PNP recognized the role of Village Tanods, Bantay Bayan, Civilian Volunteer Organizations (CVO), Villages Auxiliaries, Non-Government Organizations (NGO) and people's organizations as Force Multipliers in the Fight against criminality, insurgency, and terrorism (Pena, 2007). These organizations are also valuable partners of the government in community development. The PNP shall have the following powers and functions: Enforce all laws and ordinances relative to the protection of lives and properties; Maintain peace and order and take all necessary states to ensure public safety; Investigate and prevent crimes, effect the arrest of criminal offenders, bring offenders to justice and assist in their prosecution; Exercise the general powers to make arrest, search and seizure in accordance with the Constitution and pertinent laws; Detain an arrested person for a period not beyond what is prescribed by law, informing the person so
The need for evidence‐based crime prevention to be informed by thorough analysis of local crime data and intelligence is well documented (Cherney and Sutton 2007; Crawford 1998a; Ekblom 1987; Homel 2009; Sherman et al. 2002). This is reflected in the current NSW Guidelines for Developing a Crime Prevention Strategy, which suggest that analysis of a local government area crime profile on the Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research (BOCSAR) website be supplemented by local Police Area Command input to identify factors that contribute to crime locally, along with localised victim and offender profiles, and some evidence of the impact of local police operations on reported crime statistics (NSW Department of Attorney General and Justice n.d.). The Guidelines state such information is ‘essential’ to ensuring that crime prevention strategies are relevant to local communities (NSW Department of Attorney General and Justice n.d.: 2), seemingly recognising the limitations of recorded crime data alone as a means of demonstrating actual crime rates and crime trends (Maguire 1994; Matka 1997).
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Technology-mediated efficacy may improve all types of crime prevention due to increased knowledge acquisi- tion. One way to improve community engagement with technology-mediated efficacy for crime prevention would be to increase Internet access across places. This sugges- tion is in line with Carr’s (2003) recommendations for improving social control efforts to reduce crime. In this way, residents could be introduced to locally organized programs where trained professionals, local volunteers, and law enforcement could teach the community how to use new technology to prevent crime. Such efforts could also involve local police departments and local counties or councils on how information about crime prevention strategies can be found and accessed via Google. For example, law enforcement could release monthly news- letters with crime prevention tips online to increase com- munity engagement and government transparency. To develop such programs, key stakeholders in the area of crime prevention, big data, and emerging technologies would be crucial for successful implementation.
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Moreover, to increase the proportion of older adults with reduced physical or cognitive function who engage in light, moderate, or vigorous leisure-time physical activities (Office of Disease Prevention and Health Promotion, 2018). With these unprecedently growing numbers of older adults, the promotion of independence in the community along with proper primary prevention services and proper referrals is needed. 70 Strong can provide a specific type of support services and referrals that older adult population needs to lead healthy lives in the community.
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Crime continues to be an unfortunate aspect of life since ancient days. History describes the practice of crude self-protection and crime prevention techniques by several early societies. Use of natural and manmade tools and community togetherness were used as protection techniques against attacks. Early dwellings used the lower floors for daytime activities and the more secure upper floors for rest and slumber at night. The inhabitants would further control night-time access to upper floors by use of retracting ladders. Settlements located on mountain tops utilized the natural element of height offered by the environment for protection. Ancient societies also constructed structural elements like forts and moats to define boundaries and protect citizens from enemies. Thus height, distance and light were the conventional design features that were used to manage needs of defence and security. This establishes the use of physical environment for defence and protection since early days.
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A 42 years old religious leader states that violation of norms and law in the traditional (rural) Gammo, Goffa, Gidicho and in the Zeyise community leads to the worst or harsh or excuseless measures. For example, vowing social burden or social sanction on those who are rejected to obey to the decision of traditional elder personality. He added that the sanction system is strong and will force to on cash or ban social penalty. It is not only stretching the sanction system but it is strongly discouraging social involvement. To avoid social embracement or social pain you have to obey the decision of the elders. Thus the system enforce you take the issues to the legal institutions in the consultation with the traditional elders. If and only if it is beyond the capacity of elders you are told to present it to the legal bodies. As Bola (inmate) mentioned, the clan and tribe elders are core persons in turning down criminal acts/conducts in Gammo community particularly Gammo highlands, in Boreda and Kucha areas. Several cases are handled by local clan and tribe groups. Using community policing as other important system that will encourages the involvement of community in crime/criminal behavior prevention or control. The strong community members’ involvement stretches the system to identify the new faces, new actions and new practices in their villages. There is over stretched reporting chain which rooted from each member of community to the police office. It created strong network among police and the member of community. As one of police officer stated, in Arba Minch city the rate and report of crime is decreasing from time to time just after the implementation of the community policing in the city. He added that Local social organizations/institutions such as ‘Idir’, ‘Eqib’, ‘Mahaber’, are our backbone in the process of crime prevention and control chain and network and ‘’these are our indigenous knowledge or tools to handover crime at its grass root level if we are powerful to exploit them very well’’ he added.
By highlighting the psychological and social dimensions implicit in the rational choice perspective, Clarke and Homel have opened exciting new directions for situational crime prevention. However, it is argued in this paper that the full potential of this expansion is not realised in the strategies provided in the revised classification. There are two main criticisms of the new fourth column. First, the list of suggested strategies for inducing guilt is by no means exhaustive. It will be shown that theories dealing with the moral reasoning of offenders which underpin these strategies have wider implications for crime prevention than are acknowledged by Clarke and Homel. Based on a re-examination of these theories, four alternative guilt-inducing strategies are proposed -- ‘rule setting’ (defined somewhat more broadly than the similarly-named category proposed by Clarke and Homel), ‘clarifying responsibility’, ‘clarifying consequences’ and ‘increasing victim-worth’.
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and of local environments, and the situations and opportunities that facilitate victimization and offending. A considerable amount of research and evaluation has created the fundament for development of various approaches of crime prevention. Classifying crime prevention activities into primary, secondary, and tertiary B. Welsh and D. Farrington  determine that primary prevention involves measures focused on improving the general well-being of individuals, secondary prevention focuses on intervening with children and youth who are at risk for becoming offenders or victims, and tertiary prevention involves measures directed toward those who have already been involved with crime or victimization. In turn, according to the crime prevention guidelines  the major fields of crime prevention include developmental, environmental, situational, social and community-based crime prevention. Crime prevention through social development includes a range of social, educational, health and training programmes. Recently most developmental prevention efforts have targeted early risk factors for offending. It is worth noting that risk-focused prevention was imported into criminology from medicine and public health. The basic idea of risk-focused prevention is very simple: to identify the key risk factors for offending and to implement prevention methods designed to counteract them. Community crime prevention includes areas with high levels of deprivation, both in terms of infrastructure, services and wealth, or lack of community cohesion. This includes slums and informal settlements, or inner-city or suburban housing projects, often areas with a concentration of economic and social problems. Community crime prevention often involves the active participation of local residents and organizations in those communities and neighbourhoods. They may be involved in identifying local priorities as well as implementing responses. The term “community” can refer to small neighbourhoods
Interventions often work best in synergistic combinations – for example, in broad terms, a carefully-specified mixture of situational and offender-oriented action, only some of which will come under the planning remit. This means, ideally, that planning decisions are taken in awareness of, and perhaps in coordination with, other crime reduction policies and practices. There will be strict statutory limits to this, of course. So those locally responsible for crime and disorder strategy (i.e. Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnerships, particularly working with S17 of the Crime & Disorder Act 1998 in mind, which requires local authorities to consider crime and disorder reduction while exercising all their duties) should also be taking the wider overview of a whole series of potential crime control systems – planning, design, construction, management, operation – security behaviour and supporting technology, reaction to breaches, and care and maintenance. Planning sets the scene for many of those that follow. Good planning will reduce the load on crime reduction through site management and maintenance, for example; poor planning will leave a legacy of crime risks and costs.
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of the BCS was in 1982, by which time the Research Unit had become the Research and Planning Unit (RPU). The survey was a substantial administrative criminology pro- ject in its own right. It was sold by researchers to policy divisions who were not enthusiastic in the early days. It aligned with SCP interests in various ways. For one, it showed the crime problem as it actually affected house- holders rather than as documented in police-recorded crime. Second, it identified the important phenomenon of repeat victimisation, which generated a number of studies in the SCP mould. Third, it tracked how targets of theft changed over time, showing how simple availabil- ity and desirability of targets could determine crime pat- terns. Fourth, it revealed just how much ordinary crime stays beyond the reach of the criminal justice system, by not being reported to the police, by not always being recorded by them, by not being cleared up, etc. At the same time, the BCS also showed how risks of victimisa- tion varied in ways that implicated social and economic factors—so not quite on the SCP agenda.
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Studies on foreign crime in ethnic areas [1-5] can be organized into the sub-categories of “the study on the relation between ethnic places and dwelling environ- ment” and “the study on the public security and foreign crime in ethnic places.” The former sub-category has mainly been studied in the fields of geography, architec- ture, and urban planning, whereas the latter sub-category has been studied in criminology, penology, and police public administration. Although interdisciplinary studies about the characteristics of foreign crime and ethnic ar- eas focusing on CPTED have not been sufficient, the literature review about them can be summarized as fol- lows: 1) Foreigners are clustered in the specific areas; 2) Foreign residential areas in Korea are deteriorating due to a lack of urban infrastructure and the location of clus-
4. Utilization of Volunteer Resources: Community policing encourages the use of non-law enforcement resources within a law enforcement agency. Volunteerism involves active citizen participation with their law enforcement agency. The law enforcement organization educates the public about ways that they can partner with the organization and its members to further community policing, and provides an effective means for citizen input. Volunteer efforts can help to free up officer time, and allow sworn personnel to be more proactive and prevention oriented. Examples of such resources might include police reserves, volunteers, Explorer Scouts, service organizations, and citizen or youth police academies.
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Secondly, the chapter will discuss the definition of residential community. This will give a thorough understanding of residential community and what are the matters that help build it. For instance, residential communities in high-rise urban dwellings are different from the rural area with regards to its ethnicity, age group, interest, living expenses and others.
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Finally, in the commune of Coyhaique, during the first application of the ESU questionnaire, 100% of the crimes corresponded to thefts of different types, i.e. robberies (50%), robberies by surprise (25%) and robberies to inhabited places (25%) In the second measurement, as in the case of Puente Alto, when implementing improvements in the environmental infrastructure of the territories, there were crimes that require a higher level of violence by criminals, where the crime of theft with bullying increased by 40% between 2017 and 2018. The following table (number) shows the specific locations where the crimes that affected the persons surveyed during the twelve months prior to the application of the ESU questionnaire have occurred most frequently in the three measurements carried out.
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Data and Measures. Participant responses on the theme of data and measures appear in Table 7. The table shows some attempts towards measuring outcomes and utilising data, including crime and victim data and public health databases. LSCs also expressed awareness of available community perceptions of crime and safety surveys with Bendigo indicating that while they knew about the CPV survey, they understood that it had no budget to expand the sample size to increase the validity of survey. Further to this, Glen Eira identified an ongoing need for work in the area of perceptions of crime.
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Other community sector workers that play an important role in advocacy often not recognised as such are indigenous and ethnic organizations. This topic deserves a separate in depth review and cannot be discussed at length in a paper of this scope, however, good discussions on indigenous community governance can be found in Shannon and Hendriks (2004) and Martin (2005). Both of these stress the need for a high level of community control and attention to addressing disadvantages. The former note that: “The concept of community capacity and associated discourse has permeated all levels of public policy and research in recent times, and clearly, in an Indigenous Australian context, it is inextricably linked to issues of governance” (Shannon & Hendriks, 2004, p.1). Similarly, Martin (2005) explains that governance and capacity building are seen as crucial precursors to addressing entrenched social and economic disadvantage.
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In his second edition to Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design, Jeffery (1977) bemoaned the direction which the practice of situational crime prevention had taken since the first edition of his book in 1971. As Jeffery noted, initial approaches to situational crime prevention relied on the subtle interplay between person and environment. However, he complained, as situational prevention developed, crude target-hardening approaches came to dominate. The use of territorial boundaries in crime prevention is an example of this change. In the early crime prevention literature, the emphasis was on the deterrent effects of symbolic territorial markers which exerted an influence over potential offenders of which they may not have been fully aware. However, subsequently, territorial boundaries were more likely to involve real fences and bars which are used to physically prevent potential offenders carrying out their intended courses of action.
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