Elastic net regularized logistic regression models were trained using a training set containing 1679 individuals. The regularization parameters alpha and beta were tuned using cross validation and the model was retrained on the entire training set with optimal parameters. Testing this model on a test set of 421 individuals resulted in an area under the receiver operating characteristic curve (AUC) of 0.67 (see ‘Full model’ in Fig. 3). Informative covariates se- lected by the training procedure included age, past arrests, mentalhealth diagnosis, enrollment to the JDP, as well as utilization of outpatient group services, medical services and case management. The probability of re-arrest is modeled as function of a weighted sum of these factors. As the ROC curve in Fig. 3 indicates, the model correctly predicts 50% of individuals in the ecosystem at risk for re-arrest based on the defined risk factors, while mischaracterizing 30% of individuals at risk. To assess the predictability of re-arrest from basic demographic data, namely, age, gender and race, we trained a simpler model using the same cohort and an elastic net model. This model was inferior to the full model, with an AUC of 0.60 and 42% true positive rate at the 30% false positive threshold (‘Basic model’ in Fig. 3). The difference between the two ROCs illus- trates the additional predictive power of the judicial and mentalhealth related factors.
Our study found that both at the population level and mentalhealth service use level, BME patients are more likely to be assessed and detained under MHA, and this excess was attributable to a diagnosis of mental illness, presence of risk and poorer level of social support. Although we still cannot definitely rule out the possibility that at every level, mentalhealth services are ‘discrimi- natory’, our study adds to the accumulating evidence that the MHA excess was a function of higher rates of serious mental illnesses in the BME population. Recent studies have found that BME patients do not have a longer dura- tion of untreated psychosis, hence there is no evidence of a delay in presentation to mentalhealth care [20, 21]. The rate of criminaljustice was greater amongst the Black African group in this study, which does indicate that more needs to be to improve mentalhealth service engagement and assertive outreach to reduce the imposition of police involvement with minority ethnic groups; particularly the Black African and African Caribbean ethnic groups who are more likely to make contact with early intervention services through criminaljustice involvement whereas White British patients access care through GP’s in the case of first episode psychosis .
others. They describe the need to belong as an innate feature of human nature, and this can motivate people to develop a ‘collective identity’. It is possible that by collaborating with peers, participants were seeking to create a ‘collective identity’ (Melucci, 1995) where they shared group consciousness as well as addressing practical concerns about best practice. The concept of a collective identity has been criticised for reducing the personal and subjective experience to the suggestion of a fixed, unified group category. The researcher is careful here not to use the term ‘collective identity’ as an indisputable identity formation in order to create a label for all appropriate adults or reduce their individual and relational experiences. Communities of Practice theory (Lave & Wenger, 1991) defined as ‘an aggregate of people who come together around some common endeavour’, could describe and explain the process. Social engagement, social practice and talk are emphasised rather than the mere label (of appropriate adult) that brings them together and therefore describes the social collective that is meaningful to those choosing to participate (Benwell & Stokoe, 2006). Appropriate adult schemes were constrained as a result of funding restrictions and threats to the service. Participants were aware of these constraints: this awareness impacted on how secure their role was perceived to be, and they talked about concern for the future. NAAN (Bath, 2014) has stressed its concern about budget cuts to current appropriate adult service provisions. It has
The data was analyzed using the statistical software PASW Statistics 18 (formerly SPSS) (IBM SPSS, Inc., 2009). Observed and expected values by gender, race, and educational attainment were compared to national imprisonment statistics taken from Western and Pettit (2009), which they calculated using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY) 79. These values analyzed imprisonment by birth cohort. The NLSY 89 was chosen because this cohort, persons born 1955-1959, contained the average birth year of participants. Western and Pettit (2009) used life-table methods to generate cumulative risk of imprisonment based on race, gender, and educational attainment in the presence of mortality. Their analysis provided a national rate comparison and expected values were calculated for each group from the sample data. Chi-square tests were performed to test the significance of the difference be- tween the observed and the expected incarceration rates provided by Western and Pettit (2009) using OpenEpi (Dean et al., 2006).
Stage 3 adopts a ‘mixed-method’ approach. From a qualitative orientation the thematic findings from Stage 2 will be juxtaposed with the sub-group and clinical presentation narrative results of Stage 1. A matrix ap- proach will be used to conduct a comparative analysis between the two sets of findings examining these for matches, mismatches and gaps. An example of the gen- eral questions that will guide this section include whether there are specific veteran sub-groups, for ex- ample, combat exposure, that match the veteran views on what contributed to their contact with justice ser- vices. From a quantitative orientation, when comparing sub-groups, statistical analysis of effect sizes of presenta- tions that match veteran views on what contributed to contact with criminaljustice service services will be compared with those veterans whose views did not. For example, veterans with alcohol problems who state that drinking was a contributory factor to their criminal just- ice contact will be compared with veterans with drinking problems that did not so state or believe it was not contributory.
seen in the number of juveniles incar- cerated in adult facilities for certain felonies. When convicted in adult court, these juveniles commonly receive lon- ger sentences than those sentenced in juvenile courts. Although these laws were enacted with the thought that they would be a deterrent for juvenile crimes, 6 studies, conducted in 5 dif- ferent states, with approximately 500 to more than 5000 participants each, showed the opposite effect. Compared with youth retained in the juvenile court system, recidivism rates were higher for juveniles whose cases were transferred to adult criminal court. This was particularly true for violent offenders for whom transfer may actu- ally be promoting rather than deter- ring further criminal involvement. Juveniles in adult prisons report learning more about criminal behavior from adult inmates and having fear of victimization; these juveniles were least likely to say they would not reoff- end. Juveniles incarcerated in adult prisons compared with juvenile facili- ties have an eightfold increase in sui- cide, ﬁvefold increase in being sexually assaulted, and twofold increase in likelihood of being attacked with a weapon by other inmates or beaten by staff. 80 Adult facilities have much
Participants suggest that due to financial constraints and limited funding avail- able to commission collaborative training, that collaborative practice training be tar- geted at priority groups. This coincided with our initial hypotheses that training might be targeted at those with the least favourable attitudes to shared learning and practice and those less person-centred in their views. However, in this study, demo- graphic variables (gender, age, management role, sector, geographical location) did not influence these attitudes in any significant way. This may, however, be an artifact of the self-selecting nature of professionals in the workshop. A survey of a larger and wider population drawn from the wider MHS and CJS services is now required to get a better picture of general attitudes to collaborative practice and learning and the demographic differences within these. Training could also be targeted at professions based on their level of involvement with other services, for example, MHS staff involved with offenders specifically or CJS professionals dealing more regularly with offenders with typically higher levels of mental ill health. To be able to do this, map- ping exercises are required—potentially social network analyses that map which agencies are involved with the offender and with each other.
either a full or half-sibling of the offending youth had an identified history of being involved in the criminaljustice system. If there was presence of current family violence or a history of family violence within the home the youth was residing at the time of assessment, then a weighted value of 4 was added to the overall family conditions score. The involvement of child welfare services reflected whether the child’s family had current or previous history with the involvement of the Children’s Aid Society and their services including community supervision, counselling, or adoption. If the youth was involved in kinship care or had crowd ward status at present or in the past specifically, then that would also be considered in the cumulative family conditions score. If a child demonstrated present or past history of witnessing domestic violence of their primary caregiver or legal guardian a weighted value of 3 was added to the aggregate. If the youth was also a direct victim of physical abuse, neglect, or family sexual abuse, a weighted value of 4 was added to the overall family conditions score for each form of child maltreatment. The parental crisis impact weighting was added to the overall score if the youth’s primary caregiver experienced a crisis that had an impact on the youth. Possible parental crises include the death of a loved one, family separation, emotional illness, physical illness, problems with nerves, substance use, financial strain, trouble with the law and personal or family mentalhealth problems.
Reparatory justice is a complicated and deeply contested concept. Journalist Ta- Nehisi Coates’ 2014 Atlantic essay, “The Case for Reparations,” details the harrowing and irrefutable facts about the costs exacted on African-Americans by centuries of racism. His criticism of Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, who is vying to be the Democratic Party's presidential nominee by touting a revolutionary agenda on income inequality, for rejecting reparations has sparked vigorous debate about the intersection of racial and class inequalities and how to
Any confusion about this extremely important matter could negatively impact the effectiveness of the child safety system for this group of already-disadvantaged Indigenous Australian children (Commission for Chil- dren Young People and Child Guardian, 2014). Because of the serious implications for the care and wellbeing of children, this paper attempts to describe and clarify the interactions between the formal requirements for a PNBC and the status of convictions under the Liquor Act for breaches of liquor restrictions in Queensland’s AMP communities. We first describe the PNBC applica- tion process, highlighting the natural justice principles followed in the assessment of a person’s criminal history. We then summarise the evidence compiled from inter- views with stakeholders and service providers and sur- veys with community residents to provide a preliminary understanding of how the confusion may have come about, thereby providing opportunities to consider op- tions for systematically documenting the extent of any confusion and opportunities to address it.
the value of preventing inappropriate compulsion through formalised judicial protection is high, so too is the ability of the individual person to engage with that process. A process which is too legalistic, and inhibits the participatory opportunity that the Managers’ hearing purports to represent, may doubly disempower individuals, leaving them excluded by both legalism and their subordination to the powers of the MHA 1983. Of course, due to a lack of data, it is difficult to assess the extent to which individuals are empowered and supported to speak at Managers’ (or Tribunal) hearings, or how often, and why they do not attend. It is similarly unclear whether people are regularly supported by relatives, Independent MentalHealth Act Advocates, legal representatives or others.
The rebalancing of the criminaljustice system in favour of the victim, which as Miers (2007) comments is a suspect conceptual starting point, reached a particular peak in the passing of the Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act in 2004. This piece of legislation introduced surcharges on fines and fixed penalties for motoring offences to contribute to the funding of a new Victims Fund, it allowed the Criminal Injuries Compensation Authority to recover payments made to victims from their offenders, it widened the opportunities for victims to be given and to provide information in cases where their offender receives a prison sentence, provided for a Commissioner for Victims and Witnesses and set out a Code of Practice for Victims. The breadth of this legislation in relation to victims of crime was without precedent in England and Wales. In particular The Victims Code of Practice published in October 2005, and effective from April 2006, codified all the expectations and obligations that a victim might have of the criminaljustice system and set targets for how and when the criminaljustice agencies needed to have responded to and/or delivered services to victims of crime. It also laid out the procedures for complaint should these services not be delivered. Consequently for some, this piece of legislation alone marked the end of a long journey as the victim moved from being the (mere) complainant within the criminaljustice system, to being an equal participant within the system as laid out in the Victims Code of Practice. This legislation, seen as a high spot for the crime victim, marks the culmination of a range of related policy developments. Elsewhere I have discussed these policy developments in more detail under four headings (see Walklate 2007 chapter 5): perpetuating welfare; tinkering with adversarialism; moving towards allocution; and restorative justice. These headings are merely a device to delineate different emphases in what is in reality a complex, inter- related policy field, and for the purposes of this paper I shall refer only to particular examples within each of these themes in turn.
records from a southeast municipal police department. They reported that officers were 37% more likely to use minor force toward judgmentally impaired persons (drugs, alcohol, and/or mental illness), and 57% more likely to use serious force on impaired persons than on unimpaired suspects, even after taking hostility, possessing weapons, and demographic characteristics into account. However, when they disaggregated judgmental impairment into intoxication by drug, alcohol, and mental disorders, they did not find a correlation between mental illness and use of force. Johnson (2011) found that mentally unstable suspects were more likely to receive a higher level of force than mentally stable suspects (17.2% vs. 5%). However, mentally disturbed suspects were more likely to be violent, uncooperative, and to carry a weapon, than general suspects. After controlling for these factors, the association between mental illness and police use of physical force disappeared (See also Mulvey & White, 2013). Their findings indicated that more serious legal factors, a disrespectful manner, resistive behavior, and/or bizarre behavior rather than the suspect’s mental status, per se, led to a disproportionally high arrest rate or use of force for persons with mental illness. After these factors were taken into account, it was found that police officers were not differentiating or allowing more lenience in response to mentally disrupted suspects than general suspects.
While the ‘RJ and practices in Mainland China’ article focuses on how RJ can be used for controlling juvenile crimes, the subsequent RJ article introduces the legislative bases of RJ and the different types of restorative practices in Taiwan. Chung-chang Yao and Fen-huang Hsiao’s article ‘An Introduction to Restorative Justice Practices in Taiwan’ examines the historical development of RJ and how the proponents endeavoured to advocate new laws and practices for the implementation of RJ. Interestingly, articles written in Chinese are not uncommon in criminological journals in Taiwan. However, articles on RJ written in English are rare and this seems to be the first of its kind. The article highlights three major RJ approaches in Taiwan; mediation, deferred prosecution, and a restorative justice pilot scheme. The authors point out that there is still much more work to be done, such as refining restorative justice intervention approaches and training more practitioners to be mediators. However, the authors are confident in predicting that, in the near future, restorative justice will be used for a wider context and incorporated into the mainstream criminaljustice system. They conclude that restorative justice, though yet to be advanced, will soon become an important policy feature of the criminaljustice system in Taiwan.
There is a need to change common misconceptions and stereotypes about ADHD symptoms and treatments. Young people and adults find it helpful to understand that ADHD is a neurobiological disorder evident early in life and distinct from other behavioural problems. It is especially important for offenders to understand that al- though ADHD is pervasive, treatment may help improve self-control and level of function. In our experience pris- oners value improvements in attention span and reduced levels of physical restlessness and emotional impulsivity that would enable them to benefit from education. Men- tal health professionals working with prisoners with ADHD should provide a clear explanation of ADHD symptoms, treatments, and expected outcomes, and educate the offender on the potential risks of remaining untreated or discontinuing treatment. Additionally, we recommend giving offenders an easy-to-read pamphlet that briefly highlights some facts about ADHD.
This article explores the participatory barriers facing a specific sub-group of learning disabled witnesses, namely those who might be described as o - e al o i i all e al . Until very recently at least, such victims have largely remained invisible to both researchers and criminaljustice professionals. 5 At the outset, it is worth clarifying what these labels mean, given that they are contested terms across different disciplines (including speech therapy, education studies and psychology). 6 For present purposes, we define a non-verbal witness as one who does not have enough command of any language system (oral/spoken, signed or technology-mediated) to deliver verbal evidence fluently and would require significant communication support such as the provision of a limited selection of picture symbols to indicate meaning and/or the support of a communication partner. This is likely to arise from autism, Severe Learning Disabilities (SLD) or Profound and Multiple Learning Disabilities (PMLD) which may stem from an acquired brain injury or from a genetic, congenital or neurological impairment. 7 Our working definition therefore does not encompass disabled witnesses who have access to a complex language system which provides a comparable equivalent to oral testimony such as Deaf witnesses (since British Sign Language is a language system in its own right) or witnesses with Motor Neurone Disease and high cognitive functioning who can produce fluent accounts through an electronic communication device. Rather, our focus is on witnesses who have limited language (through any medium) and will require significant support including symbolisation of words and/or communication partner support so they can access participatory rights on an equal footing.