According to Humes (1997), people close to the policy making process ('insiders') may not be willing (or not be allowed) to divulge their own opinions on the issue being investigated. Further, their accounts are likely to have undergone a "socialisation process" of the 'inside' world of policy community with its "taken-for-granted values" (ibid: 22). By contrast, if gaining access is found to be difficult or time-consuming, he suggests using the 'outside' approach, i.e. subjecting published documents to discourse analysis. I intended to use the first option because it was conceivable that in the wake of reports such as the Nuffield Inquiry and the MAGL Report, or in anticipation of the European Year of Languages, government officials might have been keen to engage in discussion.
The argument is that internationalization initiatives have favored some voices and disadvantaged others. While the current policies and programs mostly favour voices of the administration and disadvantage others, the main issue should be how all faculty and students’ voices and needs can be considered and integrated into the plan. The academy is a place in which people from many different social, economic, and ethnic groups gather together (Bok,2003; Giroux, 2010). It is a place where everybody has a right to play a role and have her/his voice heard. I am well aware of the fact that engaging the full breadth of internal and external stakeholders of internationalization with different perspectives might not be possible, but an internationalization policy and plan fully involving two core stakeholders, namely students and faculty, is extremely necessary and beneficial (Pal, 2010; Rizvi & Lingard, 2010). The intent of taking, for example, students in policy circles or agenda setting for internationalization should not be interpreted as bringing policy down to the level of the students; it should, in its place, be assumed as bringing students (as coming engaged and global citizens) up to the level of policy makers and policy creators. A genuine internationalization policy, as Altbach and Knight (2007) argue, not only must ensure that international higher education benefits public and not simply be a profit center, but also reflects the voices of all the university community.
which particular values of policymakers may determine the dominant discourses on education reform in the United Kingdom. In his analysis of educationpolicy docu- ments, Ball (1994) argued that the government officials in the Ministry of Education justified certain “ authoritative allocation[s] of values ” (p. 3) as “ regimes of truth ” (p. 22) to promote their political ideology. Drawing on Foucault’s concept of power, Ball (1994) further examined how new policies have retrospectively shaped the dominant discourses on education, such that different actors might support or resist certain policies based on their institutional roles or social classes in society. In Ball ’ s (2012) view, neoliberal education policies (e.g., performativity, nationwide standards, and ac- countability) have transformed the previous mode of educational discourse and emerged as a new form of power to influence local policymaking processes. Many of these authoritative allocations of values have thus been accepted and operate as the “ truth ” in modern society. For example, in the context of Taiwan, Chou and Ching (2012) argued that the effects of globalization on local education policies have been accepted as a regime of truth in Taiwanese society. Therefore, when studying educationpolicy, Ball (2012) urges us to critically examine important questions, such as “ whose values are validated in policy and whose are not ” (Ball 2012, p. 3). Thus, a critical examination of governmentality is vital to discover the values taken for granted in the development of educationpolicy.
Many commentators concluded that the roots of the Connexions Strategy were rather more firmly placed within what Levitas (2005) described as a ‘social integrationist discourse’, which focuses on participation in paid work being the key to social inclusion and to other social and economic goals including the reduction of crime and of welfare costs. Although Connexions claimed to be a service for all young people (a universal service), it was in practice a targeted service that gave priority to those most at risk of underachievement and disaffection. Edwards and Hatch (2003) criticised Connexions for its emphasis on ‘education and work goals’ at the expense of ‘social and emotional support’. Hoggarth and Smith (2004, 11) described a ‘tyranny’ of target monitoring that led to a phenomenon they called ‘impact leakage’ within Connexions, whereby the potential impact of the strategy is lost. It was also argued that the target-led culture caused inequalities in resource allocation, with resources ‘being taken away from the vast bulk of young people who do not pose a threat to order’ (Jeffs and Smith 2001, 2) and away from services that work with young people’s personal development and underlying needs. In spite of the long heritage of Youth Work, many argued that the advent of the Connexions service undermined traditional Youth Services, with services in some local authorities disappearing altogether.
intensification compels teachers to work faster, harder and longer. However, teachers also experience increasing external control over what they teach and how they teach. These processes are increasingly made possible by the “datafication” of teaching, whereby the educational process is increasingly transformed into numbers that allow measurement, comparison and the functioning of high stakes accountability systems linked to rewards and sanctions. Whilst there is no question that being able to use student assessment data to support learning has an important place in teachers’ repertoire of skills, “datafication” refers to the use of data in a way that has become increasingly detached from supporting learning and is much more concerned with the management of teacher performance as an end in itself. This article presents two currents of critical thought in relation to teachers’ work, labor process theory and post-structural analyses grounded in the concept of performativity, and discusses them as a way of “making sense” of teachers’ work and the “datafication” of teaching, with a particular focus on questions of control and resistance.
the fact that there are few new discursive themes introduced. Instead, previous discourses were inflated, enhanced and sometimes expanded in keeping with the longer documents produced in 2012-13 compared to 2006-07. Pre-1992 institutions took a more oblique approach to WP on the whole in their AA statements; only rarely was it presented outwith the context of the need to maintain excellence. In the earlier agreements several institutions did not even take the opportunity afforded by their submission to express their values and mission through their track record on access; where performance on access is cited in the 2012-13 agreements it usually in comparison to Russell Group competitors rather than the whole sector (competition within the Russell Group for those with the highest entry grades has become fierce, see McGettigan, 2013; Taylor and McCaig, 2014). Three key themes formed the contextual ‘ wrapper ’ for pre-1992 statements about WP: excellence, expressed as the importance of maintaining the highest possible entry requirements and institutions ’ international reputations that have to be maintained; institutional values relating to higher education in general – such as the Robbins principle (that higher education should be made available for all those that can benefit from it); and the difficulties that pre-1992s in particular face when trying to widen participation given that qualified applicants from under-represented backgrounds were often reluctant to apply to such institutions.
Faced with this realization, I now see my work in a very different light. This is because my role has shifted from being a consumer and producer of the dominant discourses concerning official bilingualism and FSL education in Canada to a critical observer whose goal is to bring greater awareness to the conversations taking place underneath these dominant discourses. Based on my investigation, I now believe that these marginalized conversations are the type of dialogue that Canadians should be engaged in. My perspective stems from my belief that by not participating in these conversations, the nation runs the risk of continually repeating the same patterns of inconsistency and inaction that are currently preventing Canadians from embracing all that official bilingualism and FSL education have to offer. To conclude, Canada can no longer turn a blind eye to the issues that are buried underneath the dominant discourses of official bilingualism and FSL education because to do so would be to participate in the very reproduction of the current reality facing official bilingualism and FSL education. Instead, concerted action must be taken to ensure that the vision that has been proposed for official bilingualism and FSL education in Canada can actually be realized within the broader society.
The UK seems set to follow the increasingly abolitionist trend that is taking hold in Europe, in response to the issue of prostitution. While some argue that an abolitionist approach signals a serious attempt to tackle the injustices and gendered aspects of commercial sex, we are less optimistic. Drawing upon the findings of the first study to evaluate Engagement and Support Orders, we argue that any focus on women’s needs is distorted by the continued zero tolerance approach to street sex work and the criminal justice setting it takes place in. New revolving doors have been created for those involved in the most visible sectors of the industry and support agencies have been made to take on an increased policing role. This narrow focus individualises the causes of poverty and prostitution, elides the wider structural factors that shape sex work and does little to address the real needs of this vulnerable group. In conclusion, we argue that future policy should engage more productively with the rich cultural study of sex work. This will enable the development of ground-up responses and allow for a more effective role for the criminal law.
This would never have been completed without the help of many people in my life. Thank you, first, to Nina and Javier, whose friendship I cherish deeply and who help me grow every day. Thanks to my advisor, Dr. Jocelyn Glazier, who provided critical, ongoing, and meticulous support to me at all hours of the day and night, who met all of my ups and downs with grace and an energy that was always just right, and who graciously put up with my aversion to deadlines. Thanks to my wonderful committee members, Dr. Julie Justice, Dr. Karen Erickson, Dr. George Noblit, and Dr. Madeleine Grumet, who gave me the best gift by paying attention and helping me think through the work. Several cherished friends did the same while providing unconditional emotional and spiritual support: thank you Beth Coleman, Dr. Kate Allman, Dr. Julie Justice, and Joy Mariama Smith. Thank you to Dr. Jan Goldfield, who paved the way for me and many other women in so many ways. Thanks to my Grandmom Frankie, who always wanted me to look beyond my ceiling. Thanks to my mom, who is and has always been my first and most important role model. Thank you to my Rosie. Thanks to my husband, Jack, who deserves his own title for standing and working with me through this whole experience. There should be an honorary degree for partners of doctoral candidates.
feel first hand the effects of racism, and without having talked to any students of color about how these white teachers have affected them, I have made claims that at least some progress towards antiracism has been made. The idea of progress, itself, is a problematic one if it is not contested and contextualized. Progress in specific current material conditions is something to work for in the sense that those conditions can be affected in ways so that certain people no longer continue to be oppressed in the same way. I do not believe that such a context-specific view of progress counters the critical epistemology of CRT. However, if in the context of this study I have envisioned progress a-historically —i.e., that I can achieve some sort of condition of life as better than it has ever been before in history—I have fallen into the liberal ideological trap of both believing that some sort of better world can exist generally speaking and that a study like mine can bring about that better world by addressing school discourse. In this way, oddly enough, my claims of what has been achieved in this study are linked at least partially to the same type of whiteness and liberalism that I critique. By pursing antiracism with these teachers specifically and in the field of teacher education more broadly, I adhere to the assumption that the educational system can provide
The objective of this article is to analyze the basic understanding of Vocational High School teachers about the essence of nationalism and critical pedagogy. The research questions are 1) what is the significance of nationalism for Vocational High School teachers? And 2) how do teachers understand critical pedagogy? This research is of qualitative project executed under phenomenological framework. This research involved 40 Vocational High School teachers from various regions in Central Java. The main results of this research are: 1) nationalism is the students’ social capital in dealing with the working world, especially in resisting the idea and practice of industrial capitalism; 2) criticaleducation functions to raise students' critical awareness in order to be open and analytical towards phenomena in the working world, such as the practice of capitalism which is detrimental and threatening public welfare; 3) the vocational education of Indonesia faces a major task of reducing capitalism in the practice of industrialization in society. Therefore, an understanding of nationalism and criticism must always be encouraged at all times. It is recommended that the Vocational High School curriculum to strengthen the content of nationalism through the addition of citizenship and history subjects, while critical pedagogy can become a vocational learning approach to build students' critical awareness.
However, Free Normal Education (otherwise also called free teacher education) is not generally a new educationpolicy. As a matter of fact, it is just a recurrence of free teacher education that had been there before. This is because, since 1949 when People’s Republic of China was founded, all universities in China had been free for every undergraduate and graduate; and so normal universities were no exceptions. However, many universities in China started to charge tuition fees from 1989 under the influence of market economy reform which introduced a market approach into higher education (Fan, 2005). By the year 1997, all universities in China were beginning to ask their students to pay tuition fees. Prior to this market-based reform, tuition fees for university students were provided by the state, and as a result, after graduation graduates' jobs were entirely arranged by the government. So graduates had no choice about where they would work and what job they would get. But after 1997, university graduates were now able to choose their jobs freely. Under these circumstances, when graduates were looking for a job, they would think about whether the salaries of the job they would get are compatible with the expenses they made for their education. Generally speaking, most universities graduates were from that time unwilling to work in less developed areas or rural areas because of the poor economic condition. According to a research, “from 2006 to 2010, there were about 80% of the graduates who worked in big and middle cities”; the rest worked in small cities and rural areas (Yue, 2012). As a result, serious problems occurred as about no graduates were coming to work in rural areas. This implied that the quantity and quality of teachers in rural schools were not updated at least in the past 10 years. To make matters worse, a great
Professional Social Work Education Emerging Perspectives Professional Social Work Education Emerging Perspectives Edited lry Ilango Ponnuswami Abraham P Francis Editorial AssistaNce B Arunkumar AUTHOR[.]
Freire’s ideas that developed into his critical pedagogy were influenced by the social, political, and economic realities of his native Brazil. Freire’s contention is that no educational issue or practice is free from the influ- ences or the realities of its context. Freire’s context was a situation where the ineptitude and corruption at the larger society level had made incursion into the educational system. He reasoned that just as politicians imposed dictatorial rule and a culture of silence on the populace, educators too were imposing intellectual silence on stu- dents. He described the educational system using words such as “domesticating” and “banking.” He contrasts banking education with what he calls “liberating or problem-posing education” (Freire, 2002: pp. 72-86). Prob- lem-posing education is thus the original framework of his critical pedagogy. He describes it as one in which “people develop their power to perceive critically the way they exist in the world with which and in which they find themselves…” (p. 83). Problem-posing education puts those engaged in it in the process of becoming, striving towards conscientization (p. 84). The pursuit of conscientization requires educators and learners to learn to read reality with critical lenses.
This does not mean that critical race theorists should dispense with quantitative approaches but that they should adopt a position of principled ambivalence, neither rejecting numbers out of hand nor falling into the trap of imagining that numeric data have any kind of enhanced status, value, or neutrality. This is a stance that anti-racist scholars and activists have long practiced, for example, when they contest supposedly scientific claims about the biological nature of race - sometimes by invoking what science tells us about the unscientific status of race (Warmington 2009). Critical race theorists work simultaneously with and against race, i.e. we know that race only exists as a social construct, but we recognize the sometimes murderous power of the fiction and seek to engage, resist and ultimately destroy race/racism. Similarly, QuantCrit should work with/against numbers by engaging with statistics as a fully social aspect of how race/racism is constantly made and legitimated in society. Like Covarrubias & Vélez (2013, 271) we see hope in the fact that policy-makers
Abstract: The goal of this paper is to characterize the current state of literature that explores the importance of local contexts in the uptake of sustainability in educationpolicy enactment and practice, with a particular focus on land and place in relation to educationpolicy. Place has been studied by various fields in distinctive ways, and each discipline tends to privilege a certain aspect of place based upon their disciplinary frameworks. As opposed to exploring place through a disciplinary lens, I am seeking to understand place as a holistic, multidimensional concept. Place has historically been conceptualized as static, never changing, and everlasting. In contrast, a more contemporary view describes place as always in process, always becoming; places are never complete, bounded, or finished. This transmutes place into a more subjective concept, something that is rich in imagery, memories, and history but blurred when it comes to limits, power, and hierarchy. Thus, places operate through reiterative and continual practice but can be disrupted through social change and movements, political swifts, and differing ideologies. This protean characteristic of place is significant when reviewing the policy enactments literature, which underscores the fact that schools are always specific, and they are dynamic and shift both internally and externally. This paper seeks to address the question: How can or should
Noting issues like microaggressions and the internalization of Whiteness, Sions and Coleman use duoethnography and Critical Race Theory as frameworks to share and analyze personal lived experiences that illustrate the ways Whiteness emotionally and psychologically impacts students of color in our art education classrooms, specifically at the university level. Following these intimate narratives, both Kim Cosier and Gloria Wilson offer new (to art education) pedagogical and curricular tools that support preservice art teachers’ journey in reflecting on and critiquing Whiteness. Introducing the concept of “warm demanders” to the field of art education, Cosier vulnerably shares her precarious effort to guide her preservice art education students to a place of race (White) consciousness. Then, describing an art-based project that she completed with her predominately White preservice art teachers, Wilson introduces film and the “circuit of culture” as a framework to bring to light the social and cultural investment in White supremacist ideologies.
Since the 1992 Council Recommendations on Childcare (Council of the Euro- pean Communities, 1992), Early Childhood Education and Care have been a recurring topic on European policy agendas. Reasons for the interest in services for the youngest European citizens and their families have varied widely and have often been contradictory. The 1992 Recommendations urge EU Member States to ‘take and/or progressively encourage initiatives to enable women and men to reconcile their occupational, family and upbringing responsibilities arising from the care of children’ (ibid, article 1). This requires coherent policies addressing the provision of childcare services, matching parental leave arrangements, organisation and structure of work in order to meet the needs of workers with children and a general commitment to gender equality: ‘the sharing of occupational, family and upbring- ing responsibilities arising from the care of children between women and men’ (ibid, article 2). The document then specifies the characteristics of each of the above policy areas: ‘childcare services should be affordable and accessible to all children and families and offer reliable care of high quality combined with peda- gogical approaches. There is further emphasis on initial and continuous training of staff, close collaboration with local communities and appropriate public funding for services. The provision of childcare services needs to be complemented by much greater flexibility in the workplace in general, which take[s] into account the needs of all working parents with responsibility for the care and upbringing of children’ (ibid, article 5). Member States are asked to ensure that ‘due recogni- tion’ is given to childcare workers, their working conditions and ‘the social value of their work’ (ibid, see also Peter Moss in this issue).