It was mentioned earlier that during the post-war period history served to create a heroic image of Finland to strengthen national self-esteem and rebuild lost identity, and that it was the historians who shared responsibility for this. The patriotic endeavour of Arvi Korhonen (1890-1967) has been pointed out by Anthony Upton, who argues that Korhonen’s historical work fitted the above mentioned images identified by Heikki Ylikangas"*^^. Korhonen belonged to those who, paraphrasing the words o f Julien Benda, appeared during the post-war period to be less historian-academics and more “[men] of politics, who [make] use of history to support a cause whose triumph they desire”"^^^. Such attitudes towards historical interpretation affected the historical research of post-war Finland, especially that involving the older generation. To what extent Finnish historians of the 1950s became prophets rather than independent academics will be discussed in the follov^ng in connection with the question of the role of historians in post-war Finland. Moreover, the lack o f interaction between social scientists, whose field began to develop rapidly under American influence and historians, will be pointed out to illustrate the generation gap, together with the significance of the Fulbright Foundation on Finnish academic life.
emerged – an expression used by Braudel (1979) to characterize a Civilization that permanently changes itself by allowing the introduction of all sorts of innovations (technological, organizational, institutional and cultural). A situation in stark contrast to that of all other civilizations, in which an aversion to innovations prevailed as they were disruptive to established orders considered ideals. As Needham (1969, p.119) noted, Europe had something like an "intrinsic quality of instability" in sharp contrast to the Chinese "spontaneous homeostasis. Acemoglu and Robinson (2012) are correct when they postulate that the history of nations' wealth and poverty is the history of overcoming the inherent resistance from political orders to the "creative destruction" process by the systematic introduction of innovations. Economic growth is "subversive" because its continuity depends on the continuous introduction of innovations that affect all society's spheres of activity, creating winners and losers. For this reason, the process of introduction of innovations the political orders need to constitute as such tend to cease as they consolidate .The vested interests behind consolidated political orders begin to react against the introduction of innovations viewed as threats; even the general population that supports these orders through painful labor also come to consider them as permanent 'natural' orders, the custodians of honorable traditions (religious, cultural, social).
Alongside the medium's growth in the 1840s and 1850s, the industrial developments of the nineteenth century took shape as well. The industrial capitalism, created a new middle class that started to use photography in their work. Furthermore because of the rapid growth of cities and city life people became strangers to each other (Waggoner 10). In the small countryside communities, everybody used to know each other, which induced a safe feeling. In the big new cities this vastness and anonymity created a sense of distrust and anxiety. This is one of the reasons photography gained popularity during these times. People wanted to have their portraits taken, it gave them an observable personal identity. The little cards they created from their portraits served as 'cartes-de-visité, or tintypes, what we nowadays still use to give someone a little summary of what we do and how they can reach us (9). Even though the 'networking' aspect might not be the main goal of the nineteenth century version, it was still a token of someone's personality. The new milieu of unstable social identities was relieved by the fixing of an outward appearance that would last and make a person less 'scary.' Thus photography provided the people a way of showing personal identity to society: "The portrait is a sign whose purpose is both the description of an individual and the inscription of social identity" (Tagg 37).
It was proposed ‘a scientific society be founded, whose main function should be the presentation of papers on topics within the broad field of industrial relations’. It was felt that membership ‘should be by nomination and election’ mainly from industry, the trade unions and institutions of higher education, but the total number of members be limited ‘to ensure that reasonably informal gatherings can be retained’ . Fourteen people were invited to this preparatory meeting. They included: a handful of lecturers in industrial relations, personnel management and industrial sociology; the labour directors or managers of the Manchester Engineering Employers’ Association, AEI and ICI; the general secretary of the Amalgamated Weavers Association and education officer of USDAW; the Regional Industrial Relations Officer of the Ministry of Labour; and an organising tutor for the WEA. The meeting agreed to go proceed with planning for the launch of a formal Manchester Industrial Relations Society, and subsequently contacted a wide list of academics, personnel managers and employers’ representatives, trade union officials, and other potentially interested parties.
Many analysts of the ‘post-industrial’ theme have in fact preferred to stress the continuities with previous epochs, suggesting that the driving forces appear little differ- ent from those associated with industrialism itself (Phillipson 2013). Against this, the debates around post-industrialization were to spawn a number of linked ideas, many of which do point to social changes relevant to understanding issues affecting older peo- ple. Phillipson (1998), for example, drew a distinction between what they defined as ‘organized’ and ‘disorganized’ capitalism. The former characterized by the spread of manufacturing industry alongside an increasingly urbanized society; the latter associ- ated with more flexible forms of work, the growth of the service sector, and the move- ment of people and jobs from the older industrial cities.
The concepts of “mentality and” identity “, in our opinion, reveal the peculiarity of memory studies in the framework of cultural studies and the paradigmatic shift that occurred in knowledge of the past in the twentieth century. This explains why the idea of identity in modern science originates from the study of the consciousness of the patriarchal collective. Identification in this case becomes self-identification with the collective in a spontaneously direct form. As contrasted with the representatives of German classical philosophy, whose act of rational self-consciousness is the basis of the universe, modern ideas about identity are a return to what seemed to be left in the distant past. Through a sense of collective involvement we return from conscious personal choice to the mechanisms of unconscious rallying. As M. Halbwachs and J. Assmann show, they are modified at the level of religious consciousness. And in modern society an irrationally organized cultural memory comes to the fore. First and foremost, it is due to the fact that an irrational collective identity, unlike individual self-consciousness, is an effective form of manipulation. The mechanisms of the formation of the “mythology from above” are innovation of the era of managed democracy.
More recent work offering and advocating for cultural rhetorics frameworks have largely been headed by American Indian rhetorics scholars and, as such, have continued to foreground questions of power while prioritizing an indigenous perspective. For instance, Haas’s 2008 dissertation, A Rhetoric of Alliance: What American Indians Can Tell US about Digital and Visual Rhetoric, defines cultural rhetorics as the study of “everyday rhetoric and writing practices of specific cultural groups . . . and the historical, social, cultural, and political contexts that shape those practices,” and demonstrates that rhetoric is cultural and culture is rhetorical with case studies of cultural rhetorical contexts for and analyses of American Indian wampum and blogging practices (9). Likewise, Powell’s 2012 CCCC Chair’s address—delivered with the “help from all [her] relations”—models the rhetorical performance after indigenous storytelling practices and roots its importance in place and relationality (383). As Powell illustrates in her stories of St. Louis, Cahokia, modernity, and the discipline: “ Stories take place. Stories practice place into space. Stories produce habitable spaces ” (391). Further, Bratta and Powell ’ s introduction to Enculturation ’ s 2016 special issue on cultural rhetorics advocates a view of cultural rhetorics as embodied practice, and they provide “ four points of practice” for cultural rhetorics work: decolonization, relations, constellation, and story. These aforementioned efforts—as well as other work in indigenous rhetorics—are significant as they actively shift the location from which we might theorize how culture and rhetoric interface, center indigenous perspectives, and practice situated studies of cultures.
This course is predicated on the notion that cherished ideas, and not simply naked interests, have produced the foundation of American identity and shaped the course of United States history. As such, it explores the origins and development of ideas, beliefs, and sentiments in their various sociocultural, economic, and political contexts from the American Revolution to the eve of the Civil War. Key topics include the struggles by ordinary men against their elite counterparts for equality and political power; by women for equality with men; and by African- Americans for liberation from bondage and for equality with Americans of European heritage. Interrelated beliefs and sentiments to be examined include foundational principles of the early Republic; the Americanization of the English common law, especially its public law aspects; the interrelationship of evangelicalism, empirical science, and Protestant moral philosophy; the political economies of market capitalism and slavery; transcendentalism and democratic romanticism in literature and the visual arts; the distinctive versions of constitutional equality and individual rights advanced by free African Americans; and contending anti-slavery and pro- slavery arguments.
The teaching group came from a range of disciplinary backgrounds: sociology, history, literature, philosophy and history of art. A few of us had been linked in one way or another to the now celebrated CCCS (Centre for Contemporary Cul- tural Studies) at the University of Birmingham. All were on the left. Through the collective teaching of carefully planned courses we taught each other and our- selves. In the 1990s we also produced collaboratively a couple of key volumes of essays using this mix of intellectual approaches: The Expansion of England: Race, Ethnicity and CulturalHistory, edited by Bill Schwarz (1996a) and Modern Times: Reflections on a Century of English Modernity, edited by Alan O’Shea and myself (1996). 1
The third part of the thesis deals with the world of music, where restlessness could be felt stronger and stronger: the recognition of the demand for the solution of the situation of folk music or at least tipping it out of its standstill. According to János Seprődi, it was time for the research of folk music: ”whoever does not recognize this may be a famous expert of music in Europe, but the gereral direction of his principles and efforts cannot coincide with those of the Hungarian nation.” Bartók and Kodály had already put that into words in Magyar népdalok énekhangra zongorakísérettel (Hungarian Folk Songs for Singing Voice Accompanied by Piano) in Kodály's Foreword in 1906, but even Ödön Mihalovics, managing director of the Zeneakadémia (Academy of Music) overlooked the change in musical life in 1912, declaring in his Christmas article in Az Újság (The Paper) that no important event had happened in the previous decade that could be considered revolutionary. Moreover, in his opinion, the exploration of Hungarian, Rumanian and Slovakian folk music of the Danube valley had not been revolutionary, and the same was true for the official Hungary, as nor the Kisfaludy Társaság (Kisfaludy Society) nor the state gave any assistance to the collectors for the publication of a work planned to be 5 or 6 volumes long according to Bartók.
Curry was common in cookery books and newspaper recipes in the 20 th century. Nearly all comprehensive cookbooks examined included several curry recipes. 1 At the very least, curry powder was used in a preserve like chutney, or as a “sprinkle” on “Hash on Toast”. 2 Most frequently, curry barely rated a second mention: it was known, accepted and widely eaten. Yet at other times, curry was discussed at length: what it was, what it was not, and how it should be served. Again temporal in structure, this chapter shows that the 20 th century witnessed an increasingly diverse array of ingredients in curry, and ways it was used. 3 The impacts on curry of significant historical forces, such as the World Wars, are examined. Curry meanings were conceptualised around recognisable, and overlapping, themes. Concerns around authenticity are understood as displays of cultural capital, yet suggest problematic images of India and Asia. Next, a trend of sweeter curries articulates a sweetening Australian palate, and lastly, a growing sophistication demonstrates the nation’s increasing interest in its neighbourhood. Across these themes, ideas of ordinary and exotic manifested to different degrees.
Joaquín Sorolla (1863-1923), another highly successful Spanish painter, also became involved with regionalism. In 1911 he was asked by the Hispanic Society of America to paint a series of huge canvasses for its library, representing Spain. He chose to paint cheerful folkloric scenes in bright colors, depicting the mostly female figures against a typical natural background. In this way, he gave a different interpretation of the character – or ‘soul’ – of the various Spanish regions. Other Spanish painters also tried to capture the collective spirit of certain regions or areas. Most of them preferred to paint their own region: Thus Romero Torres depicted Andalusia; Valentín de Zubiaurre, the Basque Country; Santa María, Castile; and Álvarez de Sotomayor, Galicia. 17
The third meeting, on the 28th October 1948, was at University College and played host to a Dr. P.D. Nieuwkoop. He came from the Hubrecht Laboratory in Holland, a private foundation for descriptive, comparative and experimental embryology. The Laboratory was associated with the Institute Internationale d’Embryologie (founded in 1911) and through that body with UNESCO. He said that his Laboratory was interested in all problems relating to embryology including pathology, but that the main aim was the furtherance of embryology proper. The boundary of the science would alter with its development, and genetics was now an important subsidiary sci- ence. It was generally agreed that contact and cooperation between the Embryologists' Club and the Hubrecht Laboratory would be mutually beneficial. In April 1949, a committee member, Alan Fisk, attended a meeting of UNESCO in Brussels on behalf of the Embryologists’ Club. Due to an administrative mix up, he was obliged to sign the statues of the Conceil Permanent on behalf of the Institute Internationale d’Embryologie (now the International Society of De- velopmental Biologists) with which body he had no contact whatso- ever. He was obviously quaking with fear at the possible conse- quences of this signature and wrote a lengthy memorandum to the committee on his return explaining how it had happened.
The book aims at improving general reading comprehension and provides students glimpses into the history, culture and society of Tajikistan in chronological order, but the majority of readings have been carefully selected and arranged to keep the focus on cultural aspects of the country— an aspect that constitutes a core component in the second language acquisition. It can be used to create opportunities for students to engage in debate and discussion on various topics in their historical and sociocultural contexts. For example, the first chapter is on the Samanids, one of the earliest non-Arab Muslim rulers in the region, followed by a reading on statues of Buddha, indicative of a practice strictly prohibited in Islam. The two chapters together provide an interesting historical and sociocultural context to discuss Tajik arts and aesthetics and their production. The book, however, does not aspire to be a substitute for scholarly books on history and culture. One may like to consult original sources from which readings have been extracted or follow the suggested books and articles, given in footnotes, for a better understanding of the topics.
After September 11 and for the first time in its history, NATO invoked its Article 5, the alliance’s mutual defence clause. Although the allies were concerned with the same ‘risk’, i.e. ‘the nexus of a failing state, terrorism, crime and poverty’, fundamental differences existed in matters of approach to the problem (Williams, 2009: 117). Yet as recognised even by European officials, ‘the key decisions are taken in Washington’. What the Bush administration had in mind for NATO, as Yost (2007: 102, 139-140) explains, was that the organisation should not be limited to military operations, the traditional collective defence view, but that the Alliance’s capacity should be built up to assume responsibilities of stabilisation and reconstruction tasks in cooperation with other international organisations. NATO’s new mission was now to build stable democracies with the purpose of tackling the dangers arising from failed and collapsed states (Williams, 2008: 49). The declarations of NATO’s Secretary General Lord Robertson (2002a; 2002b; 2002c) are a clear defense of the view that building democratic states was the solution to the problem of state failure/collapse. Among other scenarios where it was already involved (e.g. Kosovo), NATO also deployed troops in Macedonia (Merlingen and Ostrauskaite, 2006: 83). However, the alliance’s main focus was Afghanistan, as clearly stated in the International Security Assistance Force’s (ISAD) ‘Strategic Vision’ (2008). Gathered in Bucharest, the heads of state and government of the alliance reaffirmed the determination to ‘help the people and the elected Government of Afghanistan build an enduring stable, secure, prosperous and democratic state, respectful of human rights and free from the threat of terrorism’. NATO would also support statebuilding efforts in Iraq by training Iraq’s security forces and played an important role in maritime operations in the Horn of Africa aimed at countering Somali piracy, in accordance with UN Security Council resolutions (NATO, 2005; NATO, 2009).