3. Securitysector governance has progressively become part of the development agenda. Developing and transition states are increasingly addressing the chal- lenges of strengthening the democratic governance of their security sectors. For example, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) recognizes that “peace, security, democracy, good governance, human rights and sound eco- nomic management are conditions for sustainable development.” 6 OECD coun- tries have agreed that “Helping developing countries build legitimate and accountable systems of security - in defence, police, judicial and penal systems - has become a high priority, including for external partners … Security system reform should be treated as a normal part of work on good governance.” 7 In the framework document of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s Partnership for Peace program it is stipulated in articles 3a and 3b that (a) “states subscribing to the document will cooperate with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in pursuing the objectives of facilitation of transparency in national defence plan- ning and budgeting processes”, and (b) “ensuring democraticcontrol of defence forces”. 8
An assessment of the impact o f legislative institutions on the size o f government requires appropriate left hand side fiscal variables and data. One important choice relates to coverage, i.e. whether to use data for central or general government. Moreover, databases differ in their inclusion o f extra-budgetary entities, for instance social security funds (see also Hogwood 1992: 34-37). O f the studies reviewed above, Von Hagen (1992) uses general government data, whilst Alesina and colleagues (1999b) use central government data. Elsewhere, Woo (2003: 390- 391) points out that central government data can be misleading when other parts o f the public sector contribute substantially to fiscal outcomes. Perotti and Kontopoulos (2002: 196) also note that central government data do not capture spending at the subnational level that is mandated by the centre, which can distort the analysis. To the contrary, Volkerink and De Haan (2001: 222) prefer central government data, arguing that most theories relate to central government. Persson and Tabellini (2003: 38) add data availability as a practical reason in favour of central government data, and further claim that these data are more reliable. Evidently, many justifications are plausible, but there is no consensus on this issue.
affairs, had foreseen the dissolution of the Kosovo Protection Corps and creation of new institutions within the securitysector of Kosovo. A renewed demobilization and reintegration process for KPC retiree and the establishment of a lightly armed Kosovo Security Force (KSF) with 2,500 active and 800 reserve members without heavy caliber weapons, under civilian governmental and international control by KFOR (International Military Presence - IMP), and a new International Civilian Representative (ICR) was enshrined into new reality. Kosovo Security Force are to be characterized by legal and a political limitation- foreseen by Ahtisaari’s proposal, the current provisions allow for the development of the new force with 2500 active and 800 reserved troops, armored vehicle and weapon equipment until 12.5 mm caliber.
The legislature (parliament) holds a key position in the system of independent oversight. Its oversight function is largely performed by specialized committees (e.g. on defence, security, police, intelligence, human rights or ﬁnance) and by dedicated committees that monitor the implementation of government policies. Specialized committees should be equipped with an adequate legal mandate – supported by institutional rules and regulations – that will allow them to request and receive regular reports from relevant security actors. They should also be able to hold public hearings and conduct investigations, and have access to clas- siﬁed information where necessary. Parliament should approve appointments for senior positions within independent, politically balanced oversight bodies. Another major actor in the system of independent oversight is the judiciary, which ensures that securitysector personnel are held accountable for any human rights violations, abuses or other oﬀences they commit. Access to justice for victims of such violations is paramount, as it is a precondition for an eﬀective and enforce- able remedy. The judiciary also provides oversight by interpreting and applying the law, and by implementing mechanisms for the resolution of disputes. The judiciary should support the workings of the securitysector by scrutinizing the use of special measures by law enforcement/intelligence agencies or through retrospective reviews of security operations.
The function of a security manager is that of overall protection of assets of an organisation. This is a role that is measured by what does not happen rather than what does, meaning that the main objective is one of prevention (Sennewald, 2013, p. 25). In order to be successful in the prevention of threat against assets a security manager needs to have a clear idea of what the asset needs protection against. This requires the security manager to use knowledge, experience and a variety of tools and techniques to identify and prioritise all threats. A tool often used by security managers to identify threats is the security survey. The security survey is highly effective and is seen as the main tool used by many security professionals (Broder & Tucker, 2012, p. 45). The security survey is designed to identify and prioritise threats and risks against assets. This is very similar if not identical to the function of a risk manager in an organisation. It is not uncommon for a security manager to also have the responsibility of risk management in an organisation (Sennewald, 2013, p. 168).
Women in our society have so far enjoyed a secondary status and the economic dependence of women upon men is one of the primary reasons which has pushed them into the background and resulted into their secondary status both within and outside the family. In spite of the fact that the women have proved their mettle in every walk of life, their contribution is not given due credit in most cases. In India women constitute nearly half of the total population and they play a vital role in forming 50% of India’s GDP (NCEUS 2008) through their unrecognized contribution in the Rural & Urban economy. Of the 400 million people working in the unorganized sector, 120 million are women. Thus, the present paper is an attempt to highlight the increased vulnerability of women in the unorganized sector and bringing to front a critical analysis of how the regulations are restrained from creating a violence free workplace in a sector that is scattered and fragmented. There are number of provisions brought in through policies and legislations by the government which is further objectified through the five year plans. However, certain loopholes and gaps in the theoretical and the practical perspective restrict it from “Make it Happen”. Therefore, the paper will basically emphasize on the security provisions for prevention etc in the workplaces in unorganized sector and public places.
The first step to safeguard an application would be to give it in the right hands. To implement this, we need to make it accessible to authentic users. For a healthcare application made for doctors’ the only authentic user would be a doctor itself. So, to log into the application, the user must prove to be a doctor. For that purpose, healthcare applications have a Registration form which a doctor needs to fill to get access to the application. The doctor will give all the necessary details about oneself like name, address, registration number and also needs to provide reference of few doctors who already are using the application. In a particular duration those doctors need to verify the newly added doctor. Only after the verification process is complete the doctor will get access to the application. This satisfies the first security aspect of access control.
The securitysector reform (SSR), a portion of MONUSCO’s mandate, will be used as an area of analysis, because it is a crucial sight for liberal peacebuilding practices to be implemented, but also an activity that has been largely underrepresented and underfunded despite its importance to establishing peace (Ebo, 2007). Between 2006 and 2010, 530 million USD has been spent on SSR, which is a mere 6% of the total aid received by the DRC from the international community (Initiative, 2012). Aside from its role in the functioning of a stable and democraticsecurity system, it also holds importance in a much bigger picture of the importance of human security, respect for human rights, and the rule of law (Tanin, 2007). The research proposed in this paper aims to add to a body of research that relates to liberal peacebuilding practices and their sustainability by concentrating on SSR, an institution that is considered to be of prime importance for a new democracy (Ebo, 2007). To do this, a critical lens is utilized to emphasize the need for the UN to focus on the extent to which liberal peacebuilding methods produce paradoxical effects. The results of this methodological analysis seek to further develop and improve the operationalization of liberal peacebuilding methods.
The democratic citizen is expected to exercise rational judgment in coming to his voting decision. He is expected to have arrived at his principles by reason and to have considered rationally the implications and alleged consequences of the alternative proposals of the contending parties. Political theorists and commentators have always exclaimed over the seeming contrast here between requirement and fulfillment. . . . The upshot of this is that the usual analogy between the voting ʺdecisionʺ and the more or less carefully calculated decisions of consumers or businessmen or courts, incidentally, may be quite incorrect. For many voters political preferences may better be considered analogous to cultural tastes—in music, literature, recreational activities, dress, ethics, speech, social behavior. Consider the parallels between political preferences and general cultural tastes. Both have their origin in ethnic, sectional, class, and family traditions. Both exhibit stability and resistance to change for individuals but flexibility and adjustment over generations for the society as a whole. Both seem to be matters of sentiment and disposition rather than ʺreasoned preferences.ʺ While both are responsive to changed conditions and unusual stimuli, they are relatively invulnerable to direct argumentation and vulnerable to indirect social influences. Both are characterized more by faith than by conviction and by wishful expectation rather than careful prediction or consequences. The preference for one party rather than another must be highly similar to the preference for one kind of literature or music rather than another, and the choice of the same political party every four years may be parallel to the choice of the same old standards of conduct in new social situations. In short, it appears that a sense of fitness is a more striking feature of political preference than reason and calculation.
This study has shown that Nigeria has been able to play a defining role in the security policy of West Africa because it possesses all the attributes of a regional leader (population, national endowment, financial resources and military capabilities), which put it ahead of other nations in the sub- region. Furthermore, it has provided leadership inside ECOWAS in critical situations. There is no doubt that democratic governance by the platform of participation, consultation, consensus building, minority rights, human rights, equity and justice, rule of law that it creates is a fertile base for growing national security. The citizens within democratic governance framework are involved, mobilized, contented, supportive, cooperative and compliant with laws and policy. These facilitate societal cohesion, national stability, national security and national development. The lack of Good Governance has been recognized as a major source of security challenges that ECOWAS states are being confronted with. Accordingly, while conventional security measures should continue to be improved upon, new frameworks ought to be developed to address the changing character of security challenges, particularly to human security. The civilian political leadership should also be more engaged strategically and meaningfully in the defence and security issues, while more serious efforts should be made towards improving inter-agency co-operation and co-ordination for success in a world increasingly challenged by insecurity.
Why parental control is important? What effect does media exposure have on our children? That question has generated heated debates from one generation to the next.. The internet might be one of mankind’s greatest achievements, but it can be a very dangerous place for child if proper supervision isn’t available. We look parental control for social networking sites, mobile
Level II – Incident has the potential for serious personal injury or serious property damage that should be reported and responded to immediately. Police, fire, and/or medical personnel shall be summoned immediately. The district SecurityControl Center shall be subsequently notified and security staff will notify the chain of command and other district agencies as appropriate. The principal or senior site administrator should activate the School Emergency Response Team immediately. Additional follow-up and support assistance from district and outside agencies will also be needed.
1. The proposed Secondary Education Sector Development Program 1 (SESDP) will address equity, quality and efficiency issues facing the secondary education subsector (SES) in the Lao People‘s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) through expanding access, improving delivery of new curricula, and strengthening the management of SES. The Program is in close alignment with the government‘s National Education Sector Reform Strategy (NESRS) and the Education Sector Development Framework (ESDF). 2 In addition to SE specific interventions, the Program will support: completion of the launch of the revised secondary education curriculum, with enhanced linkages to primary and upstream to higher education and employment; broader system capacities, including support to the Ministry of Education) MOE, provincial offices, and institutions responsible for curriculum development and teacher training for lower secondary education (LSE) and upper secondary education (USE); and increased resourcing of SES. 2. SESDP‘s project component will complement the policy program under all output areas (aligned closely with ESDF‘s pillars), promoting key thrusts such as (i) improving access by building classrooms in remote areas, providing stipends to disadvantaged students, and building dormitories for girls and ethnic groups; (ii) enhancing quality by assisting MOE‘s in rolling out the reformed SES curriculum; improving teacher training, recruitment, and deployment; and improving performance monitoring and evaluation (M&E); and (iii) strengthening SES management by refining and operationalizing SES strategies, expanding subsector resources, and building planning capacity and other human and institutional capacities at various levels. SESDP‘s precursor, the Basic Education Sector Development Program (BESDP) provides a firm foundation for SESDP
increase in the consumption of electricity and heat. Electricity consumption will increase to 116 billion kW / h by 2020, with an increase of 40%. Since more than 70% of electricity and the entire amount of thermal power is generated by burning coal, it is also the main source of emissions that pollute the atmosphere. As a result, carrying out annual emissions of 180-200 tonnes of CO 2 equivalent. Kazakhstan is the largest producer of anthropogenic greenhouse gas in Central Asia and is the third in the CIS. Excess greenhouse gas emissions lead to climate change, which can exacerbate desertification and land degradation processes, reduce agricultural productivity and increase scarcity of water resources. Stabilization of the amount of emissions can be achieved by introducing clean and energy efficient technologies in the energy sector, moving from solid fuel to the most environmentally friendly gaseous fuel, using alternative energy sources and using oil gas and coalmine methane.
31 When it comes to unique features of security regimes, the most detailed account of these can be found in the work of Robert Jervis (1982). He identifies five differences which allow security regimes to stand out from the rest. They include: “the primacy of security, its competitive nature, the unforgiving nature of the arena, and the uncertainty of how much security the state needs and has” (Jervis 1982: 359). The need to provide security first, before pursuing many other goals such as economic stability, for example, means that many actors approach the idea of entering a security regime very cautiously. They can be wary of giving up even a fraction of control in their respective security sectors, unless relations with other potential members of a security regime are consistently guided by trust and reciprocity. This trust, however, as will be argued further, is not as deeply ingrained in members of a security regime, as it is in members of a security community. The fact that security issues often involve greater competitiveness than issues from other areas of international relations is another difference between security and other types of regimes. Jervis employs the concept of the security dilemma to clarify this disparity. Actions aimed at strengthening the offensive or defensive potential of one actor lead to the spread of threat and fear among other actors, who often choose to respond with growing their security sectors as well to protect themselves. The competitive streak of the sphere of security, therefore, contributes to the difficulty of setting up functional security regimes (ibid.). A third feature setting apart security regimes is connected with the scope of stakes in security: even the smallest errors can have unpredictable and irreversible consequences. If one member of a security regime decides to step away from the norms and principles defining the said regime, the security of all other regime subjects is likely
Hagen, Albrechtsen & Hovden  studied the implementation of organizational security measures and to assess the effectiveness of such measures. It was discovered that many Norwegian organizations placed emphasis on the policies and procedures in implementing any measures, but placed very little emphasis on security awareness. The study also showed that awareness measures were the most effective of any security measures. As a consequence, the study showed an inverse relationship between the implementation of security measures and their effectiveness. In other words, it is important to place emphasis on security awareness as well as technical controls when adopting security programs. Hagen, Albrechtsen & Hovden  only investigated Norwegian organizations. However, due to the similar structures of western organizations (similar accounting practices, management hierarchies, information technology infrastructure etc.), it can be posited that Australian organizations are in a similar situation.
In pre-reform socialist China, urban industrial workers enjoyed a system of guaranteed occupational and income security. This “Iron Rice Bowl” also provided access to welfare benefits (health care, pensions, education) which were distributed via state-owned work units. The “emancipation of women” constituted an ethical commitment of the socialist state, and entailed their juridical equality with men, entry into paid work, and access to social rights. Under this system, women‟s incomes improved radically. The gender wage differential narrowed and became small in an international comparison, particularly in urban areas (Croll, 1995). With an industrial policy that emphasized heavy and capital-intensive industry, many women came to fill positions for which they were biologically disadvantaged compared to men, such as blue collar jobs requiring physical strength. The resulting skill mismatch was however not reflected in the centrally determined and egalitarian remuneration system (Korzec, 1992).
Asset owners and operators across the energy industry are becoming more aware of cyber risks to their control systems and many are taking the initiative to improve security. Several utilities have expressed interest in NSTB fi eld assessments to verify the effectiveness of security upgrades in deployed systems. The fi rst such NSTB fi eld assessments are now in progress — one more example of the widening circle of benefi ts from the NSTB part- nership. Despite progressive security improvements achieved through the NSTB, Mayur warns against complacency. “This is not a one-shot process, and there’s no such thing as a com- pletely secure system,” she said. “We must continue our vigi- lance and keep raising the bar against the escalating threat of cyber intrusion.”
As well blocking malicious code and suspicious behavior, we give you the control you need to prevent data leakage and maximize user productivity – making web browsing safe, eliminating spam, stopping phishing attacks, and letting you control the use of unauthorized software like VoIP, IM, P2P and games. You can also ensure patches are up to date, certify computers before and after they connect to your network, and prevent unauthorized users from connecting.