When introducing strategies of social cooptation, a particular attention should be given to unintended consequences. Dividing the masses can result in events impossible to predict, such as formation of new elites and clienteles, unexpected civil riots, insurgencies, deaths of innocent people, etc. (anonymous source). As aptly described by Svolik (2011, p.1), ‘after a transition to democracy, politicians have yet to form reputations, a condition that facilitates the entry into politics of those who see this period as their “one-time opportunity to get rich.” After repeatedly disappointing government performance, voters may come to believe that “all politicians are crooks,” stop discriminating among them, to which politicians rationally respond by “acting like crooks”’. Svolik calls such an expectation-driven social mechanism the ‘trap of pessimistic expectations’, whose consequences for the democratization process, as well as for the consolidation of democratic institutions can be disastrous.
Nicole Ball is a Senior Fellow at the Center for International Policy in Washington, DC and Visiting Fellow at the Center for International Development and Conflict Management at the University of Maryland. For much of her career, she has worked on issues relating to security sector governance in non-OECD countries. Since 1998, she has consulted for the UK, US and Netherlands governments, UNDP, the OECD Development Assistance Committee, and the World Bank on issues relating to secu- rity sector governance. In particular, she has worked with the UK aid agency, DFID, to develop an approach to applying international principles of public expenditure management to the security sector, particularly the defense sector. Ball is addition- ally working with African colleagues on two projects. The first is to produce a hand- book on security sector governance for Africa (Center for Democracy and Develop- ment/Lagos, www.cdd.org.uk). The second project involves acting as advisor to a project that is examining the defense budgeting process in Africa by undertaking case studies of nine African countries (Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, http://projects.sipri.se/milex/mex_africa_proj.html and the African Secu- rity Dialogue & Research in Ghana, http://www.africansecurity.org/projects-sipri- security.html).
As a consequence, in order to de-radicalize extremists, the importance of timing and sequencing of reforms (Pierson 2004) in the implementation of publicpolicy instruments must not be underestimated. Whilst guaranteeing security is an urgent and unavoidable necessity in order to make development, social security and democratization related projects really work, recalibrating and rescaling policy-making (Kazepov 2010; Stubbs and Zrinščak 2009) towards non ISIS- affiliated tribes represents an additional important element to take into account in system transformation. It affects positively the restructuring of spatial politics through the creation of new political boundaries (Bartolini 2005), as well as new boundaries of responsibilities (Ferrera 2005). This would necessitate the creation of new steering mechanisms (Mayntz 2003) and structures of more adaptive multilevel governance (Hooghe and Marks 2001), shifting responsibilities from ISIS to non-ISIS affiliated actors. In order to resolve the issue of a failing federalism, as discussed by Haggard and Long (2007), the creation of a system of multilevel governance, in which ‘local states’ interact among each other to ensure that national human development objectives are effectively implemented, would be needed.
The direct predecessor of the MRDH was the Plusregio (popularly referred to as the Stadsre- gio). Enacted in 2006, the Plusregio was a public body tasked with the regional mandatory co-operation between municipalities. The current metropolitan area covered by the MRDH was home to two different Plusregio‘s: Stadsgewest Haaglanden and Stadsregio Rotterdam. These Plusregio‘s were the result of a new law: the Kaderwet Bestuur in verandering. Ac- cording to this law, Plusregio‘s were scheduled to be transformed into municipal provinces. The plans to form the municipal provinces has since been dropped, the Plusregio‘s remained, now under the previously mentioned WGR. The Plusregio‘s were an extra layer of govern- ment in the Netherlands, next to the municipal, provincial and national level. As this extra layer of government had no direct elections, this lack of a democratic component was seen as a disadvantage of the Plusregio‘s . As such, plans to reform the Plusregio‘s were designed by the national government: instead of top-down and mandatory co-operation through an extra layer of government, metropolitan governance would now be voluntary and bottom-up. This new design yielded some initial criticism, most notably from the Raad van State . In a report, the RvS concluded that there was no basis for the abandonment of the Plusregio‘s, as the all actors involved were perfectly happy with the way metropoli- tan business was conducted . The Raad van State referred to a recent report on the status of the Plusregio‘s, were actors involved with the Plusregio‘s on all levels were in- terviewed and perceived the Plusregio‘s as a positive influence on metropolitan governance . The RvS evidently considered the output of the Plusregio‘s as being superior to the (lack of) democratic input. Initially, the Plusregio‘s most important task and its respective financing, public transportation, would be transferred to the provinces . Municipalities previously had a direct say in public transportation policy issues and the way the budget (through the BDU) was distributed, which was perceived as a threat to the autonomy of the municipalities previously united in the Plusregio‘s. The former Plusregio‘s Haaglanden and Rotterdam banded together and introduced the MRDH, the Plusregio of Amsterdam introduced the MRA. The introduction of these metropolitan governance arrangements was able to halt the plans to transfer the public transportation policy issue and its funding to the province . As such, the number of metropolitan governance arrangements in the Netherlands was reduced from seven Plusregio‘s to two Metropoolregio‘s.
Because immigration may create tension with the functioning of the welfare state, high income democratic countries – all of which have welfare systems of one kind or another – may resist the unfettered inflow of foreign labor. One solution to the conflict would be to deny immigrants access to welfare benefits, which would allow receiving countries to gain from labor inflows while not exacerbating fiscal distortions too severely. Guest worker programs in part serve this purpose. They grant foreign workers admission visas, while restricting their residency rights by placing limits on the amount of time they can spend in the country and the public services to which they have access. Yet, in most countries, guest worker programs remain small. In the United States, temporary immigrants accounted for only 3% of the total stock of immigrants in the country in 2005 (Camarota, 2005). In 2006, inflows of legal temporary workers were 213,000 in Australia, 146,000 in Canada, 28,000 in France, 295,000 in Germany, 98,000 in Italy, 164,000 in Japan, 83,000 in the Netherlands, and 266,000 in the United Kingdom (OECD, 2008). Note that given the short term status of guest workers these numbers represents stocks and not flows of temporary immigrants (i.e., these populations of workers turn over completely every one to three years).
The Level of Citizen Participation In DemocraticGovernance In Nairobi County, Kenya. Citizens‟ participation in Kenya finds its early roots in development projects that benefited local communities. Throughout the post- colonial era, the country took legislative steps to provide ways for citizens to be active participants in the governing of their country. Most of these ways, however, were limited to local authorities and the implementation of laws incorporating citizen participation did not reach their full potential because citizens did not fully understand their rights or embrace the opportunity. Finally, county government authorities struggled to promote local funding and planning processes to citizens, like the county Authority Service Delivery Action Plan (LASDAP) and the Constituencies Development Fund (CDF).Citizens‟ or Public participation is a prerequisite for successful policy and decision-making and is a precondition for transparent, open and democraticgovernance. Citizens Participation and Governance implies the involvement of citizens in a wide range of policymaking activities, including the determination of levels of service, planning, budget priorities, establishment of performance standards and the acceptability of physical construction projects in order to orient government programs toward community needs, build public support, and encourage a sense of cohesiveness within neighborhoods. Citizen engagement in devolved government‟s systems implies the involvement of citizens in planning, decision-making process of the County Governments‟ measures and/or institutional arrangements so as to increase their influence on service delivery, equitable distribution of devolved resources, enactment of favorable policies and programmes to ensure a more positive impact on their social and economic lives. It entails sound public sector management (efficiency, effectiveness and economy), accountability, exchange and free flow of information (transparency), and a legal framework for development (justice, respect for human rights and liberties).
* Bachelor's Degree in Philosophy from the Universidad Veracruzana (UV) and a Ph.D. in Contemporary History from the University of the Basque Country, has a Law Degree, is a professor at the UV in different faculties, is a researcher at the National College of Teachers and Researchers in Philosophy, Humanities and Economics, AC. (CONAPIFHE). He is a member of the Thematic Network CONACyT Interdisciplinary Accountability Program (PIRC Community) of the Center for Research and Economic Teaching (CIDE), has published several essays, and six books: Identity and philosophy of life and Aesthetics, by the DGB of Veracruz; Three centuries of policy and agrarian legislation in Mexico, by Publlicia; Public finances and the perspective of the citizen, by Eumed.net; Globalization, federalism and local life by the Institute of Legal Research of the UV and the COLVER; and State of critical thinking and public policies, by Pulso Global, IIESES-UV, CONAPIFHE, is a political consultant, was an advisor to the Governor's Private Office and in the Undersecretary of Government of the Government Secretariat and Head of the Department of Analysis and Operation of Basic Education Projects of the Undersecretariat of Basic Education, of the Secretariat of Education of Veracruz
the democracy or Humanity. They require: going beyond the ratification of human rights treaties, integrating human rights effectively in legislation and State policy and practice; establishing the promotion of justice as the aim of the rule of law; understanding that the credibility of democracy depends on the effectiveness of its response to people’s political, social and economic demands; promoting checks and balances between formal and informal institutions of governance; effecting necessary social changes, particularly regarding gender equality and cultural diversity; generating political will and public participation and awareness; and responding to key challenges for human rights and good governance, such as corruption and violent conflict. Allocation and Management of Resources
Bardhan and Mookherjee (2000a) shed light upon the determinants of capture of the democratic process. Not surprisingly, they conclude that the extent of relative capture is ambiguous and context specific. Bardhan et al. find that the extent of capture at the local level depends on the degree of voter awareness, interest group cohesiveness, electoral uncertainty, electoral competition and the heterogeneity of inter-district income inequality. A key assumption of this model is that the degree of political awareness is correlated to education and socioeconomic position; in particular, that the fraction of informed voters in the middle income class is lower or equal than rich, and higher than that of the poor. Uninformed voters are swayed by campaign financing, whereas informed voters favor the party platform that maximizes their own-class utility. The outcome of local and national elections in terms of policy platforms, will coincide under four assumptions: i) all districts have the same socioeconomic composition, and swings among districts (particular district specific preferences for one of two political parties) are perfectly correlated; ii) national elections are majoritarian; iii) there is an equal
This policy covers all forms of information irrespective of care or business setting within the organisation. Information may relate to patients/clients/service users, staff/ personnel or business/ corporate information. Information types are far ranging e.g. paper, electronic, databases, photographs, emails, x-ray films Systems will be introduced to manage and monitor the effective handling of information whether it is the management and structure of records systems, both paper and electronic or secure transmission and receipt.
The Research & Innovation (R&I) Committee is authorised to lead, support and report on activities related to research governance by the Research, Education and Training Committee (RET). It has delegated authority from RET to oversee and monitor Trust activities relating to research governance. In undertaking this role the Committee will review compliance with external standards (including Research Governance
These following principles describe BNP Paribas Asset Management’s expectations of public companies in which we invest. As a responsible investor, we believe that Environmental, Social and Governance (ESG) issues may impact the value and reputation of entities in which we invest. We are therefore committed to incorporate ESG standards into our voting criteria to act in the long-term interests of our clients. These principles act as a guiding framework by which BNPP AM executes its ownership responsibilities through the exercise of proxy voting.
The sustainability issues are vital and crucial in such development framework because tourism is an activity that contributes significantly in local societies’ economic growth, while at the same time its social and environmental impacts are significant. The policy making for CSR and its linkages with SD is a mainstream policy topic in EU (Commission of the European Communities, 2010b) including tourism, while the incorporation of Unite Nations SD Strategy 2030 in European economy and businesses’ operations is an objective (Commission of the European Communities, 2016). The SD political objectives for tourism are based on the approach ‘think global act local’ through the incorporation of World Tourism Organization standards (2015), which is essential in order to analyze and understand better the EU policy framework, its linkages with CSR and its implementation in Greece. Therefore, this paper will be based on a qualitative research framework, which will combine literature review, as well as theoretical investigation and political discourse analysis for CSR and SD in EU and Greece at tourism sector. The main goal is to provide a multilevel comparative policy analysis framework, which will link European policy framework for SD and CSR with tourism sector in Greece. This analysis will try to indicate the potentials for Greece towards the tourism policy objectives and SD Strategy 2030 via evidence based policy analysis.
Of all the terms used to describe FSC, ‘corporatism’ requires the most explanation. In the West, corporatism is a pejorative term, taken as signalling how the interests of a small subset of privileged groups dominate those of the wider community. Thus, pluralists celebrate broad-based interest group competition within ‘polyarchies’ on the basis that no single group is sufficiently powerful to permanently secure its interests. 45 The problem with the pluralist image—as pluralists like Robert Dahl and Charles Lindblom came to appreciate—is that interest groups are not equal and some are able to dominate the policy agenda on an permanent basis. In Lindblom’s formulation, the market acts as a ‘prison’, forcing the state to consider the ‘privileged position of business’ in policy making. 46 The problem with pluralist-style, stakeholder-based interest mediation processes—such as those used to develop national standards in many countries—is that they grant rule-making power to dominant social forces at the expense of other interests. They are often narrowly majoritarian in nature and as such cannot reflect a broad-based consensus on what is required in a specific set of
Being a proficient and professional teacher in Australia and similar countries is one of the most difficult and complex occupations imaginable. All teachers are confronted with carefully analysing the mix of socio-economic and cultural factors that present and design appropriate learning strategies that engage all students. Within this context, the following essay considers the purpose and structure of initial teacher preparation and possible changes to more traditional arrangements. It advocates a new type of school-university partnership where reflective cycles of practice-theory establish a close relationship with knowledge for all participants and where personal practice is the necessary condition of learning. Schools and classrooms are theorised as democraticpublic spheres where participants pursue understanding of serious issues for equity and the public good. Implications of partnership and public sphere for a new form of educational practice are discussed.
2013 Research Institute for Environment, Energy, and Economics (RIEEE) Research cluster grant, “Natural resource economies and development” – PI with J. Hamilton (Watauga County Extension Office), C. Blanchard-Bush (Public Administration), R. Crepeau (Geography), R. Tighe (Geography) ($5,000).
Abstract. In the present paper we undertake to link democracy with a set of indicators for economic freedom and financial crises, using panel data analysis. The sample covers annually the period 2000-2012 for the EU, the USA and Japan. The results point out, that political stability is positively related to the set of economic freedom indicators and negatively to financial crises, because greater economic freedom influences positively investment and economic growth, while financial crises, which lead to austerity policies, which again lead to recession-depression, increases dissatisfaction of citizens with the working of democracy (Georgiou, 2011) and thus, to the rise of extremist parties. Our findings support the idea that democratic stability is linked to economic stability and growth and vice-versa.
One question that arises out of this is whether or to what extent these considerations demonstrate that public opinion and sentencing policy do not mix. For instance, it might be said that on any view that gives public opinion a role in determining sentences, there will be a risk that offenders end up being treated more harshly than they ought to be. However, in response, three things might be said. First of all, it is also at least possible that they will be treated less harshly. Secondly, even if responsibility for sentencing is given to judges informed by sentencing guidelines, there is still the possibility that offenders will end up being treated more harshly than they ought to, since it is not the case that sentencing judges or guidelines are infallible. Indeed, an argument would need to be given as to why they should be taken to be more accurate tha n public opinion ) m not saying that such an argument could not be given; simply that there would need to be such an argument. This issue will be considered below.) Thirdly, we often think that wrong decisions are made through democratic procedures, but that the decisions should nevertheless stand. This has been called the paradox of democracy (Wollheim 1969). Not really a paradox, it is simply the fact that, when one is committed to decisions being made democratically, one might often end up with two conf licting views about what ought to be done on the one hand the course of action one takes to be supported by the actual reasons; and on the other, the course of action decided by the vote. If one is committed to democracy, therefore, one might believe that the democratic decision made about sentencing is wrong, but
In its broad principles the legal situation is similar in the US, 19 although there is a contrast with elsewhere. According to Mayson et. al. (1999, pp.16-17), England's “shareholder-centred vision of the company is not universally held among advanced economies. In Germany companies are seen as serving both shareholders and employees, and in German company law this is reflected in the ‘co-determination’ principle … In Japan a company is seen as a long-term coalition of investors, employees and trading partners, who are all concerned with the company’s continuing prosperity. Japan’s company law is modelled on Germany’s”. This is not to contradict the argument in Section II.ii that economic control rests with an elite in Germany and Japan, rather it is to comment upon the formal legal duties of those elite and on the legal constraints that the elites face. Whilst these formalities and constraints need not be irrelevant, our focus is the possibilities for democratising governance, for moving away from governance by an elite towards effective participation by all interested parties. An English legal system in which directors owe a duty to shareholders does not mean that all shareholders are effectively participating in economic governance, a point to which we subsequently return. Similarly, a German or Japanese legal system ‘serving employees’ does not necessarily mean that employees have economic control.
The fact that more than half of reprimanded companies were being delisted led us to question whether public reprimand served as educating mechanism to listed companies. Studies on public reprimand are rather limited compared to other matters relating to capital market such as issues related to disclosure and firm values. Kwan and Kwan (2011) for example investigate the effect of public reprimand on share price, confirming prior findings by Chen, Firth, Gao and Rui (2005). Prior studies also identify factors such as visibility of the company (Kedia & Rajgopal 2011), ownership structure (Chen, Jiang, Liang & Wang 2011) as well as restatement (Files 2012) are related to public reprimand. Board of directors plays important role in ensuring that company is operating within the rules and regulations stipulated by authority. Studies on the relationship between enforcement actions and corporate governance are however limited. Romano and Guerrini (2012) and Mangena and Chamisa (2008) are among the limited studies on this subject matter. The importance of corporate governance in ensuring good management of companies cannot be stressed enough. As stated by the chairman of Bursa Malaysia, “When companies are well governed, they are better able to attract capital investment and raise the standing of the capital market as a whole” (Towards Boardroom Excellence: Corporate Governance Guide 2 nd edition, page 1).