Of the two methods of sex selection, the postnatal one is more traditional; it takes the form of infanticide or the abandoning of baby girls. However, Coale and Banister (1994) and Zeng et al. (1993) show that the prenatal method but not the postnatal one is more probably responsible for the sex imbalance in and after the 1980s. The technology to identify the gender of a fetus and that to abort are both necessary for this form of selection. First, abortion is never regarded as illegal or immoral behaviour in China, partly due to the country’s non-religious culture. Moreover, in order to facilitate the One Child Policy, abortion equipment which was necessary for controlling the number of births was provided in hospitals, clinics and the so- called family planning service stations in communities and villages after 1979. Second, ultrasound-B examination, a convenient and affordable method of revealing the gender of the fetus, began to spread across China at much the same time. By observing the external genitalia of the developing fetus, ultrasound-B examination is much more accurate than such traditional Chinese methods as feeling the pulse of a pregnant woman. At the same time, it is more affordable and accessible than other modern methods such as amniocentesis. In 1979, the year when the One Child Policy was implemented, China manufactured its first ultrasound-B machine. In 1987, over 13,000 machines were already in use in hospitals. At the same time, imports of foreign- made ultrasound-B machines also reached their peak. By the beginning of the 1990s, almost all county and township hospitals and family planning service stations owned ultrasound-B machines, and such equipment was also available in many private clinics (Zeng et al., 1993).
Notes: *** p<0.01, ** p<0.05, * p<0.1. Robust standard errors. Logit regressions. The table reports coefficients and odds ratio for the interaction term between "dummy =1 of Exposed cohort" and "dummy=1 for Treatment Group". Each regression restricts to a subsample: North, Center or South area of the West Bank / areas with weak, medium or strong movement restrictions intensity / refugees and non refugees. An area has weak movement restriction intensity if the Mayssun El-Attar Index=0, medium if Mayssun El-Attar Index>0 and <1 and strong if Mayssun El-Attar Index=1. See explanation of the Mayssun El-Attar Index in the paper section 4.2. Three outcomes variables are considered: (a) whether a respondent dropped out from Elementary school, (b) dropped out from Preparatory school, (c) never been enrolled in school. For the first two outcome variables, I report the coefficient/ odds ratio for experiment of interest 1. For "never enrollment in school", I report coefficient/ odds ratio for experiment of interest 2 . For each of these variables, the specification include year of birth and district fixed effects plus a number of individual controls, i.e. gender, ownership of an Israeli/Jerusalem ID or not, refugee status (refugee or non-refugee), location of the house (urban, rural or refugee camp), distance to the closest school in kilometers, number of children in the household, number of parents who work in the household. An area is in treatment group if it is considered “affected” by the Wall, i.e. located between the Green Line and the Wall or outside but encircled by three or four sides by the Wall. Areas in the control group are not "affected".
The data for this chapter are presented in Table 1. There is a great variation in the intensity of HYV adoption across districts and across time. The mean proportion of cropped area under HYV seeds was around 10% in 1971, only four years after the introduction of the new seeds and rose to above 25% ten years later. Still, some districts never introduced the new technology, while others did so very quickly and deeply. Rural literacy overall also increased over time, for both the male and female populations, even though the levels of literacy were much higher for men than for women, and the gap in literacy rates evaluated at the mean increased from 24 to 27 percentage points by 1981, compared to the pre-Green Revolution gap. This suggests a deteriorating gender gap in rural areas that is also showing in the participation of rural women in the labour force. It is striking to see that, on average, almost 80% of the women in rural areas in 1971 were not in the labour force, jumping from 6 6 % in 1961. At first glance, the last two described patterns in the data would seem to support the idea that there was an increase in the gender gap in rural India after the start of the Green Revolution. However, I show below that districts intensive in HYV were not generating this process.
There are three key facts that emerge from the analysis of labour outcomes. The first concerns the fact that differences across ghettos are small, with only Langa standing out in terms of better earnings, a higher likelihood of working, and lower search periods for jobs. Gugulethu, which was ranked first in terms neighbourhood quality, does not seem to display any specific differences for labour outcomes, and if anything, young adults suffer relatively more from shot-term unemployment. This finding supports differential effects being driven by exposure to higher levels of human capital (Cutler & Glaeser 1997), higher educational achievements and possible networks associated with it (Magruder 2010). Second, the almost inexistent differences across ghettos for young men together with the distinct differences for young women in Langa, are suggestive of gender-specific mechanisms in labour and educational achievements. A possible explanation concern higher levels of discrimination for males in highly gender-segregated jobs (Magruder 2010). Alternatively, social norms might be more penalizing for males through negative peer-effects already in school. Because of worse educational outcomes they may be later penalized in job markets. Finally, Nyanga shows interesting dynamics given how bad the ghetto ranked in terms of basic observable characteristics. The fact that young adults that grew up here show longer working periods overall (but not since finishing school), and a higher likelihood of
between policy and practice in specific contexts. The real value of an anthropological approach to gender policy is in re-defining policy as a network of relationships and then offering a means of examining how this network operates in practice. The issues facing the implementation of policy are no longer constrained to an analysis of either inadequate policy or inadequate implementation as with the gender mainstreaming literature, but are open to whatever events may actually be taking place in practice. This also opens up opportunities to recognise potential solutions by focusing on what practitioners are actually doing to overcome the challenges they may be facing. However, to what extent can lessons learned about development policy in practice be applied specifically to gender policy? Turning a critical eye to the studies cited above by Rossi (2006) and Shrestha (2006) for example, gender is used as a policy or programme descriptive. The gendered nature of the development process is not fully considered in either study. These are ethnographies of gender policies as they are practiced within development interventions, but the findings that come out of these studies, while certainly interesting and important to our understanding of policy in practice, could arise from any development project. Can lessons learned from other types of development projects be applied to gender interventions? My argument is no, they cannot, which I develop in more detail in section 2.5. Gender interventions have the very particular objective of addressing gender as a social relation. The theoretical principle underpinning this thesis and the work of post-structural gender scholars is that gender relations are maintained by a form of power that is
The state policies, inspired by the educational reform, encouraged the organisation of courses, workshops and distribution of booklets within the school setting, dedicated to raising awareness about different aspects of gender equality among adults. Teachers were encouraged to invite children to play with all kinds of toys, ‘cars as much as building blocks, dolls and planes’ (SEP and INMUJERES, 2003: 172) and instructed during cursos de capacitación (professional training) that the principles that restricted access to particular objects or activities to ‘only boys’ or ‘only girls’ were incompatible with the ideal of equality, which was presented as one of the most salient strivings of modern Mexican society. In the classroom, they usually translated this to children through the claim that they all ‘had the right to play with everything.’ The Spanish Language textbook for the fourth grade, which was written according to the curriculum dating back to 1993, featured a text about a girl who dreamt about playing football and was compelled to fight against prejudices to achieve her goal: ‘(...) She was a girl, girls play with dolls, prepare play food, behave themselves, say good morning, good afternoon and that kind of thing. How could it cross Mayte’s mind that she wanted to be a football player? But that’s the way it was.’ (SEP, 2000) After inviting children to express their understanding of the key points of the text, a teacher intervened by providing one of the examples she felt the children would most readily identify with: ‘It is wrong to say that, for instance, boys cannot play with dolls. There’s nothing wrong with that. In the past, it was different. Boys could play only with cars and girls only with dolls. Nowadays everybody has the right to play with everything.’ In Civic and Ethical Education classes, teachers also instructed children that it was ‘wrong’ to impose gender divisions in toy choices and invoked the importance of respecting others’ right to make their own choices. What lessons about different issues concerning the negotiation of traditional and modern gender expectations had in common was an apparently unambiguous ideological distinction between ‘the right’ and ‘the wrong’ way of doing gender. If a child raised a hand to give an example of a person who defended the opposite values to the ones endorsed at school, teachers readily warned her that the person she referred to was ‘wrong’ and that those ideas belonged to the past.
Community energy studies show a wide variety of theoretical approaches and is studied within social science disciplines such as sociology, social-psychology, economics, and social geography. Community energy organisations are examined from various angles. Local initiatives make use of existing technologies, adapt them to their needs and/or stimulate the development of new (variants) of technologies. Local energy initiatives are interpreted as a firm, an organisation, an ad-hoc grouping of individuals, or as nodes in a regional network. Further, the individual members or initiators of community energy organisations are seen as moral agents, as end- users, as prosumers, entrepreneurs or voluntary workers. In addition, it has to be acknowledged that national and local policies can be an important incentive, but also a serious obstacle for community energy action. In several cities and regions, examples of energy and spatial planning are investigated.
In the remaining two panels of Table 2.9, we conclude this state-level analysis by examining potential impacts on public expenditures (Panel E) and public revenue (Panel F), two key dimensions of state capacity (Besley and Persson, 2009). A less motivated group of senior bureaucrats may negatively impact economic outcomes at the state level by doing less, which would translate in lower public spending (e.g. new schemes are not being implemented, or are slow in being implemented) and lower revenue. In Panel E, we consider possible impacts on total public expenditures (Column 1) but also isolate social and economic expenditures. Social expenditures comprise spending on education, health and welfare, while economic expenditures comprise spending on rural development, special area programmes, energy, industry, transport and communications. Consistent with the GDP analysis, we find that age at entry × cohort size has negative impacts on total public expenditures (Column 1), and that the effect appears particularly large for economic expenditures, which might be particularly conducive to industrial growth (Column 3). Again, it is the composition of the senior segment of the bureaucracy that appears to matter. In Column 4 of Panel E, we examine whether the number of large scale development projects, as measured by the number of World Bank funded projects, is also affected. While of the expected sign (negative), the estimated coefficient is not statistically significant.
The key to gender parity is resources. We need gender responsive budgeting and money to be allocated and spent effectively on achieving these goals. Gender equality is bound up with all other goal of sustainable development such as good governance, human rights, environmental sustainability and poverty reduction. Over the past three decades gender concerns have become more prominent in international environmental law and related processes. Agenda 21 and debates from 1992 onwards recognized women as important actors in environmental protection and poverty alleviation, but tended to treat women in an instrumentalist way. Women were considered the primary users and effective managers and conservers of the environment at the local level. This underpinned the view that women should be harnessed as sustainability saviors, based on the assumption that women are especially close to nature. Women-environment connections, especially in domestic and subsistence activities such as collecting fuel wood, hauling water and cultivating food, were often presented as if they were natural and universal, rather than as the product of particular social and cultural norms and expectations. Women share the primary responsibility for nutrition, child care and household management in almost all countries. They are also active in environmental management. In most developing countries, women play a major role as farmers, animal tenders, and water and fuel collectors. Yet, despite their roles, women are not adequately represented in the decision-making processes related to the issues of environment and development at local, national or international levels. A part of world survey by the United States every fine year highlights the links between the gender inequality and unsustainability.
Women play a significant roles in agricultural development. They contributed nearly 60-80% of food and more than half of the global foods were produce by the women (Mehra and Rojas, 2008). They devote 85-90% of labour force on family food handling and preparation (Fontana and Natalia, 2008). Time sharing study shows that women work is incomparable with their men counterpart (Bud lender, 2008). Moreover, girls spend more time in house labour than boys (Sharma et al., 2007). According to Damisa, et al., (2007) 60- 90% of total farm labour was done by females. These comprises a range of activities such as land clearance, ploughing, weeding, establishing and application of fertilizer, harvesting, shelling, threshing, sorting, grinding, transporting and marketing among others. However, agricultural and economic plans give less concern to women (Fabiyi et al., 2007). In Africa if gender equality have been implemented appropriately it will increases agricultural output by (20%-30%) and 2.5 – 4.0% increase in global yield and it will reduces global food insecurity by 12-17% (FAO, 2010).
Second, this study is linked with limited empirical literature on the origin of states, such as Gennaioli and Voth (2015) and Raul Sanchez de la Sierra (2014, 2015), and my main contribution is the application of the historical context to study a longer time horizon e ﬀ ect with a DID estimator. Because the contexts are di ﬀ erent, we also have di ﬀ erent in- terpretations for the results. For example, Raul Sanchez de la Sierra (2014, 2015) analyze the behavior of bandits in the modern Eastern Congo and reveal that a shock to mineral demand led to the initial stage of state formation and the threat of military action by the central government against bandits’ worsening behavior. On the other hand, my study analyzes the development of states rather than the emergence of states because, by 1615, local governments had already monopolized violence and taxation in their territories. Ad- ditionally, military threats are a di ﬀ erent type of risk that could emerge from transfers. For instance, a government may increase military investments to fight against an oppo- nent in the case of war and decrease public goods provisions, thus elevating the risk of destruction and discouraging public goods investments. 7
the man would experience from the woman’s labour force participation.10 Second, that the utility the woman derives from working is on the one hand larger than her utility loss from not working, while on the other hand it is smaller than the sum of her util ity loss from working11 plus her utility loss from the man’s action. In this situation, men can take action against women coworkers, or women engaging in the labour force, reducing everyone’s productivity. In the former case, the firm might want to change gender-job associations (at a cost): for instance, by describing, and hence turning, a previously ’woman’s job’ into a ’man’s job’. However, sometimes these gender-job as sociations do not have an origin in one firm, and hence cannot be changed by a firm’s policy. If these associations are sectorwide or economywide, as Akerlof and Kranton (2000) explain, these gender-job associations might persist—which is consistent with the empirical evidence o f persistent occupational segregation—, as perfectly compet itive firms will underinvest in new job categories, so in the absence of market power or technological change, a shift in social attitudes and legal intervention might be nec essary for changes in employment patterns (a major change o f this sort happened for instance in the United States during World War II, when the recruitment of women
www.ijsernet.org Page 77 Efforts have been made by some researchers to answer this question. For an instance, Vleuten, Jaspers, Maas and Lippe (2016) did a study that aims to explain the role of gender ideology in boys’ and girls’ educational choices in secondary education. Their study was specifically to investigate the role of gender ideology in gender discrepancy in the choice of educational tracks. Also a study by Joe Project Store (2018) on two hundred and fifty (250) SS3 students was to determine the subjects preferred by males than females, identifying factors associated with subject choice and determine the problems affecting the subject choice of students. Joe Project Store study was done only on SS3 students with interest in science and arts subjects. Although Emerson, Mc Goldrick and Mumford (2012) analyzed students’ decisions to take their first introductory economics course, a theory course, and ultimately major in economics, but their study was on higher institutions. Thus the question remains unanswered. It is against this uncertain situation that the researcher was compelled to investigate the influence of gender on the choice of economics as a subject among SS1, SS2 and SS3 students.
This study was carried out to find out the gender stereotype in home economics programmes in Nigeria and the strategies for correction. In carrying out the work, three research questions were formulated based on the purpose of the study. The data used were obtained by means of questionnaire distributed to 210 male youths in all the 21 local government areas in Anambra State. The data collected were analyzed using mean score. The findings include: the society both educated and uneducated look down on any man studying home economics, parents influencing the career choice of their children, dearth of male of male graduates in home economics, men lacking the knowledge and skill that will help them develop critical inquiry and scientific mind to deal with every day problem appropriately, parent/society changing their perception of job and activities that are for male and which are for females. Based on the findings, recommendations were made which include: students no matter their department should be compelled to study any area of the subject as an elective apart from those that are studying the course.
The class consists of 10 seminars that will comprise both lectures and interactive discussions. During the course, we will alternate between covering different topics, theories and issues, and discussing a series of in-depth case studies to illustrate how things turned out in practice. Navigating between theory and practice will permit us to critically examine the respective successes and failures of various theories and strategies of economic development.
were the mastery of the land, the growth of population , the elaboration of the archetypical Igbo social system in which the earth (Ala) now deified, occupied central place as the ordainer and guardian of morality, the source of law and custom (Afigbo 1981:9). The greatest impact of these revolutions manifested itself first among the present day Nri-Awka zone. This helps to explain the rise of the institution of Eze Nri, a development probably made necessary by the increased problems of maintaining law and order, especially with regard to the control of the land. The demographic impact will also help it explain why the next phase of Igbo dispersal had to start from here. It has been noticed that it was from Nri Awka area that the Niger-Anambra plain and the Asaba upland to the west of the Niger were populated. This assumption is made evident from the traditions of Ika Igbo. Nonetheless it is hard to date this migration episode but one thing seems very clear and that it must have taken place long before the rise of Bini kingdom. This was a period in south-central Nigeria (the former Biafra and present Edo and Delta states), when the Igbo must have enjoyed an overwhelming advantage over their neighbours by the force of their numerical superiority (Afigbo (1981:10) However, the west ward flow of the Igbo people from Awka upland could be placed within the millennium that lies athwart the birth of Christ. The reason for the estimation is given by Professor Shaws as he suggests that Igbo Ukwu culture dated 9 th AD may well have been connected with the institution of Eze Nri.
The role that international trade plays in measuring sustainable development has come under recent scrutiny, reflecting in part the wider and diverse debate about trade and sustainability. For example, by relaxing domestic natural resource constraints it has been argued that international trade allows any particular country to deplete natural assets abroad by importing its natural resource requirements. In turn, it is proposed that this apparent insight nullifies or alters sustainability criteria that are based on the investment of current resource rents regardless of their final destination. However, at least in the specific case of trade in commercial natural resources, it is arguable that the onus is on resource extracting countries to make provision for the loss of domestic natural assets whether for export or not. In this way, it can be argued that the fact that resources are often traded does not necessitate an alteration in recent proposals for measuring sustainability, particularly those based on savings rules. Nevertheless, it is also the case that international trade creates and reflects interesting interdependencies whereby (primarily) developed countries rely on imports of natural resources from (primarily) developing countries. Indeed, several of the former have expressed concern over their ‘responsibility’ for the depletion o f resources elsewhere - for both selfish and altruistic reasons - and this may be of particular interest where an exporter is believed to be on an unsustainable path.
The economics of welfare is at the heart of economics, but in recent decades welfare economics has been relegated to the sidelines. While economists routinely make policy recommendations, or statements about economic success or failure, they often do so without apparent awareness of the ethical foundations for their conclusions. Yet, the foundations for welfare economics are far from solid. The standard formulation imposes severe constraints on the information that is taken into account when making evaluative judgments. The adoption of a welfarist social welfare function rules out any information other than individual welfare. In this paper, I consider the implications for welfare economics of one specific issue: individual giving for world development. While giving for development is modest in total amount, it is one of the few direct ways in which individuals reveal information relevant to the properties of the social welfare function to be applied to global redistribution. I begin by examining individual motives for giving, arguing that giving for the specific purpose of development cannot be adequately explained by the standard models of “warm glow” or “public goods”. An alternative is proposed, where people “frame” their giving in a way that gives meaning to their individual contribution. This alternative may well take a non-welfarist form. I go on to consider the implications for the social welfare function. What are the implications, if any, for the social welfare function of individual altruism towards people in poor countries? Finally, I address explicitly the geographical dimension, and the fact that the social welfare is a national social welfare function, which has to take into account the limited “sphere of control” of national governments.