Of note is the observation that participants who were not able to draw on discourses that could reframe their experiences, chose as a last resort other discursivestrategies to negotiate their identities, notably the ‘positioned as object’ discursivestrategies of blaming, justifying and disclaiming. This pattern was observed, whilst trying to take into consideration the context for each discursive strategy, to understand further what it aims to achieve. For instance, reframing is used where participants draw upon another explanation for their experience that allows for a more positive identity. One participant for example, reframed her difficulties in terms of the less pathological discourse of autism. Autism, in the social domain, is constructed as a developmental disability and not a mental illness. The implications for this are evident in institutional practices, whereby no efforts are made to ‘cure’ people with autism, but rather to make reasonable adjustments (Autism Web, 2016). The discourse of autism suggests society needs to adapt to accommodate such individuals, which may explain why one of the participants chooses to position herself within this discourse. On the other hand, the discursivestrategies of disclaiming, blaming and justifying were used a lot in situations where participants were not able to draw on more benign social resources to construct their experiences, leaving them with the only option of either disclaiming such notions, justifying their position, or blaming others. The ‘positioned as object’ strategies serve to reduce accountability for participants’ actions, for example Jack constructs his drinking as involuntary, as an addiction caused by a build-up of factors. Lea justifies carrying knifes because she is afraid of others. However, these strategies are not as effective in counteracting the dominant discourses of danger, disorder and madness, without acknowledging
In order to integrate these discursivestrategies with the hegemony of the capitalist mode of production, I combine them with different aspects that reflect the fundamental characteristics of capitalism and analytical categories of RT. The codes are ownership structures, power relations between capital and labour and labour as a commodity as representing fundamental characteristics of the capitalist mode of production (Jessop 1990a). With regards to accumulation regimes, the terms growth, export, demand, and financialisation are important. For the mode of regulation, concepts like employment through growth, competitiveness, purchasing power and (private and or public) investments are central. These concepts are specifically connected and may be contradictory. For instance, a neoliberal understanding of competitiveness as labour costs that are too high creates tensions with the aim of providing purchasing power to employees. These relations have to be set in context with the general mode of development as discussed in the next section (3).
This article concludes that international students’ blog narratives can offer insightful cross-cultural stories for institutions involved in organizing exchange programs at post-secondary education. The stories posted on personal and mixed blogs reveal students’ competence and resilience to cope with acculturative stressors during their adaptation in a foreign country. To examine students’ narratives this study relied on discourse analysis to identify discursive and non-discursive elements and strategies to deal with cross-cultural stressors. For example, code-switching was used as a discursive strategy to signal empathetic relations and convergence of culture, which can be attributed to students’ positive attitudes to maintain a balanced well-being. Yet, humor and irony were used to mitigate cultural stressors when interlocutors’ worldviews diverged. Moreover, humor and irony were frequently identified as students’ coping mechanisms to deal with stressful experiences. Yet, non-discursivestrategies such as photographs and emojis (i.e. smiling face) to illustrate students’ blog narratives were usually used for reinforcing cultural convergence and willingness to adapt into a foreign environment.
Payday loans constitute one of the most rapidly expanding and controversial forms of consumer lending today. Payday lending – the selling of high-interest, short-term credit – has thrived in the wake of the decline of the traditional high street banking system and the reluctance on the part of many mainstream credit services, following the 2007/8 Global Financial Crisis, to lend to low income earners. This study critically examines the website of the industry leader in the UK, Wonga, a payday lender which recently rebranded and relaunched itself (in 2015) after being embroiled in a series of financial scandals. Our analysis centres on the new Wonga website, the gateway to its financial services, and identifies three inter-related discursivestrategies through which the lender, in the wake of its financial misconduct, seeks to present itself as a reputable financial service provider, namely by (1) constructing the empowered and responsible borrower, (2) de-stigmatising both its service provision and its prospective customers, the payday borrower, and (3) minimising the consequences and risks associated with payday borrowing. We argue that, collectively, these strategies constitute an artful response by Wonga to the changing legislative and socio-economic contexts in which it and other payday lenders are now required to operate, permitting it to continue marketing and selling its high-interest rate financial services.
This paper examines the discursivestrategies employed by two of the far-right movements in the UK, specifically in the English Defence League (EDL) and Britain First, when dealing with immigration and what they term as the “Islamisation of Britain”. The paper will demonstrate how these movements frame their arguments by employing strategies of positive-self and negative-other representation. The analysis will rely on the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) as a framework for examining the mission statements of both movements in relation to three discursivestrategies, namely nomination, predication and argumentation. The analysis will reveal how both movements put themselves forward as defenders of British society and basic liberal values, while negatively portraying “the other” either as a threat to such values or as a burden on Britain’s resources.
In this article archaeological and genealogical principles were drawn on to inform the intra- textual analysis. Particular analytic lenses were derived to deconstruct policy documents. Drawing in particular on the frameworks by Arribas-Ayllon & Walkerdine (2008), Willig (2008) and Carabine (2001), the analysis interrogated policy texts for their discursive features. This included identifying how ‘objects’ and ‘subjects’ are constructed in the policy texts, how ‘problems’ and ‘solutions’ are defined and which ‘morals and logics’ underpin the argument. In order to illuminate how policy shapes the perception of reality, the analysis also attended to contradictions and silences in the texts. In a second step, the findings were synthesised in order to identify overarching ‘discursivestrategies’ (Carabine, 2001). Discursivestrategies can be understood as ways in which discourses make sense of a ‘problem’ at a certain time. They shed light on the role these discourses play in a wider social context.
Gonzalez & Rosas (2007) say that this learning makes reference to an alternative way of organizing cognitive processes that take place in a teaching-learning situation both inside and outside the classroom. In the specific case of the cooperation that exists in the classrooms, authors such as Johnson, Johnson, & Holubec (2008) point out that cooperation consists of working together to achieve common goals, and that in a cooperative situation individuals seek to obtain results that are beneficial to them and to the rest of the members of the group. Coop- erative learning is the didactic use of small groups in which students work together to maximize their learning and that of others; that is why the discursive styles that take place in a cooperative environment allow people to gain knowledge and obtain a shared learning in order to achieve common objectives.
With some exceptions (Floris et al, 2013; Heracleous & Jacobs, 2008; Liu & Maitlis, 2014; Molloy & Whittington, 2005), few studies have tried to examine visual discursive strategy practices based on pictures, photographs, videos and other multimodal devices – a surprising fact given the social ubiquity of digital, moving and printed images (Stiles, 2013). I use novel visual analyses to explore organizational identity: a root construct concerning ‘What an organization is?’ or ‘What are we? (Albert & Whetten, 1985). Identity is central to determining the strategic values, vision or mission(s) of an organization before more mainstream debates over performance can take place (Levin, 2000). Language plays a key role here, with multiple narratives recursively constituting an organization and its actors in an ongoing ‘metaconversation’ in the ‘plurivocal’, or multiple- voice, organization (Robichaud et al, 2004). Rhetoric (persuasive language) helps legitimate strategic change in a discursive struggle between opposing interests (Suddaby & Greenwood, 2005), defining organizational identity (Fenton & Langley, 2011) , establishing the legitimacy of strategists and the shape and meaning of strategy (Paroutis & Heracleous, 2013) to avoid organizational disidentification and ideological fragmentation (Stiles, 2011).
Having stratified discourse into method-based levels of analysis we would contend that this form of delineation is problematic in two ways. First, it fails to adequately acknowledge the way in which the different levels are mutually implicated to the extent that they are difficult to meaningfully disentangle. This arises because localized forms of language-use (either verbal interaction or written texts) are simultaneously informed, shaped, enabled and constrained by the macro-discursive landscape in which they occur (Keenoy & Oswick, 2004). Equally, it is the aggregation and accumulation of situated workplace interaction (via informal conversations, interviews, meetings, briefings and presentations) and the production and consumption of local texts (e.g. emails, minutes, newsletters, circulars, guidance notes, and operating procedures) that collectively shape, inform, and even constitute, “big D” or paradigm-type discourses. Hence, the “macro-discursive” is embedded in the “micro-discursive” and vice versa (Oswick & Richards, 2004). Moreover, the discursive accomplishment of organizing is multi-faceted and multi-
Studies have explored media coverage of policy but little work has been done on the implications of this for the ‘substance of political decisions’ (Koch-Baumgartner & Voltmer, 2010: 1) or vice versa. The consequence is that 80 years after Lasswell (1927, 1942, 1951a, 1951b) first started writing about communication and policy, little progress has been made on understanding the interactional dynamics between the two. This shortfall is even more surprising today given the prominence of mass media, the pervasiveness of policy over nearly every aspect of everyday life, the nature of mass- mediated politics (see Meyer, 2002; Page, 1996) and the institutionalization of media monitoring by the British government after 1997 (Heffernan 2006). 1 The manifestation of this knowledge gap can be seen in studies of risk interactions with their asymmetrical privileging of one at the expense of the other and predilection for out-dated, reductionist assumptions about linear, hierarchical and non-persuasive communication (see Chapter 2). Here, other reviews have noted a lack of engagement between risk studies and media studies of risk whereby ‘reconstructions of public discourse and the media tend to neglect institutional and organization historical changes within the media and … how this impacts or is intertwined with risk reporting’ (Tullock & Zinn 2011 p.2). This thesis sets out to explore this under-researched terrain in policy elite–newspaper engagements over risks. In the process it makes a substantive contribution by formulating a unique conceptual framework – discursive intersections – for understanding how the interactional dynamics of the political–media complex work. Discursive intersections as defined in this research is concerned with institutionally-grounded shifts in claims and counter-claims that take place during engagement in the political–media complex.
However, hegemonic representation as the police’s representa- tion of the racial class is formed out of a particular field in a legal institution or a legal ISA. As mentioned above, social action gets more and more specialized in the contemporary society and he- gemony is often organized and institutionalized so that discursive convention has a great effect on discursive hegemony. The more specialized the field is, the more coercive the hegemonic form takes. Political leaders often perform coercively through dis- course in setting agendas, choosing topics in conversation and representing the world in a conventional ways. Therefore, in the sense of representation, hegemony implied in language and em- bedded in social structure can be explained in terms of discursive convention which is in turn molded in particular field of dis- course. At the level of language, field of discourse is realized as transitivity which is in turn realized as clause. On the basis of these hierarchical elements, a representation model of hegemony is formulated in Figure 4.
Cependant, à l’issue de l’examen de chacune de ces critiques, rien de décisif ne se dégage. (Linguistique) À travers la diversité des marques – on peut voir (1) et (2) comme se situant aux deux pôles d’un continuum qui irait d’une formulation « discursive » à une formulation « visuelle » – il s’agit pour nous de la même structure, avec amorce, items clairement identifiables et clôture. Dans cet article, après avoir précisé notre approche et son ancrage (section 2), notre premier objectif sera précisément d’aborder la diversité des réalisations des structures énumératives (section 3), tout en dégageant clairement ce qui en fait l’unité : la mise en parallèle des items, l’expression (ou l’inférabilité) du critère interprétatif qui sous- tend cette mise en parallèle (en (1), ce sont des facteurs, en (2), des critiques). Nous évoquerons aussi la diversité des contextes où elles s’insèrent et des rôles discursifs auxquels elles se prêtent ainsi que les premiers résultats concernant les corrélations entre types de réalisation et fonction. La dernière section sera consacrée aux « marges » de la structure – l’amorce, qui la lie au texte amont et annonce l’énumération, et la clôture, segment final qui fait le lien avec le texte aval – pour mieux mettre en lumière la nécessité de traiter la structure dans son ensemble comme un tout fonctionnel.
The discursive news values used in this article are Timeliness, Consonance, Negativity, Impact, Proximity, Unexpectedness, Superlativeness, Personalisation and Eliteness, as defined below (section 3). The organizing principle behind their conceptualisation is Ockham‟s Razor, which states that we should use no more explanatory concepts than are absolutely necessary. This means that related concepts are included in one general news value rather than establishing an additional value for each related concept. Thus, van Djik‟s (1988) Novelty (in the sense of „newness‟) is included in Timeliness, which covers a range of time-related concepts that are mentioned in news values research, including newness, recency, immediacy, and currency. Similarly, Montgomery‟s Conflict is included in Negativity, in agreement with van Dijk and Bell, who list conflict as an example of Negativity rather than postulating it as a separate news value. This is also the case for Bell‟s Attribution, which is included in Eliteness, because it relates to the eliteness of sources. To give a final example, Montgomery‟s Intensity/Discontinuity seems to refer both to an „intense‟ event or „a sudden deviation from the norm‟. The former is covered in Superlativeness, while the latter is covered in Unexpectedness. The aim is a general framework of the basic underlying values. From a discursive perspective, we can conceptualize news values in terms of how newsworthiness is constructed or established through discourse (both language and image). In the following headlines for instance:
Such collective decision problems are vulnerable to the discursive dilemma, a phenomenon generalizing the doctrinal paradox in jurisprudence. The source of the dilemma is that the propositions under consideration are logically interconnected. In our first example, the third proposition is a conditional involving the first two propositions; and in our second example, the third proposition is equivalent to the conjunction of the first two propositions (according to the generally acknowledged legal doctrine that breach of a valid contract is necessary and sufficient for liability). The initially most natural and democratically appealing procedure – proposition-wise majority voting – may generate inconsistent collective judgments. In the case of our first example, Table 1 illustrates a situation in which the population is split into three camps such that, overall, a majority believes that multiculturalism is desirable (proposition P), another majority believes that if multiculturalism is desirable then immigration should be promoted (proposition if-P-then-Q), but yet another majority believes that immigration should not be promoted.
The notion of symbolic power is often used to analyze how one class dominates over another by confirming or transforming the manner in which the dominated class perceives and engages with the objects of the social world (e.g. Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977). This is facilitated by the imposition of the language of the dominant class on the dominated class. The case of the discursive constitution of software development at IBTech is interesting because corporate workers formed a uniform class, rather than divided classes seeking to impose meanings that benefitted their interests. The phenomenon witnessed at IBTech represents a case of unification. Unification takes place when a group of individuals is led in practice to accept one specific language as the only legitimate language (Bourdieu, 1991: 44-52). This language becomes the norm against which all discursive practices are assessed. It involves the operation of an institution powerful enough to impose the universal acceptance of the legitimate language (Bourdieu, 1991: 46). In the present case, the stranglehold of the Corporation restricted the possibility of using languages other than the corporate language to produce and interpret texts about software development.
What ‘violence’ is and what ‘violence’ means is both material and discursive. It is both a matter of experience of change in bodily matter, and a matter of change in discursive constructions. Violence is simultaneously material and discursive. It is simultaneously painful, full of pain; and textual, full of text. This is what I learnt from researching men who use or had used violence. It is very difficult to find a definition of violence that works for all situations and all times: this is a matter of material discourse. Violence, and what is meant by violence, is historically, socially and culturally constructed. Talk and (men’s) talk about violence is not just representation (of norms): it is (creation of) reality in its own right. This applies in the conduct of violence, and talk about violence. Similarly, agency policy, practice and intervention emphasize the importance of talk. In some cases, there is considerable correspondence between the accounts of men using violence and accounts of agency staff with whom they have had closest contact; specific constructions men use to talk of violence interconnect closely with constructions of agencies dominated by men.
In the analysis of expert texts a variety of legal, moral, medical and relational discourses were deployed to construct rupture in negative terms, or what Gergen (1990, p. 358) has referred to as “vocabularies of deficit”. These positioned rupture on a spectrum of increasing negativity (e.g. from “minor lapses”, “misalignments” through to “major breakdowns”, “mistakes”, “failures” or “complaints”) consistent with its positioning in two person relational discourses as a discursive object whose negative effect can vary in form (e.g. how it is labelled) and intensity (Safran, Muran & Eubanks-Carter, 2011). As a consequence, its discursive positioning in prefixes undid the value of therapeutic words (e.g. the ‘mis’ in misalignment) so that rupture was effectively ‘othered’ in the expert texts as the ‘wrong and bad’ counterpoint to the ‘right and good’ alliance . Positioning rupture as ‘other’ is perhaps understandable given the prevalence of the ‘healthy alliance’ as a normative and highly valued construct within a wider counselling psychology discourse. It is also consistent with Staszak’s (2008) observations that an ‘other’ is identified by its faults; devalued; stigmatised; even silenced because of them. Such silencing offers a potential explanation as to why within the regulating discourses of professional bodies such as the BPS there is no explicit mention of ‘rupture in the alliance’, but there is an emphasis on “the importance of fostering and maintaining good professional relationships with clients” (BPS Code of Ethics and Conduct, BPS, 2009, p.10). Its omission positions ‘rupture’ outside of these regulating discourses where it potentially functions as a risky ‘other’, troubling norms upheld by those institutions. For example, if in a counselling psychology discourse a ‘healthy’ alliance is positioned as normal and safe, then by extension ‘rupture’ is positioned as danger and risk. This is consistent with Douglas’ (1982, cited in Ballinger & Payne, 2002) socio-cultural theories where the ways in which risks are responded to are dependent on cultural explanations about danger and ‘otherness’.
Though they were dominantly aversive to materiality, which imprisons the soul and impedes its upward rise to transcendental harmony, the Romantics did not discard it from their discourse. Instead, it was incorporated to mean providing a clue to an invisible but existent reality, greater than the rational or sensual perception of the world in empirical and discursive terms. As Wordsworth said, we do not only see nature with but through the eyes. Coleridge‟s poetry also translates the same issue, whereby nature is not described on rational or quantified terms as in most of eighteenth century empiricist culture. His pantheistic and monistic speculations undoubtedly show that ultimate reality is transcendent, it is immanence encapsulated in the universal One, or I AM or the Logos towards and into which the human soul strives to fuse. The imagination leads to an ultimate reality which is spiritual, Being.
defined. As Clark and Tracey (2004) suggest, this is because geographically heterogeneous social structures (institutions) might condition individuals’ behaviours and cultures of work, but the influence of these structures gets reproduced over time as a result of multiple forms of agency and the strategic choice abilities of actors. Clark and Tracey draw on the work of Giddens (1984) on structuration and in particular Archer (2000) to explain this process. Archer identifies the actors involved in forms of ‘cognitive’ change by distinguishing between ‘primary’ agents who reproduce social conditions and ‘corporate’ agents who can influence and change conditions through their actions. In the context of national business cultures and systems this means it is important to understand how primary agents (workers usually) are influenced by national institutional contexts but also transnational social spaces opened up by the strategies of managers and even ‘deviant’ workers (corporate agents). The actions of corporate agents can lead to change in the cognitive frames and behaviours of primary agents when effective strategies are used to negotiate the adoption of new values.
This article analyzes the topic of racism and its relationship with discourse and presents the problem of representation of racialized individuals, particularly black individuals from a white European hegemonic discourse that has been historically built around the concept of race. It follows a classification and categorization logic, from phenotypical and cultural characteristics, which has resulted in the death, oppression and exclusion of millions of human beings. The text presented is based on the author’s research, which includes more than 15 years of experience working on the issue of racism and, additionally, collecting work from some of the most important critical discourse analysis researchers who have worked on racism. The text begins by identifying discursive structures and strategies mainly focused on referencing, predicting, reasoning, and using narrative and stylistic resources.