determined by the number of traded goods n (thus the number of self-provided goods, m-n), his labour share input in the production of each and every self-provided good, his labour share input in the production of the good he sells and his demand for each and every good which he himself does not produce. No matter which n goods he trades with others, his present welfare is not affected. However, from a social point of view, the unique Pareto optimal economic structure is the one that once trade starts, there is a specialist in the production of each and every good even if each individual may trade only two goods. This implies that as the number of traded goods increases, no one needs to change his profession. Any other economic structure would involve a higher human capital loss due to the fact that some individual would have to change his profession to the newly-traded good because the social knowledge accumulation of some newly-traded good was much less than the social knowledge of those traded goods marketed earlier. Therefore, the unique Pareto optimal structure is the one in which right at the emergence of trade, there is some consumer-producer accumulating the knowledge about the production of each and every good such that no individual needs to change his profession when number of traded goods for each individual increases, the society will have the minimal human capital loss and can reach a higher level of division of labour with the lowest cost and the fastest speed. Call the individual who sells good i as agent i and use n it to denote the number of
likely positively correlated with her share in paid work because it increases her opportunity cost of staying at home. It might further lower her share in housework, either because her partner takes over or because she outsources tasks. The effect on her share in childcare, however, is ambiguous. Follow- ing human capital theory, her fraction is likely to decrease when she gains higher education. In the bargaining model, it depends on whether childcare is considered pleasant or not. Assuming that higher education fosters a pos- itive attitude towards gender equity (Bittman and Pixley, 1997; Brooks and Bolzendahl, 2004), schooling is likely to decrease the share of both, childcare and housework, when considering the sphere of norms and institutions. On the contrary, educated mothers might be particularly concerned with their offspring’s acquisition of human capital and consequently spend more time with them than less educated mothers. Additionally, they might be more likely to afford staying at home with their children for a longer period of time (Craig, 2006b). Either way, it is expected that besides education, chil- dren are an important determinant of the division of labour.
Division of labour has evolved in many social animals where colonies consist of clones or close kin. It involves the performance of different tasks by morphologically distinct castes, leading to increased colony fitness. Recently, a form of division of labour has been discovered in trematodes: clonal rediae inside the snail intermediate host belong either to a large-bodied reproductive caste, or to a much smaller and morphologically distinct ‘ soldier ’ caste which defends the colony against co-infecting trematodes. We review recent research on this phenomenon, focusing on its phylogenetic distribution, its possible evolutionary origins, and how division of labour functions to allow trematode colonies within their snail host to adjust to threats and changing conditions. To date, division of labour has been documented in 15 species from three families: Himasthlidae, Philophthalmidae and Heterophyidae. Although this list of species is certainly incomplete, the evidence suggests that division of labour has arisen independently more than once in the evolutionary history of trematodes. We propose a simple scenario for the gradual evolution of division of labour in trematodes facing a high risk of competition in a long-lived snail host. Starting with initial conditions prior to the origin of castes (size variation among rediae within a colony, size- dependent production of cercariae by rediae, and a trade-off between cercarial production and other functions, such as defence), maximising colony fitness (R 0 ) can lead to caste formation or the age-structured division of labour
421). A true school of art, a “living” one, in Morris’s terms, cannot exist unless it emerges from within a society that supports and understands its purpose, intrinsically. Such a society did not exist in 1894, when Morris distributed these art prizes. It existed in his arguments and as an idea to be realized in his own art practice, in his efforts to make his definition of art understood “by the public in general.” “That thing which I understand by real art,” as Morris put it in his lecture “The Art of the People” that he delivered to the Birmingham Society of Arts and School of Design (1879), “is the expression by man of his pleasure in labour. I do not believe he can be happy in his labour without expressing that happiness; and especially is this so when he is at work at anything in which he specially excels” (Morris 1882, 58). Other, longer versions of this, in which Morris identifies the division of labour and competitive commerce as dominant forces destructive to “the field of human culture,” are familiar to us. 2
Again, it is not suggested that Smith did not address these issues at all. Many of the things he said relating to the above are implicit rather than explicit. For example, the idea of circular cumulative causation or disequilibrium 1 is implicit in Smith’s theory of economic evolution. Similarly, he did analyse the two-way relationship between capital accumulation and the division of labour. But he did not take the next logical step in stating that the division of labour, in large part, depends on the division of labour itself (Young 1928), or the main cause of growth is growth itself (Currie 1997). To take another example, Smith did recognise the social division of labour in the form of subdivision of occupations and crafts arising out of the growing market. But he did not properly link these ideas to a firm or industry losing its identity, the concept of pecuniary external economies, the idea of circular cumulative causation, or the forces of disequilibrium which are continuously defeating those of equilibrium. So I stated that the idea of industrial differentiation is present in Smith, but in an undeveloped form. Even Young (1928, p.529) stated: “To-day…we mean by the division of labour something much broader in scope than that splitting up of occupations and development of specialised crafts which Adam Smith mostly had in mind.” To take yet another example, Smith did not state whether increasing returns
Division of Labour seeks to reduce that burden by rationalising aid flows and creating economies of scale. It goes beyond information sharing, consultation and coordination. It looks for joint agenda setting, joint decision making, work sharing, working in a complementary way according to each donor's comparative advantage. Several examples of (steps towards) DoL have already emerged in the shape of EU joint programming exercises, donor wide Joint Assistance Strategies, silent partnerships, etc. These initiatives have in varying degrees and ways been coordinated by partner countries, sometimes with considerable donor support.
Division of Labour seeks to reduce that burden by rationalising aid flows and creating economies of scale. It goes beyond information sharing, consultation and coordination. It looks for joint agenda setting, joint decision making, work sharing, working in a complementary way according to each donor’s comparative advantage. Several examples of (steps towards) DoL have already emerged in the shape of EU joint programming exercises, donor-wide Joint Assistance Strategies, silent partnerships, etc. These initiatives have in varying degrees and ways been coordinated by partner countries, sometimes with considerable donor support.
The “Challenge on Optimising the Division of Labour in Hybrid Machine Translation” is an attempt to trigger sys- tematic investigation on improvements of state-of-the-art hybrid machine translation (MT), using advanced machine- learning (ML) methodologies. Participants of the challenge are requested to design hybrid MT or system combination methods, combining the translation output of several sys- tems of different types, which is provided by the organisers. The main focus of the shared task is trying to answer the following question:
Our position is that taking any of the two extreme positions between biological and social factors is reductionist and we agree partially with Clark that the social relationships of men and women and the gender roles which grow out of these relationships are not merely produced by a process of socialisation or cultural conditioning but the biological nature of the human race makes a considerable contribution to the development of men’s and women’s roles. 10 Clark argues that cross-cultural studies have shown that men hold the dominant position in every known society and all men exhibit basic characteristics, which suit them for this purpose while women are suitable for domestic and family life for the same reasons. 11 We shall, however, modify Clark’s position by stating that both sociological and biological factors to a lesser or larger extent account for the differences in sex roles depending on several variables such as culture, religious belief, the mode of production, technological change etc. Thus, we can only conclude which of the two factors play the dominant role in sex role differentiation based on a critical study of the conjecture of the different variables in any society at a particular point in time. Our intention in this paper is to examine the origin and nature of gender division of labour in the Berom society as a case study.
In this model the basic ensemble consists of a source and a sink, three basic ensembles constitute an organism or company (both an ensemble of ensembles) and nine organisms/companies form a population or a branch of industry. Each organism is composed of either connected or unconnected ensembles. Linear cost-functions and saturating benefit- functions create superadditivity (better net profit) through a rational and peaceful transfer of substrate within a basic ensemble. Transfers by force and deception are not jet considered. All ensembles have an identical and limited concentration range and all concentrations are of the same probability. Random mutations change cost factors (cf), Michaelis-Menten constants (Km) and the maximal reaction velocities (Vmax) in source and sink of the basic ensemble. Km and Vmax shape a saturating benefit-function in Michaelis-Menten type enzyme kinetics resembling the utility function in economics. The result of mutations in the basic ensemble is a higher or lower cumulative superadditivity of an organism/company and its master if installed. The most effective organisms or masters prevail within the population. Recombination of ensembles between organisms accelerates evolution. Independent of the starting point and with or without a fix cost I observe the evolution towards strong asymmetry and inequality with a division of labour resulting in the development of a collector and a manufacturer. Although I observe a win-win situation reciprocity will become a necessity.
Between them, these five briefly-sketched defences of Mill go a long way to defending Mill from the criticisms previously levelled at these specified passages in Subjection and Marriage. There is a further possible defence, however, on which I wish to concentrate in the rest of this article, which renders the previous criticisms in an important way irrelevant or lacking in real bite. The main critical force of all these previous objections is that Mill’s ideal of gender-relations and the gendered division of labour, as evidenced in Subjection, falls short in some important way – a contention which is backed-up by showing that Mill’s position in Marriage is also problematic. I have just noted that we ought not to see the problematic passages in Marriage as having this relationship to Subjection, but accept that Mill changed his position in several important respects during the period between the two texts. The additional step towards a further line of defence is to interrogate the supposition that, even when he uses the phrase ‘an otherwise just state of things’, Mill is expressing his view of a most-ideal society.
Cryptococcus gattii is an emerging intracellular pathogen and the cause of the largest primary outbreak of a life-threatening fungal disease in a healthy population. Outbreak strains share a unique mitochondrial gene expression proﬁle and an increased ability to tubularize their mitochondria within host macrophages. However, the underlying mechanism that causes this lineage of C. gattii to be virulent in immunocompetent individuals remains unexplained. Here we show that a subpopulation of intracellular C. gattii adopts a tubular mitochondrial morphology in response to host reactive oxygen species. These fungal cells then facilitate the rapid growth of neighbouring C. gattii cells with non-tubular mitochondria, allowing for effective establishment of the pathogen within a macrophage intracellular niche. Thus, host reactive oxygen species, an essential component of the innate immune response, act as major signalling molecules to trigger a ‘division of labour’ in the intracellular fungal population, leading to increased pathogenesis within this outbreak lineage.
Second, for reasons of job design it is inevitable to know what an entire piece or whole unit of work actually comprises, and a scale with levels of job entireness may be useful. We proposed a more objective and concrete operationalization of division of labour following ART (Frese & Sabini, 1985; Lewin, 1926; Hacker, 2003). Fol- lowing this approach an entire job comprises not only implementation of assigned tasks, but also their prepara- tion (goal setting, planning, decision making), organisation of cooperation, and checking of results. The lowest level of job entireness, thus, is pure implementation. This measure stands the test with industrial and administra- tive tasks without customers (Debitz et al., 2001; Richter & Hacker, 2003; Schuller et al., 2012).
This article takes food issues in both the advanced capitalist and developing worlds, as well as discourses and struggles that have developed in response to them, as a point of departure. The exposition begins with a description of food sovereignty movements and their successful struggles. Third-world campaigns for food security are inspiring cases of resistance, of struggle for disalienation. The focus then shifts to the problems with the contemporary North American diet, and the ‘foodie’ response to the epidemic of poor eating and resulting poor health. Foodie culture as it has developed in the advanced capitalist world has severe limitations, particularly in regards to its treatment of gender and class. Yet it also contains important messages about meaningful human interaction with nature in the form of food procurement and preparation. The analysis developed here strives to go further than a critique of the distribution and availability of foodstuffs in the contemporary capitalist economy. The aim is to understand contestations over both the production and consumption of food in terms of some key categories of Marxist philosophy. It is argued that using the concepts of alienation, division of labour, and production of consumption can strengthen the case for food sovereignty while also mounting a critique of foodie culture that nonetheless preserves its constructive insights. More specifically, this means that an exploration of the relationship between the division of labour and alienation can demonstrate the negative consequences of industrially produced foods, while affirming the necessity of alternative forms of food production and consumption. Everywhere and in different ways, capitalism alienates humans from their species-being . This article argues that this fact is particularly evident with regards to the industrial food system. However, just as food can be a site of oppression, so too can it be a locus of struggle against capital.
The most widely accepted conceptual framework to explain division of labour is provided by the response-threshold model. This model, which was introduced a few decades ago, postulates that workers in a colony differ intrinsically in the stimulus level at which they begin to perform any task (Wilson, 1976; Robinson, 1987; Calabi, 1988; Robinson and Page, 1989; reviewed in Beshers and Fewell, 2001). Individuals with a relatively low threshold for a given task tend to respond to lower stimulus intensities, while individuals with higher thresholds start performing at higher stimulus intensities (Bonabeau et al., 1996). Task allocation based on differences among individuals ’ response thresholds (i.e. between-individual variability) allows colonies to provide a robust and flexible collective response to handle environmental fluctuations and satisfy colony requirements. In social insects, a worker is usually not committed for life to a given task; workers typically display age polyethism, whereby they progress through a series of different activities, and this is generally accompanied by maturational changes.
Given the lack of empirical knowledge of where and how informal division of labour occurs in EU foreign policy-making, it is clear that more empirical studies are needed. They should pursue four objectives. First, other areas of EU foreign policy-making where the informal division of labour is an important feature should be identified. The mere identification of informal practices is already a major issue (Helmke and Levitsky 2004). The framework presented in this paper is based on observations in two particular subfields of EU foreign policy – CFSP and external climate change policy – and there are indications that such dynamics also occur in other contexts (Carbone 2013; Laatikainen forthcoming). However, we need a more comprehensive picture of where and how informal division of labour is employed in EU foreign policy-making. Second, the manifestations of informal division of labour in other areas should be mapped against the dimensions and the effects we identified. In that sense, adding columns to our Table 1 (see above) and filling them with empirical findings will allow us to construct a more comprehensive picture of the phenomenon. Such an exercise could also reveal the need to refine our framework in the light of the new empirical findings. Indeed, it might well be the case that there are additional dimensions at work which could not be identified on the basis of our observations. Third, more empirical work should be done on how the various dimensions interact. Do certain dimensions recurrently occur in the same combinations? If patterns of such interactions can indeed be found, our framework can be used as the basis for building a typology of informal division of labour in EU foreign policy-making. Fourth, the link and the causal mechanisms between the six dimensions of how informal division of labour manifests itself and the effects of the phenomenon is a promising venue for future research. This is likely to strengthen our understanding how the institutional design of policy-making affects the substance of policy outcomes.
Okita, T., Toral, A., and van Genabith, J. (2012b). Topic modeling-based domain adaptation for system combination. In Proceedings of the Second Shared Task on Applying Machine Learning Techniques to Optimise the Division of Labour in Hybrid Machine Translation (ML4HMT-12), Mumbai, India. Accepted for publication.
Rattansi (1982) argues that in The German Ideology, Marx conflates ‘class’ with the ‘division of labour’, and that it is only in his mature writings that he comes to distinguish between the two. But as I have just argued, it is more precise to say that in that work, Marx sees class as a consequence of the division of labour; and he understands it this way because he had not yet arrived at the conception of surplus labour and exploitation. The burden of the class division is seen in The German Ideology as following from the fact of a ‘natural’ division of labour, rather than a ‘voluntary’ one. The term ‘natural division of labour’ means that rather than the distribution of production tasks being determined consciously and rationally, it develops in a haphazard, inequitable way, without any regard for the consequences for the individuals w ho carry them out. This idea is broadly in line with the materialist conception of history, according to which the material technologies of production of the means of subsistence determine the basic outlines of the society. The realm of necessity will only finally be escaped when the society gains the power to govern itself consciously and rationally, thus arriving at an agreed-upon — ‘voluntary’ — division of labour. This will then allow us “to do one thing today and another tomorrow, to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticise after