Domestic Policy

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George W. Bush’s Domestic Policy Agenda

George W. Bush’s Domestic Policy Agenda

Indeed, focusing on a handful of domestic policy priorities typically benefits the president most, except when conditions are overwhelmingly favorable for pursuing an “encyclopedic” agenda. Presidents who are per- ceived to have been unsuccessful or unskilled in dealing with Congress are those who typically tried to do too much too soon. Jimmy Carter is one example (Hargrove 1988) of a president who failed to set clear priorities for Congress early in his first year. His program, instead, was “too extensive and too disorganized” (Light 1999, 158). Clinton is another president who mis- judged his majority in Congress, was sidetracked by low priorities (e.g., gays in the military), and proposed a major health care bill in September, well after any honeymoon period. Lacking clear priorities contributes to poor communication, a waste of the president’s limited time and energy, and too many items for limited legislative agenda space, which also compete with legislators’ own priorities (Light 1999, 231). Even if presidents have a rela- tively high percentage of success later in their terms, these early decisions are particularly important to a president’s reputation as a skillful legislative president.
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Self enforcing international agreements and domestic policy credibility

Self enforcing international agreements and domestic policy credibility

To the best of our knowledge, this is the first paper to analyze the two-way relation- ship between the credibility of domestic institutions and international policy cooperation under repeated interaction, when both must be self-supporting. The paper’s main con- tribution is to show that the need to internalize international policy spillovers through a self-enforcing international agreement may help governments to overcome domestic policy credibility problems in policy choices, and, conversely, the need to sustain policy reputa- tion with the private sector may help governments to support policy coordination with one another; consequently, reducing the scope for repeated strategic interaction by means of a binding partial coordination mechanism–such as a (hypothetically) binding interna- tional agreement or a domestic policy commitment device–may make it more difficult to support efficient policies. We also show that, when the international policy coordination problem and the policy credibility problem are not too severe, a simultaneous increase in the severity of both problems can be beneficial to self-enforcing policy coordination.
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Policy conditionality, structural adjustment and the domestic policy system : conceptual framework and research agenda

Policy conditionality, structural adjustment and the domestic policy system : conceptual framework and research agenda

IMF 2001b, 20-21. The IMF acknowledges cases where domestic authorities “wish to use Fund conditionality to crystallize their own reform program and possibly to send a signal to markets or various domestic constituencies. This would explain the extensive or detailed conditionality. In these cases, the government may wish to use a Fund-supported program to lock in certain reforms and help resolve domestic policy disagreements. The Fund at times has agreed to play this role to help reform-minded elements in the government to accomplish change – perhaps supporting those taking the opportunity of acute financing needs to accomplish long-needed reforms. This approach has some drawbacks, however: even when it essentially helps the authorities (or some elements among them) to accomplish reforms, it may be seen as short-circuiting legitimate domestic political processes. Moreover, allowing the Fund to be cast as an unyielding external partner may generate resistance to policy implementation and, in the longer run, undermine the overall effectiveness of the institution. Finally, as noted above, a longer list of conditions raises the likelihood of slippages, and may distract attention from what is really crucial.”
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Domestic policy responses to the food price crisis: The case of Bolivia

Domestic policy responses to the food price crisis: The case of Bolivia

Bolivia represents an interesting case to study the im- pacts of the strong short-term increase in the levels and the fluctuations in international food prices of world markets on the domestic market of a developing coun- try. At the time the crisis hit, it simultaneously was sub- ject to profound domestic policy changes and sought to implement policies aimed at curbing the spread of the crisis into the country. The objective of this analysis is to assess whether and to which degree prices of Boli- vian agricultural products were influenced by interna- tional price shocks during the 2007–2008 food crisis, taking into account the implementation of policies di- rected towards the control of foreign trade. We there- fore focus on the evaluation of the e ff ectiveness of the policy measures which have been implemented to avoid the spread of the crisis to domestic markets. We ap- proach this question by analysing price dynamics and interdependencies in time and space, that is, horizontal price transmission, by using cointegration techniques.
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Togo   2016: domestic policy, foreing affairs, and socio economic development

Togo 2016: domestic policy, foreing affairs, and socio economic development

Following the first Universal Periodic Review (UPR) at the UN Human Rights Council (HRC, in Geneva) in 2011, Togo submitted its second national report on 17 August in order to prove its commitment to consolidating democracy and strengthening the rule of law and to show how it had implemented the 122 recommendations it had accepted in 2011. On 4 November, the UN HRC working group on the UPR adopted its report, which proposed 136 additional recommendations for the improvement of human rights and the rule of law in Togo. Child labour, particularly in the agriculture sector but also in quarries and sand mines, and human trafficking, especially of children, remained serious issues. The worst forms of child labour, including in forced domestic work, were also a result of human trafficking, according to the US Department of Labor 2015 findings published on 30 September. Also, followers of Sufi leaders, known as talibés, were forced to beg for money. AI stated in its November universal periodic review, titled ‘A long way to go ’ , that the human rights situation was stagnating since its last periodic review of 2011. AI called again for the protection of the rights to freedom of association, peaceful assembly and expression in Togo, complaining that security forces had killed and injured many people during peaceful demonstrations, and arrested journalist and human rights defenders during the five-year survey period. It called on the international community to be more vigilant with regard to the human rights situation in Togo.
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Togo   2015: domestic policy, foreing affairs, and socio economic development

Togo 2015: domestic policy, foreing affairs, and socio economic development

Thus, Faure Gnassingbé easily secured a third five-year term in office and thereby the extension of the autocratic rule of the Gnassingbé family, which had already been in power for 48 years, a world record, topped only by North Korea, as pointed out by the international NGO ‘Tournons La Page’. The opposition had little opportunity to challenge the regime through democratic elections, given the extensive influence and material resources that were at the government’s disposal. Apart from the biased electoral system and the state-controlled media, the opposition was subjected to additional forms of judicial and financial repression, including a policy of divide and rule, combined with a carrot and stick strategy, and systematic weakening of the opposition’s local power base. The la st had been effected by, among other things, the replacement of local mayors and communal councillors by special delegates nominated by the administration in 2001, and, most importantly, by the endless postponement of local elections since 1987, considered to be a pre-condition of a democratic legitimization of devolution of power. Thereby Togo remained the sole member within the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU/UEMOA) that did not implement an independent decentralization. Thus, in fear of a possible repetition of electoral violence in the aftermath of the 2005 presidentials, the ordinary voter had little choice between either voting for the ruling power or resignation and absenteeism.
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Foreign in influence and domestic policy: A survey

Foreign in influence and domestic policy: A survey

activity is outright bribery. A recent OECD report, OECD (2014), documents how foreign firms often pay bribes to obtain public procurement contracts and to clear customs procedures and estimates that, on average, bribes equalled 10.9 percent of the total transaction value and 34.5 percent of the profits. These examples clearly show that economic and political interests are interconnected. Even what are es- sentially economic issues, such as international trade, can have political effects and might be politically motivated (e.g. Martin, Mayer, and Thoenig 2012). Similarly, interventions with a clear political motive can have economic effects such as when foreign CIA operations benefit US exporters (Berger, Easterly, Nunn, and Satyanath 2013, Bove, Elia, and Sekeris 2014). In other words, foreign influence has political as well as economic dimensions. The examples also demonstrate that foreign influence operates through multiple channels and it is, in fact, common that a target country is subject to many types of interventions simulta- neously, as the recent events in Venezuela illustrate. 2 Finally, a common feature of many of the examples is that the foreign intervention empowers groups in the target country with policy preferences aligned with the intervening foreign power. Accordingly, to fully understand foreign influence, its multiplicity and common elements, the phenomenon needs to be treated within a unified framework.
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The Impact of Domestic Policy on Farmers’ Welfare and Maize Processing Industry in Indonesia

The Impact of Domestic Policy on Farmers’ Welfare and Maize Processing Industry in Indonesia

The Ministry of Trade Republic of Indonesia Regulation Number 21 year 2018 concerning Maize Import Provisions, article (2) states that maize can be imported to meet the needs of food, feed, and industrial raw materials. The policy without maize import tariffs began since Indonesia joined the cooperation in the ASEAN free trade area known as the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). Policies in the AFTA agreement include reducing tariffs from zero to 5%, eliminating quantitative and other non-tariff barriers. Of course by making an import tariff policy of 5% does not violate international trade rules. The alternative policy of increasing import tariffs by 5% has an impact on the increase of Indonesia’s maize import prices by 0.39%, so that the demand for maize in the feed industry and food industries sourced from imports has decreased by 26.38% and 4.25% respectively. The increase in the price of Indonesia’s maize imports will result in maize prices at the producer level and maize prices at the consumer level to increase (Pangestika, et al., 2016). The price increase was responded to by the feed processing industry by reducing the demand for maize sourced from domestic by 0.19% while the food industry actually experienced an increase in demand of 1.95%. In addition to the decline in demand for the industrial sector, the decline in demand also occurred in households and independent farmers. Overall the total demand for maize in Indonesia fell by 2.91%, additional maize production only increased by 1.30 thousand tons which could be used as an additional raw material for the maize processing industry.
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House rules: the collaborative nature of policy in domestic networks

House rules: the collaborative nature of policy in domestic networks

We wish to consider a topic which is implicit in these kinds of systems: network policy or the use of ‘rules’ to regulate and govern the home network. Network policies are an integral part of existing network infrastructures but they are also social and implicated in attempts to reshape network management for the home. The design of Eden and the ‘internet restriction badge’, for example, clearly implicates policy considerations, as does the ‘etiquette’ that emerged around the Home Watcher deployment. Curiously, however, neither study treats the topic of network policies or rules explicitly or in any depth. This paper presents our experiences in shaping domestic policy interfaces and explicates the tension between user orientations to and understandings of ‘network rules’ and the enterprise orientations and understandings embedded in current home networking infrastructure. We briefly consider the nature of policy systems from an enterprise perspective, and the tools that have emerged to allow a range of prospective network policies to be written and subsequently enacted by the network [20]. We then report on the results from a range of ethnographic studies of the ways in which network rules are established retrospectively within domestic networks as an ongoing feature of the moral ordering of domestic life. We highlight the emergent and contingent nature of network rules and the extent to which users interpret and negotiate their occasioned use in a domestic context.
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Combating Domestic Violence in Bangladesh: Law, Policy and Other Relevant Considerations

Combating Domestic Violence in Bangladesh: Law, Policy and Other Relevant Considerations

There is no easy solution to a complex issue like domestic violence. This problem is tied to the overall concept of gender equity in Bangladesh. Enacting the 2010 Act is only one piece of the puzzle, a significant one. Whereas it recognizes violence within home and family relations as breach of peace and suggests legal remedies for them, like many previ- ous ones it may be reduced to mere suggestion if proper monitoring mechanism is not implemented. After an in depth look at the prosecution and practices around this legislation over the past five years, Dr. Shahnaz Huda has laid down ten of the most significant issues impending the success of the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act: lack of national awareness, dearth of community investment, limited access to legal services, poverty and economic insecurity, inadequate social safety nets, absence of accurate domestic violence data, inadequate provision for domestic violence against children, no provision for counseling, lim- ited legal terminology, confusion regarding offenses and punishments. 54
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Deconstructing domestic violence policy

Deconstructing domestic violence policy

by CTPDA demonstrate domestic the of utility violence policies contemporary developing it as a method alongside the topic under consideration; the use of 'family' to name concern of poli[r]

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The Impact of European Union Asylum Policy on Domestic Asylum Policy in Germany and Britain: 1990-2007

The Impact of European Union Asylum Policy on Domestic Asylum Policy in Germany and Britain: 1990-2007

The most important reforms in German asylum policy were agreed upon in 1993 during the Asylum Compromise 48 and went well beyond what the existing non-binding and limited EU level measures prescribed. After the introduction of the reforms the number of asylum seekers in Germany declined significantly and consistently: from 438, 200 in 1992 to 88,920 in 2000 (see Table 2). This decline has been almost unanimously attributed to the combination of restrictive measures introduced in 1993 (Hailbronner 1994). A number of scholars have raised doubts over the extent to which the decline is attributable to domestic reforms as opposed to other factors. Marshall (2000: 161) suggests that out of the 438, 200 applications, around 123,000 were submitted by asylum seekers from former Yugoslavia, whose applications had no chance of succeeding given the fact that they were not being persecuted by state actors: the sole justification for granting asylum in Germany at the time. She also suggests that the reduction in the number of applications is at least partly due to a change in the way the statistics were calculated: after 1993, dependants were no longer included in the numbers which now reflected only the number of main applicants (Marshall, 2000: 162). Bosswick (2000) also questions the extent to which the asylum compromise led to a decrease in the number of asylum seekers; he attributes it to very speedy decisions by the Federal Office for Recognition of Refugees (Bundesamt für die Anerkennung ausländischer Flüchtlinge (BAFI)) for applicants from the so-called “easy countries of origin” (mostly Central and South-east European ones where around 70 percent of applicants came from) and a the introduction of fingerprinting of asylum seekers which
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Domestic versus External Borrowing and Fiscal Policy in Emerging Markets

Domestic versus External Borrowing and Fiscal Policy in Emerging Markets

We now consider the case where the government can no longer credibly commit to repaying its debt obligations in every possible state of nature in the second period. Under certain parameter combinations , and for certain values of the state variables, it is possible that the sovereign chooses to default rather than honoring its debt obligations. In this setup, debt contracts are not enforceable as the sovereign can choose to default on its debt contracts if it finds it optimal to do so. As described in the previous section, the country can borrow in both domestic and external markets. A key characteristic of the model is the possibility of default on both domestic and external debt. In the context of sovereign debt, it is important to distinguish between a domestic creditor and a foreign creditor, since both might have different possibilities to sanction a government that is unwilling (or unable) to repay. We assume that the identity of debt holders can be observed once the debt is issued. This allows for the possibility of segmented markets in which the government can selectively default on one class of its obligations (i.e. domestic or foreign).
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North Dakota Model Law Enforcement Domestic Violence Policy

North Dakota Model Law Enforcement Domestic Violence Policy

5. The clerk of court shall transmit a copy of each temporary protection order, or extension, modification, or termination thereof, by the close of the business day on which the order was granted to the local law enforcement agency with jurisdiction over the residence of the applicant or over the residence at which the actual domestic violence that is the subject of the temporary protection order has occurred, or is likely to occur, if requested by the applicant and approved by the court. Each appropriate law enforcement agency may make available information as to the existence and current status of any temporary protection order issued pursuant to this section, through an existing verification system, to any law enforcement officer responding to the scene of reported domestic violence. 6. Fees for filing and service of process may not be assessed to the petitioner for any
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Domestic Causes of Currency Crises: Policy Lessons for Crisis Avoidance

Domestic Causes of Currency Crises: Policy Lessons for Crisis Avoidance

allocate fixed proportions of bank loan portfolios to particular sectors (see Table 4). As mandated loans carry an implicit bail-out guarantee and as they are usually refinanced by the central bank at below-market interest rates, banks have little incentive to limit their credit risk. The pursuit of growing market share has led to a neglect of the cost of capital, in particular where government allocation of credit played an important role for industrial policy. ‘Picking the winners’ may be fairly easy during the very early stages of development, and even then it invites moral hazard and rent seeking behaviour (Vittas and Wang, 1991). Once countries have moved up the global product cycle, the chances that government-led credit allocation leads to capital waste, are increasing disproportionately. As problem loans develop as a result of mandated lending, the implicit guarantees given by governments to the banks often obviate the need to identify such problem loans properly and to build reserves against them.
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Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics

Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics

central balance. He inferred from this that Australia was an "incomplete" middle power9 . In his discussion of Japan and the future world order Cox linked "middlepowermanship" to the development of international organisation. He identified middle powers as those states which were committed to building, rather than imposing, a more orderly world system, and concluded that the term was "a role in search of an actor"10. Yet the role Australia played in the Cambodian peace process demonstrates that it has some validity, however qualified. More recently, a useful elucidation of the concept has been provided by Cooper et al.* 11. Using Australia and Canada as examples, they argued that a definition of "middle power" which focuses on state activity and behaviour, rather than system, is useful in explaining the foreign policies of those states12. This "behavioural" approach pays more attention to style than actions, but recognises the salience of state interests13. Middle powers, thus defined, tend to pursue multilateral approaches to foreign policy problems, embrace compromise positions in disputes and incorporate notions of good international citizenship into their diplomacy. This is an apt description of the role Australia played in the Cambodian peace process. As Evans and Grant explained it, "in the case of Cambodia our coalition building meant working...with Indonesia, all give permanent members of the Security Council, Vietnam and the four Cambodian factions"14.
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China's Foreign Policy Choices and Domestic Constrains: Maneuvering for Peaceful Rise

China's Foreign Policy Choices and Domestic Constrains: Maneuvering for Peaceful Rise

world to take serious notes. A state with more than 1.3 billion population, fifth largest territory, the largest economy (with respect to Purchasing Power Parity) and swift development cannot be ignored simply. Owing to these facts, the accumulative potentials enhanced and surged national power of China to great level that resulted in the formation of military capacity building as well as the naval supremacy in the high seas of the East Asia (Mizokami, 2014) These analogies of history are applied by scholars to consider the rising nation either as threat wagers or peace builders. Under these findings of history, scholars of international relations view implications of emergence of Great China in two ways i.e. either it will challenge the contemporary hegemon and cause a threat to international peace or it will lay the foundation of a more peaceful world as the notion of rising peace claims. The paper examines the choices of strategies available at the end of China and her responses to them. After assessing China at three different levels i.e. domestic, regional and international, this paper will strongly support that China will be a rising peace, not a rising threat to the world.
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The policy shift towards more intensive monitoring of domestic violence perpetrators

The policy shift towards more intensive monitoring of domestic violence perpetrators

Of course, too, there is a risk that lawful and more creatively-deployed electronic monitoring technologies will be seen as a kind of 'silver bullet' for the management of the risk that domestic violence perpetrators pose. So there are some obvious questions to investigate through the forthcoming piloting process: what about the risk of technical equipment failure in relation to an offender being monitored? What data protection-based challenges will the courts expect to deal with if GPS monitoring data is used in a newer way in some multi- agency setting? What are the overall end-to-end costs of the technology to be chosen and deployed, including human resources and training costs? And what sort of detailed guidance will the police and the courts receive from the Ministry of Justice, respectively, following the forthcoming pilot stage, in terms of how to decide who are the 1,000 riskiest domestic
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The Addington ministry and the interaction of foreign policy and domestic politics, 1800 1804

The Addington ministry and the interaction of foreign policy and domestic politics, 1800 1804

In terms of social policy, the signing of the peace preliminaries proved wise. Social historians of the period agree that the peace led to a considerable decline in social unrest, at least in the short term. The great decrease in the reports of riots and other seditious activities received by the Home Office after 1 October point to this conclusion. Disagreement remains, however, as to the duration of the period in which radical activities had effectively ceased. Peace proved an effective deterrent to sedition and conspiracy according to J. Ann Hone and Roger Wells. On the other hand, E. P. Thompson, J. L. Baxter, and F. K. Donnelly, citing the reports of government spies in Yorkshire, suggest that revolutionary activities revived after only a few months. John Dinwiddy denies, however, that there is sufficient evidence to demonstrate the existence of a revolutionary movement in Yorkshire in 1801-2, referring to the fact that Fitzwilliam consistently questioned the reports of his spies. This debate underlines the fact that there is no conclusive evidence about the nature and extent of social unrest in this period. The government was dependent on information from a variety of spies and local officials, some of whom had incentive to exaggerate reports of unrest and others who were inclined to play them down. Nevertheless, the general impression at the time seems to be that radicalism and social unrest within the country as a whole had subsided considerably below the apparently dangerous levels of the early months of 1801, and this appears to be corroborated by the considerable decrease in the report of riots and the logical assumption that once the major causes of unrest were removed that riots should subside.1
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The policy shift towards more intensive monitoring of domestic violence perpetrators

The policy shift towards more intensive monitoring of domestic violence perpetrators

"The requirement that any interference must be ‘in accordance with the law’ under Article 8.2 means that the impugned measure must have some basis in domestic law and be compatible with the rule of law, which is expressly mentioned in the preamble to the Convention and inherent in the object and purpose of Article 8. The law must thus be adequately accessible and foreseeable, that is, formulated with sufficient precision to enable the individual – if need be with appropriate advice – to regulate his conduct. For domestic law to meet these requirements, it must afford adequate legal protection against arbitrariness and accordingly indicate with sufficient clarity the scope of discretion conferred on the competent authorities and the manner of its exercise…"
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