Domestic violence/intimate partner violence, including male victimization and female perpetration.

Top PDF Domestic violence/intimate partner violence, including male victimization and female perpetration.:

Violence is violence: comparing perceptions of intimate partner violence in homosexual and heterosexual relationships

Violence is violence: comparing perceptions of intimate partner violence in homosexual and heterosexual relationships

Regarding the subscale of seriousness, clear attitudes are supported throughout research that when a woman is abused by a man it is judged more harshly in terms of severity and experience abuse significantly worse when compared with other types of IPV (Sorenson & Taylor, 2005; Tjaden & Thoemes, 2000). It has been suggested that the gender bias is also apparent with clinicians; through the use of two different scenarios of the same behaviours, they rated males as more pathological and dangerous in comparison to their female counterparts (Follingstad, DeHart & Green, 2004). It was found that lesbian IPV was assessed to be as not as serious or severe when compared with male to female IPV (Wise & Bowman, 1997). Furthermore, it is found that through their study of perceptions of seriousness found that both men and women rated men’s violence to be viewed as ‘serious’ or ‘very serious’ when compared with women’s violence was rated as ‘not serious’ or ‘slightly serious’ (Dobash & Dobash, 2004). Subsequently this displays the understanding that women’s violence is not taken as seriously as male’s violence, thus enforcing the gender roles ideology. Archer (2000) found when comparing rates of violence perpetration by men and women, found that women were more likely to be hurt and to need medical attention than men. Hence supporting the idea that women are vulnerable and their own perpetration does not compare to the impact of male violence.
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Understanding Proximate Factors Associated With Perpetration of Intimate Partner Violence by Men In India

Understanding Proximate Factors Associated With Perpetration of Intimate Partner Violence by Men In India

A plethora of research (Alhabib, Nur & Jones, 2010; Sarkar, 2010 & Sharma, 2015) has documented the prevalence and predicaments of IPV on women, but very few attempted to conceptualise its risk factors through the lens of the abusers (Yakubovich et al., 2018, p.1). IPV is reported ubiquitous all over India irrespective of class, caste, religion and geographical boundaries. Women are more prone to be victimised by partner violence, especially in traditionally male-dominant cultures, if showed non-adherence to conventionally accepted gender norms. IPV perpetration within intimate relations is found to have an enduring association with the patriarchal ideologies and gender-related cultural attitudes as well as practices of any community (Smith, 2008 & Thomas, 2018a). Women's' non-endorsement to male dominance as well as their reluctance to respect inequitable gender roles within families have been consistently found to be significantly linked with their violence experiences. Disturbingly in many societies, women also approve this attitude, which subsequently raises the odds of perpetration and victimisation of IPV by their male and female offspring respectively. (Thomas, 2018a, p.607)
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Men’s experiences of female perpetrated intimate partner violence: A qualitative exploration

Men’s experiences of female perpetrated intimate partner violence: A qualitative exploration

The difficulty in integrating a social narrative of hegemonic masculinity, defined by Connell (1995) as a set of practices that maintain men’s dominant position within society, with the paradoxical experience of being a victim is a persistent theme running through the literature on male victimisation (see also Lisak, 1994; Rentoul & Appleboom, 1997; Stanko & Hobdell, 1993; Yarrow & Churchill, 2009). Acknowledgement of the many associated emotional consequences of IPV victimisation, including vulnerability, helplessness, sadness, depression, humiliation, fear, and shame (Follingstad, Wright, Lloyd, & Sebastian, 1991; Hines & Malley-Morrison, 2001) do not conform with ideals of hegemonic masculinity (Durfee, 2011). Rather, only subsequent feelings of anger fit with the traditional masculine ideology (Lisak, 1994). Hollander (2001) emphasised the pervasiveness of gender within the performance of victimisation, highlighting the commonly associated traits of victimisation as consistent with cultural and societal narratives of femininity. Hence many male victims struggle to acknowledge ‘feminine’ feelings, leading to reduced self-esteem and self-worth (Lisak, 1994).
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Domestic violence performed by intimate partner in women in the reproductive cycle

Domestic violence performed by intimate partner in women in the reproductive cycle

It is important to consider that domestic violence has three phases: tension accumulation, explosion and honeymoon, being called the “Cycle of Violence”. The phase of tension accumulation occurs through verbal aggressions, provocations and discussions until the occurrence of mild physical aggressions that increase the disagreement and result in a fury attack by the aggressor that commits the severe physical aggression, characterizing the explosion phase that, in turn, is followed by the honeymoon phase. In this third phase, the aggressor seeks to compensate the victim for the aggression caused by him demonstrating regret; however, this cycle of violence is restarted and over time becomes more frequent (LIMA et al., 2015). Although no single factor or theory explains the causes of violence, several risk factors associated with the perpetration of aggression have been described, including low income, unemployment and sexual abuse in childhood (ORAM et al., 2014), as well as the abuse of alcohol and other drugs (FAZEL et al., 2018). Alcohol consumption is related to less cohesion and less organization in the family environment and, consequently, to high levels of domestic violence (GOLCHIM et al., 2014). Conjugality permeated by violence becomes even more complex when there is alcohol consumption, which, in turn, was associated with increased episodes of aggression between spouses (FEIJÓ et al., 2016). Factors such as anger, hostility, low empathy, relationship conflicts, attitudes towards tolerance for violence and support for gender roles should also be considered in understanding the phenomenon of violence against women (MANCERA et al., 2017; CAFFERKY et al., 2018). From the results of an integrative review on domestic violence conducted by Oliveira et al. (2017) it was possible to verify that men who committed domestic violence had a previous history of violence perpetrated by their parents, and that such episodes led them to reproduce violent acts in society and especially in the family. It has been reported in the literature that women who were
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Personality Disorders, Types of Violence, and Stress Responses in Female Who Perpetrate Intimate Partner Violence

Personality Disorders, Types of Violence, and Stress Responses in Female Who Perpetrate Intimate Partner Violence

the various levels of intervention as one of many necessary efforts to improve the health and well-being of families (e.g., see Nicholls & Hamel, 2005; Hamel & Nicholls, 2007). Mental health practitioners treating women who have IPV have a growing number of studies to guide them in developing effec- tive treatments. Investigating personality and inter-personal issues in female intimate partner assaulters will greatly assist in these efforts. At a more basic level, there is still a need for rec- ognition of domestic violence perpetration by females and the victimization of males. Batterer interventions have not kept pace with existing empirical findings (Babcock, Canady, Gra- ham, & Schart, in press; Babcock, Green, & Robie, 2004; Dut- ton, in press), particularly with regard to the value of family interventions and couples counseling (Hamel & Nicholls, in press). Through continued empirical study great strides will be made towards accurate diagnosis, development and implemen- tation of adequate management strategies as well as tailored treatment programs for these perpetrators and the recipients of their violence.
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Examining Risk: Profiles of Adult Male Perpetrators of Intimate Partner Violence

Examining Risk: Profiles of Adult Male Perpetrators of Intimate Partner Violence

correlative or associative rather than causal. Websdale (2000) notes this caution because of the number of IPV cases that are characterized by these risk factors that do not end in the death of the female partner. He discusses the need to re-label the terminology of the assessment tools, changing the term from lethality screens to dangerousness indictors. He believes that these tools can be used to address domestic violence, develop effective safety planning tools, provide a space to listen to the victims, and reduce the incidents or severity of the abuse. Websdale (2000) advocates that there would be a greater value in understanding that any relationship, which is marked by IPV, might end in homicide.
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Intimate Partner Violence in the U.S. General Population

Intimate Partner Violence in the U.S. General Population

lence, women are more likely the victims of more severe forms of physical violence and its consequences, including injury and death. Kimmel (2002) summarizes these findings by noting that studies based on the Conflict Tac- tics Scale (CTS) find “higher rates of domestic violence, stable levels of severity, and low rates of injury and find it perpetrated equally by women and men” (p. 1341). In contrast, crime victimization surveys typically find that domestic violence is rare, serious, escalates over time, and primarily perpe- trated by men. Perhaps, as Frude (1994) concluded, “husbands and wives may be equally aggressive but many more husbands are violent” (p. 153). Conceivably, as Straus (1999) suggested, data concerning crime and injuries may be most useful for designing and evaluating intervention programs designed to treat offenders or help victims. Likewise, data concerning less severe forms of violence may be most useful for prevention programs designed to prevent the occurrence of severe forms of violence. In this man- ner, survey research concerning IPV is vital to the development of inter- vention and prevention strategies.
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Female genital mutilation and intimate partner violence in the Ivory Coast

Female genital mutilation and intimate partner violence in the Ivory Coast

The domestic violence module of the Ivory Coast DHS includes 11 items that capture violence committed by a male partner or spouse. From these questions, IPV was categorised into three main subtypes: physical, sexual and emotional. Physical violence referred to any ex- posure to one or several of the following acts against women by a current or former husband or partner ever: i) pushing, shaking or throwing something at her; ii) slapping her or twisting her arm; iii) punching or hitting her with something harmful; iv) kicking or dragging her; v) strangling or burning her; vi) threatening her with a weapon (e.g. Gun or knife); and vii) attacking her with a weapon. Sexual violence referred to any exposure to one or several of the following acts against women by a current or former husband or partner ever: i) forced sexual inter- course; and ii) other sexual acts when undesired. Emotional IPV was assessed with two items, ‘ever humiliation’ and
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Preventing Intimate Partner Violence Across the Lifespan

Preventing Intimate Partner Violence Across the Lifespan

program. FSD consists of six booklets delivered to families (five of which are designed with interactive activities that caregivers and teens complete together). Each booklet targets change in constructs associated with TDV, including teen conflict resolution skills, teen’s acceptance of dating abuse, and caregiver knowledge about dating and efficacy to influence TDV behavior. A health educator follows up with the caregiver two weeks after each booklet is mailed to gauge progress in completing activities, encourage participation, and answer questions. FSD was evaluated in a randomized controlled trial and found to motivate and facilitate parent/caregiver involvement in teen dating abuse prevention activities, increase caregiver self-efficacy for talking about dating abuse, and decrease negative communication with teens. At the 3-month follow-up, teens in the intervention group reported decreased acceptance of dating abuse, which is a risk factor for TDV perpetration and victimization, and significant reductions in reports of TDV victimization over time compared to no-treatment controls. 68
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“No one would ever believe me”: an exploration of the impact of intimate partner violence victimization on men

“No one would ever believe me”: an exploration of the impact of intimate partner violence victimization on men

Despite these findings, the status of “victim” does not seem to apply to men and women equally (Seelau, Seelau & Poorman, 2003). Many studies have examined evaluations of IPV and whether condemnation of violence between partners varies as a function of perpetrator and victim gender. Feminist models hold that the existence of strong patriarchal norms in society means we do not condemn violence against women in a domestic context (e.g. Pagelow, 1984). However, vignette and scenario-based studies have demonstrated the opposite; one early study by Harris and Cook (1994), found that college students evaluated violence against wives more negatively than violence against husbands and violence within gay male relationships. Felson and Feld (2009) analyzed a large representative sample of 810 American adults from a random telephone survey and found that participants were more likely to condemn men’s assaults on women than any other gender combinations, and they were more likely to suggest they would report this type of assault to the police.
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Lifetime Prevention of Intimate Partner Violence

Lifetime Prevention of Intimate Partner Violence

program. FSD consists of six booklets delivered to families (five of which are designed with interactive activities that caregivers and teens complete together). Each booklet targets change in constructs associated with TDV, including teen conflict resolution skills, teen’s acceptance of dating abuse, and caregiver knowledge about dating and efficacy to influence TDV behavior. A health educator follows up with the caregiver two weeks after each booklet is mailed to gauge progress in completing activities, encourage participation, and answer questions. FSD was evaluated in a randomized controlled trial and found to motivate and facilitate parent/caregiver involvement in teen dating abuse prevention activities, increase caregiver self-efficacy for talking about dating abuse, and decrease negative communication with teens. At the 3-month follow-up, teens in the intervention group reported decreased acceptance of dating abuse, which is a risk factor for TDV perpetration and victimization, and significant reductions in reports of TDV victimization over time compared to no-treatment controls. 68
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Associations of financial stressors and physical intimate partner violence perpetration

Associations of financial stressors and physical intimate partner violence perpetration

Finally, one study focused on male perpetrated IPV and included reports of both IPV and financial stress by both partners (Benson et al. 2003). In this study, subject- ive financial stress was strongly associated with in- creased odds of male-to-female physical IPV, but income-to-needs ratio, a more objective measure of fi- nancial stressors, was not associated with IPV perpetra- tion. Our analysis was unable to measure perceptions of financial stress, defined as how individuals mentally re- spond to financial stressors, but it did find that experien- cing financial stressors was associated with increased odds of IPV perpetration among men and women. The discrepancy between our findings and the findings on income-to-needs ratio may have important implications for intervention strategies because it may indicate that subjective financial stress and management of finances are better predictors of IPV perpetration than overall financial resources. Additional research examining the relative contributions of financial stress, financial stressors, and financial management may provide further guidance on effective financial interventions.
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The (ir)relevance of Intimate Partner Violence Typologies for domestic violence professionals

The (ir)relevance of Intimate Partner Violence Typologies for domestic violence professionals

future relationships or involved children. Certain profiles can be used to sharpen methods and promote expertise but ‘all the profiles that I have seen fail to reflect reality’ (Blijfgroep advisor). Sometimes profiles are necessary but their use by the social workers is being limited as much as possible because other specialists are needed to label or diagnose clients (Blijfgroep advisor). This respondent expressed that within the capacities of social workers, there should be a balance between having enough knowledge and making sure to keep an open mind to ask questions: ‘every situation is different and every family deserves a non- judgmental attitude’ (Ibid). What is described in the previous chapters and also expressed by the interviewees is that in general, the victims of IPV are female. This does not imply that there are no male victims. The Movisie employee pleads to avoid active labeling of CCV or SCV, because when such labels are utilized one chooses to divide the couple in terms of victim and perpetrator and thereby passes on the possible victimization of the man. The social worker in the male shelter from the Blijfgroep stated that male victims of domestic violence are invisible mainly because of the taboo on the subject of male victimization. He exemplified: ‘For males it is easier to express to be homeless than to say that you have fled from domestic violence’. He thereby added that male victims are often not believed when they state to be the victim of partner violence. The shelter employee gave the example of a man who stayed at the shelter and eventually decided to report the violence committed by his wife to the police, but the police did not take him seriously and asked where his bruises were. This social worker from the male shelter observes that social workers currently lack in asking follow up questions when it comes to males, which in turn makes the referral to organizations such as the Blijfgroep inadequate.
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Intimate Partner Violence in a U S  College Sample: Do Auditory Status and Gender Predict Victimization?

Intimate Partner Violence in a U S College Sample: Do Auditory Status and Gender Predict Victimization?

Moreover, the lack of a gender effect for physical violence may be a result of the skewed gender ratio at RIT. Women may have more options to choose from amongst the male population and thus are better able to avoid abusive relation- ships. Guttentag and Secord (1983) argue that when women are scarce and men are plentiful, men will be less likely to harass or assault women. Women college students at RIT may be less likely to be victimized by intimate partners because they are able to be more selective of partners or because the sex ratio leads men to be more protective of women. We should mention that sex ratio research is mixed on the effect of the sex ratio on victimization. The results for this study may not be indicative of women victimization at universities where the sex ratio is more equal or where there are more women than men. For example, while discussing racial patterns in sexual behavior, Harawa et al. (2003) argued that Black women might have been more likely to “lower their expectations of a boy- friend or husband’s behavior, including an expectation of monogamy” (p. 187) due to a skewed sex ratio (more women than men). One caveat should be men- tioned when discussing the effects of sex ratio on reported victimization. While a skewed sex ratio may help explain less reported physical abuse, women still re- ported significantly higher levels of psychological abuse. Thus, while sex ratio may help explain the lack of an effect of gender on reported physical abuse, it may not have the same impact on reported psychological abuse. Although, as stated above, there is the possibility that victims of psychological abuse may be more likely to leave before the abuse gets physical if they are more selective due to the imbalanced sex ratio.
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Identifying signs of intimate partner violence

Identifying signs of intimate partner violence

Various other terms are used to describe IPV, including domestic violence, domestic abuse, intra- family violence, wife abuse, spousal abuse, wife battering, courtship violence, battering, violence against women and intimate partner abuse, but IPV is the most up-to-date term (Ali, Naylor, Croot, & O’Cathain, 2015; World Health Organisation, 2014). IPV can be perpetrated by men or women and there is no restriction on marital, heterosexual or homosexual relationship. Although women can be the perpetrators violence against their male partners (Anderson, 2002; Archer, 2000, 2002; Brown, 2004; Capaldi, Kim, & Shortt, 2007; Capaldi & Owen, 2001; Hamberger & Potente1994; Straus & Gelles, 1986), the number of women abused by men is far greater (Archer, 2000; Tjaden &
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Current controversies within intimate partner violence: overlooking bidirectional violence

Current controversies within intimate partner violence: overlooking bidirectional violence

The recommendations described are in line with a plethora of the research that exists and are in accordance with the demand for more evidence based practice in the area. The impact of changing how we intervene with IPV could improve the success of programs and reduce the risk for men and women in abusive relationships. Dutton and Corvo (2006) questioned assessments in IPV interventions, specifically around the interactive nature of couple’s violence, the power dynamic, lethality potential and treatment/client profile. Their paper is a decade old and yet we still do not consider the dyadic nature of IPV within assessment and intervention. Straus (2010) details the ways in which some members of the academic community have denied the wealth of research that has demonstrated gender symmetry in IPV. These include across the years: misrepresenting data, selective citation and in some cases blocking publication and preventing funding. The politics around this area may stop progression of evidence based practice in the development of interventions. The recommendations here may not be well received by the proponents of the gendered approach and the Duluth model.
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Innocence, anger, and excess : constraining and restricting female victims of intimate partner violence

Innocence, anger, and excess : constraining and restricting female victims of intimate partner violence

punishment enough. Also responding to the angry/assertive recording, Ken similarly stated that police involvement would overcomplicate the issue: “I don’t know if police being called immediately would help matters because that can sort of complicate things with the law involved.” He added that if the violence continued, the police should be called, seeming to ignore the part of the recording that had stated that violence had already occurred previous to this assault. He said that couple or individual counseling would be appropriate: “I think that it would require some counseling first to sort of reconcile herself with her husband, and then perhaps she can walk out,” noting that leaving, also, was not a productive option in his eyes. Not all participants stated that imprisonment was inappropriate: several said that the husband should go to jail or he would never stop being abusive. Danielle said of the
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Children s Exposure to Intimate Partner Violence and Other Family Violence

Children s Exposure to Intimate Partner Violence and Other Family Violence

The National Survey of Children’s Exposure to Violence (NatSCEV) was conducted between January and May 2008. Researchers con- ducted interviews about the experiences of a nationally representative sample of 4,549 children and adolescents age 17 and younger. They interviewed by telephone youth ages 10 to 17 and adult caregivers of children age 9 and younger. Evidence shows that because telephone interviews afford greater anonymity and privacy than in-person interviews, they can encourage those interviewed to be more forthcoming about such sensitive matters as being exposed to violence or being victims of crime (Acierno et al., 2003; Shannon et al., 2007). The interview and analysis sample (n = 4,549) consisted of two groups: a nationally representative sample of telephone numbers within the contiguous United States (n = 3,053) and an oversample of telephone exchanges with 70 percent or greater African American, Hispanic, or low-income households to ensure a proportion of minority and low-income households large enough for subgroup analysis. Both groups were sampled through random-digit dialing. The cooperation rate for the first group was 71 percent and the response rate was 54 percent. The oversample had somewhat lower cooperation (63 percent) and response rates (43 percent). A nonresponse analysis conducted on households that could not be contacted or that declined to participate indicated that the risk of victimization for those households did not differ systematically from the risk for households that took part in the survey. An adult, usually a parent, provided demographic information for each participating household, including race/ethnicity (one of four categories: white, non-Hispanic; black, non-Hispanic; other race, non- Hispanic; and Hispanic, any race) and household income. The child in the household with the most recent birthday was then selected to be surveyed. Interviewers spoke directly with children age 10 and older; for children age 9 and younger, the parent or other adult caregiver “most familiar with the child’s daily routine and experience” was interviewed. Comparison of a number of indicators, including reports of child maltreatment or neglect and violence by family members, found no evidence that caregivers who answered for younger children failed to report neglect or violence that was occurring in the family. Comparison of proxy and self-reports using this instrument also found little evi- dence of reporter bias (Finkelhor et al., 2005; Finkelhor, Turner, Ormrod, and Hamby, 2009). Past studies have similarly found that caregiv- ers are at least as likely as youth to disclose incidents of family violence (Grych, 1998; Jouriles and Norwood, 1995). Interviews averaged about 45 minutes in length and were conducted in both English and Spanish. Approximately 279 caregiver interviews were conducted in Spanish; almost all interviews with children and adolescents age 10 and older were in English.
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Substance Abuse and Intimate Partner Violence

Substance Abuse and Intimate Partner Violence

Half of the men in batterer intervention programs appear to abuse alcohol or drugs, approximately half of the men in treatment for substance abuse batter, between a quarter and half of the women in treatment for substance abuse have been battered, and a substantial portion of the women in IPV programs are substance abusers (Gondolf, 1999, Chermack, Fuller & Blow, 2000; Fals-Stewart & Kennedy, 2005, Fals-Stewart, 2003, Lawson, 1994; Downs, 2001; Ogle & Baer, 2003). Despite these high numbers, the relationship between substance abuse (SA) and intimate partner violence (IPV) is complex and should not be reduced to ideas about one causing the other. Many theoretical perspectives explain the co-occurrence of SA and IPV including: substance use disruption of thinking processes; adverse childhood experiences; power motivation; during the process of obtaining and using substances; and co-occurring situations like hostile personalities, antisocial personality disorder, or poverty; however none of these theories account for all the co-occurrence of SA and IPV to indicate that SA causes IPV. Therefore, we recommend practitioners learn to ask a series of questions rather than adhere to a single theory. The questions are: (1) When did the perpetrator or victim use drugs or alcohol relative to an episode of IPV, what did they use, and how much? (2) What aspects of personality or living conditions might be influencing SA and IPV? (3) What power and control issues are in play in this case? (4) What was the specific situation and setting in which the SA and IPV occurred? (5) What is the family and social history of violence, trauma, and SA in the life of victim and perpetrator that is background to the current situation? And, (6) to what do the victim and perpetrator attribute the IPV and the SA, and how do they believe SA and IPV are linked?
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The dark triad and intimate partner violence

The dark triad and intimate partner violence

Psychological abuse within Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) is poorly researched. We investigated the impact of Dark Triad (DT) traits and personality on psychological, physical and sexual abuse, and whether DT traits have incremental validity over general personality dimensions in the prediction of IPV expressed psychologically, physically, and sexually. IPV was measured via the Multidimensional Measure of Emotional Abuse (MMEA) and the short form of the revised Conflict Tactics Scale, version 2 (CTS2S) in a general community sample (N=128). Correlation and regression analysis indicated that low agreeableness and psychopathy had the strongest associations and most predictive relationships with both psychological abuse and physical/sexual abuse. Low agreeableness was predictive of both the participants’ and their partners’ perpetration of physical/sexual abuse. A significant positive relationship was also found between high scores on the MMEA and high scores on the CTS2S. A significant positive relationship was found between participants’ high psychopathy scores and perpetration of psychological abuse, but this had a smaller effect than a measure of agreeableness alone. We did not find that the DT provides incremental validity for the prediction of either psychological abuse or physical/sexual abuse over basic low Agreeableness.
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