Early Modern Political Thought

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The 1848 Revolutions and European Political Thought

The 1848 Revolutions and European Political Thought

The enumeration of these ‘overlooked’ issues is more than just the standard complaint that the editors have not produced a different book. The essence of 1848 was its multinationalism. Revolutionary contagion spreading from France, and comparable events taking place across a number of different polities, spurred intensive analysis of foreign politics as well as new kinds of self-examination and abstract theorising. Ideas about and inspired by the revolutions were not cemented within specific national contexts: clearly, the revolutions could not have happened in the first place if that was how mid-19th-century political thought worked. So a series of studies nearly all of which remain enclosed within specific national borders can only take us so far in understanding the intellectual impact of 1848. The ‘comparative pan-European perspective’ we are promised in the introduction never arrives, or at least, the readers are expected to do the comparative heavy lifting themselves. Much ‘Cambridge’ work on early modern political thought has been exceptionally good at reaching across geographical borders in thinking about the circulation and influence of specific texts, and indeed it clearly lies, in part, behind work now being done in modern European history which applies similar interpretative structures. It seems a pity, given the range of approaches already encompassed by the volume, that it could not make any gestures in these crucial directions.
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Juan de Mariana and Early Modern Spanish Political Thought

Juan de Mariana and Early Modern Spanish Political Thought

What, therefore, could Philip III and his advisers do to redeem the situation (or to lessen the harm already done)? In Mariana's view, Philip III could only govern well if he handed over control of his government to senior churchmen. Preparatory to doing this, the king would have to absorb 'the counsel of history', for while tutors and councillors often dared not speak their mind honestly and honourably, history unfailingly did so. Philip had to recognise at the outset of his reign that 'the prince should always wish to rule over willing subjects' and that the respublica was 'held together by reward and punishment, fear and hope' (pp. 66-7). Mariana insisted that Philip's tutors should impress upon him that a prince had to moderate his actions precisely because he feared the people over whom he ruled. In particular, Philip III had to ensure that he did not over-tax his subjects lest they rise against him in their resentment and fury. Mariana dared even to draw attention to the slaying of two Catholic monarchs, Mary Queen of Scots (1587) and Henry III of France (1588), as having been justified because both monarchs had sought to preserve their kingdoms by political stratagams rather than by the laws of God. Dr Braun argues that Mariana was attempting to intimidate princes in general (and Philip III in particular), to moderate their behaviour out of fear that their lives might be at risk. Certainly, De rege was replete with warnings that Philip III should not change the fundamental laws and traditions of Castile, especially those which governed religion, taxation and succession. Mariana's strictures rebounded upon him and upon the reputation of the Spanish monarchy when, in 1610, Henry IV of France was murdered by a Catholic fanatic. Philip III had to disclaim responsibility, but the accusation that Mariana had urged (and justified) regicide stuck to him, to Spain and to the Society of Jesus.
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Freedom, Society, And The Individual In Early Modern Women's Thought

Freedom, Society, And The Individual In Early Modern Women's Thought

The women philosophers that I discuss in this dissertation are better placed to understand this than many male philosophers of the time were. As repressed individuals locked out of power, the social forces that beset them—that, according to Wollstonecraft and Suchon, coerce their psyches into harmful shapes—are more alien to women than they might be to men. And they understood, like the radical women of the French Revolution, that to forge a collective freedom it would not do merely to replace kings with parliaments or promulgate bills of rights. Those ideologies, practices, and material structures that locked out particular people—women, people of colour, poor people, the enslaved—from full participatory freedom had too to be destroyed. As the Society of Revolutionary Republican Women noted, once kings were disposed of, speculators and merchants sought to dominate them. Undoing all such domination was the basis of collective political action. Or, as Wollstonecraft said, what was needed was a revolution in manners—not just in governmental structures.
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The development of ideas about communication in European thought from Ancient Greece to the early Modern Age

The development of ideas about communication in European thought from Ancient Greece to the early Modern Age

For similar reasons, his ethics and the aretai he describes are also fairly conservative. In his metaphysics, nature guarantees that the existing virtues are the best and are not in need of correction (as some philosophers believed). Again, his contribution is to place them within a system. His ethics though preserved the fundamental tension in Greek beliefs. On one hand, Aristotle says that human beings are naturally social creatures, incomplete without the polis—like a hand without a body. A person without a polis will lack dikaiosune ¯ and so be unable to act in accordance with arete ¯—and hence be unable to achieve genuine happiness or realise their potential as a human being. On the other hand, many of his assumptions about ethics are firmly individualistic. His metaphysical hierarchy—material, vegetable, animal, human—does not extend to the corporate nature of the polis. For Aristotle, the community exists so that people may perfect their individual natures and achieve genuine happiness. While participation in political life is good, it is far below the ‘divine’ status Aristotle accords to the contemplative life of theoria. Aristotle’s ethics consist chiefly in perfecting the individual’s character, not in governing relations between people. The tension between individual and social is most obvious in his definition of justice, dikaiosune ¯—which he regards as both a personal characteristic (arete ¯) and “the principle order in political society … the bond of men in communities”. In later Western thought, communication, as the process of forming and maintaining communities, remains caught between these two poles (with other options excluded). Linguistics for instance is
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Analyzing the Disappearance of Women’s Surnames and the Retrenchment of their Political-Legal Status in Early Modern England

Analyzing the Disappearance of Women’s Surnames and the Retrenchment of their Political-Legal Status in Early Modern England

second thought when undertaken by the other. Indeed, what on its face would appear to be a mild disruption of the status quo—in a realm that is entirely individual and personal, with no effect on anyone outside of the family—apparently cannot take place without widespread public criticism and shaming. Clearly there is more to the issue of women relinquishing their names at marriage than simple precedence or convenience, or it would not be so remarkable when men did what women have been expected to do for generations. What was not discussed in the reporting of the story and the debate surrounding it, however, was the fact that Ms. Saldana and her husband were not eschewing a long-standing and fundamental traditional practice, but rather a more modern development. English women historically were not bound by the same name restrictions that even today’s women are. 4
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The Issue of Woman in Ghasem Amin’s Political Thought

The Issue of Woman in Ghasem Amin’s Political Thought

He accounts for the three principles as the fun- damentals of the family that make the foundations of human education. The first principle, as he calls, is the feeling of religion. Religion is the sole job that pictures the real perfection for him”. In this way family should cultivate religiousness in the mind and in the heart of a child, from the very beginning”, in a way the child shows this inclina- tion toward virtuosity in his behaviors throughout his growth. The second principle is patriotism. This feeling is born with the child; if it is sup- posed that the feeling of patriotism and its teach- ing be rendered at school and the time of educa- tion, it leads to no result. “A child should be thought that whatever s/he does becomes mea- ningful, only, if it is related to love for his home- town, otherwise, it is null. This is the debt we have toward our ancestors, and our children should have toward us. “The third foundation, however, is controlling the inner self; “this is called an individual‟s ethical and moral develop- ment, and Europeans consider it as “court of con- science” which is supposed to guard the individu- al at any time. It is sometimes believed that sense is an instinctive affair depicted in human institu- tion, but this is not true, inner control can also, be achieved by education and training.” This process leads to the appearance of responsibility. Only in this situation, the person might feel responsible for his actions and there is no need for police and guardians (Amin, 1894, pp.40-41).
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Methodological Impediments to Innovation on Political Thought of Islam

Methodological Impediments to Innovation on Political Thought of Islam

rational problems and was not able to come up with new political and social theories and basically, did not consider that to be its duty. Attention to political issues in ethical works written by ibn Moskuyeh Razi; Khajeh Nassir-ed-din in his book, Akhlaq Nasseri; and Mohaqqeq Sabzevari in his book, Rozat-ol-Anwar Abbasi, could not achieve much. Therefore, the political thought of Islam was limited to jurisprudential issues which paid attention to reviving religious tenets, ordering good and prohibiting vice, apostasy… in domestic policy as well as preventing domination of foreigners, contracts for behaving with non-Muslims and… in foreign policy. Such issues, as we said before were based on quotes and were expressed in the simplest way. Although they could meet political and social needs of their time hundreds of years ago, they did not follow complexity of those needs in the course of time and it seems that if they continue on the same path, they will not be capable of meeting the needs of a modern society. Even jurisprudential books that have been written in recent years have attended to such important issues within the old jurisprudential frames. viii This trend has had four consequences. Firstly, issues of political thought have not been established in Islam within scientific and theoretical frames commensurate with advancement of political and social systems. Secondly, some came to believe that Islam basically lacks the capacity to give rise to political thought and theorization in this field. Thirdly, many researchers whose goal is to delineate the political thought of Islam pursue this goal within jurisprudential frame and their efforts, therefore, is not possible to prove fruitful. Fourthly, proponents of a dynamic political Islam in the modern world try to defend their viewpoints on the basis of political and jurisprudential bases and the opposite side does not consider their defense to be serious or convincing. Even jurists who pay attention to such modern issues as democracy, human rights, structure of the Islamic government, party politics, political participation, and so on; do not discuss such issues in depth. ix Apart from that, fiqh has become basically stagnant with respect to new topics and it seems that there is no way to infer solutions to new problems from old texts.x 4. Generalizing Sanctities
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Realism and idealism in the political thought of Reinhold Niebuhr.

Realism and idealism in the political thought of Reinhold Niebuhr.

These then are the major statements of each concept. Ever 7 political theorist must at any particular point in his system opt for one school or the other, for it is not possible to. embrace all the elements of both in one consistent theme. Nevertheless there are writers who for one reason or another, have attempted to incorporate in their work elements of theory which upon closer inspection are revealed to have been derived from the opposite school to which one would normally assign the writer. In Aristotle's Politics. Books I - III, VII, and VIII belong to the Idealist school while Books IV, V, and VI were more concerned with empirical investigation .10 The di­ vine history and the profane history in Augustine's Citv of God are outlined in parallel, but are never fused. Marx has already been mentioned in this context as what Bluhm calls a "brldgebullder". That man such as the aforementioned should prove the exception rather than the rule, will become clearer as the features of each concept are applied to Relnhold
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A History of Medieval Political Thought, 300 1450

A History of Medieval Political Thought, 300 1450

Joseph Canning's preface acknowledges a debt to his research supervisor Walter Ullmann, whose Penguin History of Political Thought: the Middle Ages, published in 1965 (revised edition 1970) has remained a standard introduction for anglophone readers. A new short guide is timely, and the ex-student's will bid fair to replace the master's. Like Ullmann's, this book is admirably clear in presentation and exposition. It judiciously summarises a good deal of the research done over the past thirty years, and has an up-to-date bibliography, including much in Germ. an. Specialists will be grateful too for end-note citations of texts in the original Latin. The book's division into four well-defined chronological chapters of virtually equal length provides a solid structure: the first chapter goes from Late Antiquity to the eighth century; the second covers the Carolingian and post-Carolingian periods; the third opens with a clear account of the Investiture Contest and traces church-state conflicts through the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, as well as discussing the impact on political ideas of 'the revived legacy of antiquity' in law and philosophy; the fourth pursues church-state conflicts, and also conflict within the church, in the late Middle Ages, specifically through their exposition in the writings of jurists. Lines of substantial continuity are picked out and followed up consistently. Thus ten lucid pages in Chapter 1 on the Code of Justinian provide a reference-point for the discussion in Chapters 3 and 4 of the revived study and application of the Code in the central and later Middle Ages; and evolving ideas of papal government are dealt with successively in all four chapters. This is, in one important sense, to go with the grain of the subject: ideas do have a life of their own, as one writer copies, modifies and refines another's work, takes up the old terminological tools, while putting them to new uses.
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An Introduction to Morteza Motahari''''s Political Thought

An Introduction to Morteza Motahari''''s Political Thought

philosopher; that is to say, his method in proving his claim is mostly logical in most of his publications and he is a Motekallems be- cause in all of his writings, his intention is to defend the religion. However, the important question is that if commitment to defend reli- gious propositions does or does not damage his philosophical and logical method-and freedom in his way-. In other words, does it not lead such scholar to justification? Davari and Soroush have not posed this question in their works but one of the authors has claimed that Motahari was well committed to the philosophical method. That is to say; he first relied on philosophical basis and then tried to defend religious propositions (Sou- zanchi, 1999: 207-208). However, it seems that at least in some areas of political and social issues- and especially in distinguishing the freedom of thought from the freedom of belief and omitting the word democratic from the Islamic Republic 30 - in Motahari’s terms, the argument is confiscated in favor of inten- tion (here we do not judge his intentions and motives to be right or wrong) 31 .
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The Concept of the Political in Contemporary Western and Non-Western Political Thought

The Concept of the Political in Contemporary Western and Non-Western Political Thought

The postmodern interpretation of the political is primarily shaped by the rejection of what Lyotard termed ‘metanarratives’ - of all attempts, that is, to legitimate social and political relationships by presenting them as natural, rationally grounded or inevitable. The reverse side of this deconstructive scepticism is a sense of the contingency of all identity and all social and political relationships which is shared by agonal theorists like Connolly, as already noted. In the case of postmodern thinkers, however, the impression has often arisen that they are ultimately inspired by a purely negative ideal of deconstruction that regards all social relations as merely masks for power and domination. It is to the credit of the American philosopher, Richard Rorty that he sought to combine sympathy for the anti-rationalist and anti-foundationalist aspects of postmodern philosophy with a more positive formulation of the political implications of postmodern philosophy by focusing on what he regards as the two most fundamental features of the political for postmodern theory.
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A Comparative Study on Political Theology in Western and Islamic Political Thought

A Comparative Study on Political Theology in Western and Islamic Political Thought

John Calvin, a Frenchman, who was born in 10 January 1509 in Noyon Diocese (near to Paris). His father was clerk in financial affair of local Diocese. Young Calvin, educated to Paris University and after end of his course in Latin Grammar, entered to College de Mon- tague as assistant to Maturin Cordia and after (McGrath, 2005: 99). His extensive study in field of civil law, make him familiar with thought that later when he has been known as crusader, used these thoughts. He studied Greek language in Orleans and in 1529, un- derstanding of Andre Alessati reputation (Italian Great Jurist) went to Burges. After his education in law course, returned to Noy- on for his father’s decease, but local council of Church excommunicated him and for this, he return to Paris to continue to his studies, but attract strongly to reformation thoughts of Looter, that newly has been paid attention by people. This is while authorities seriously hated him.
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Malek Bennabi and his modern Islamic thought

Malek Bennabi and his modern Islamic thought

Chapter Two is an elaborate account of Malek Bennabi's ideas on "al-Takhalluf" retardation, development and social change in the Arab and Muslim world, and his analysis of the causes rat[r]

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Aspects of modern Scottish literature and ecological thought

Aspects of modern Scottish literature and ecological thought

life somewhat self-consciously stripped of possessions and complexities, focused on the day-to-day experience of a particular place, a local environment. Uioreau explained that he 'went to the woods because ... [he] wished to live deliberately, to front only the essential facts of Hfe' - an objective which emphasises simplicity, certainly, but also ideals of personal and political independence - tlie sort of political and societal ideals which led him to publish On the Duty of Civil Disobedience in 1849.^^ He chose to live on the edge of society, sustaining himself on home­ grown crops, living in a shelter of his own making. His is a peculiar example of 'domestic individualism', an experiment in practical living which parallels other North American experiments of the time.^^ From the mid-nineteenth century onwaids, a number of experimental 'utopian' communities sprang up, allied with the transcendentalist movement and putting tlie theory of 'Communitarian Socialism' into practice. Robert Owen, George Ripley, Bronson Alcott and others began tlieir ideal communities, which attracted devotees from the Old world as well as the New. Indeed, one of Walt Whitman's friends, the Scottish photographer Alexander Gardner, emigrated to the States with tlie purpose of joining one of these utopias in mind (although he joined a photography company instead and was later to be instrumental in cataloguing the landscape of
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Nature and artifice in Hobbes’s international political thought

Nature and artifice in Hobbes’s international political thought

This article has shown the dynamic relationship between the notions of nature and artifice in Hobbes’s international political thought. Given that commonwealths are in a state of nature, they face a constant threat of wars of aggression, and ultimately have to rely on their own resources to defend themselves. Sovereigns, in particular, have to fear for their lives and liberty, as they are likely to be specifically targeted at war. Furthermore, Hobbes suggests that rulers can only enjoy relative security as long as their states are well ordered and powerful enough to deter foreign invasions.
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Political history of modern Egypt

Political history of modern Egypt

In 1936 was signed the “English-Egyptian agreement”, which was considered as the biggest obstacle to the independence of Egypt. With this agreement, Egypt won the right of a “Member State” in the Commonwealth of Nations, while the institution called “British High Commissioner” that Britain held Egypt under its supervision for a long time, will now be named as “British Embassy.” In World War II, Egypt was one of the important centres of wars, and cities like Cairo and Alexandria were full of soldiers, spies, political prisoners and various functionaries. Thus, on 4 February 1942, Britain’s ambassador to Egypt, Sir Miles Lampson went accompanied with armoured vehicles to the royal palace of King Farouk, and through an ultimatum, he asked the King to replace Prime Minister Ali Mahir Pasha with Nahas Pasha.
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Iqbal’s Response to Modern Western Thought: A Critical Analysis

Iqbal’s Response to Modern Western Thought: A Critical Analysis

He carried out democracy on the position that “it gives the individual a maximum of freedom and a fair play to his potentialities and capabilities” (Qureshi, 1983: 216). According to Iqbal‟s thought, modern democracy in the West is covered by old instrument and it is a destructive, unjust and a dangerous weapon in the hands of imperialism and capitalism (Matthews, 1993). Iqbal indicated the reasons of moral and cultural decay of the people of the East and the West who cannot see realities unveiled (Matthews, 1993). He says that the origin of our diseases is slavery and imitation, the root of disease in the West is its democratic organization. He criticized the democratic organizations of the West and points out those western democratic institutions are old wines in new bottles. (Khan, 1992:54). He discarded the concept of European democracy is divorced from religion or belief, which is not only irreligious and faithless but also formed by the capitalists for their own sinister designs (Maruf, 1977: 77). Iqbal‟s criticism, however, was not against democracy but towards its demerits only. He accepted some of the principles of democracy which was guided by the Muslim concept of democracy; it was somewhat alternative from modern western democracy. Iqbal opposed the secular and material orientation of the philosophy of democracy. It can be said that, he accepted only those principles of democracy which are compatible with Islamic philosophy but rejected those principles which he thought incompatible with Islamic Philosophy of life and Islamic polity.
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Context and social criticism: The problem of context in the history of political thought and political theory

Context and social criticism: The problem of context in the history of political thought and political theory

Unlike the explicitly textualist New Critics, intellectual biographers associate a variety of texts, e.g. books, manuscripts, letters and other personal documents, around the figure of an author, and place this figure in a variety o f personal, social and political contexts. This looks like the sort o f enterprise which would meet Skinner's criteria for a proper history. Similarly, histories o f ideas necessarily group texts by a variety of authors, rather than taking an individual text in isolation, so once again it is hard to see how they might be thought o f as 'textualist' in the requisite sense. A. O. Lovejoy is repeatedly censured by Skinner, but he explicitly criticised the idea that a work o f art should be considered as a 'self contained kind of thing', calling it a 'psychological absurdity'.49 His 'unit ideas' are in fact complexes, and in the case of the Great Chain of Being, this complex comprises 'plenitude', 'continuity' and 'linear gradation'. The history of the Great Chain of Being is the history of the way different authors combined these ideas, not only with each other but also with other ideas.50 Nonetheless, it is clear that Skinner thinks that 'textualism' must fail because to confine one's investigations to a single text will most likely prevent one from correctly identifying the arguments contained in it. These derive their identity from their use by particular authors, in particular contexts, with particular intentions. It is the author's intentions which constitute the identity of the arguments concerned, arguments which will be misidentified if we do not concern ourselves with these intentions.
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The Position of the Concept of Revolution in Hannah Arendt's Political Thought

The Position of the Concept of Revolution in Hannah Arendt's Political Thought

From the viewpoint of the Arendt, the French poor launched the revolution because of physical and material necessities; therefore the revolution was caught up in ensuring bio- logical well-being, and according to Robes- pierre, lost the moment of freedom. Arendt studies everything in term of the social issue. The social issue, that is, mass poverty, is al- ways open to terror and fear. Revolutions are a prominent example of solving economic and social problems through political means. From Arendt's point of view, attempts to re- solve economic and social problems by polit- ical means always end in violence and au- thoritarianism. She believes that the pressure from the poor in the French Revolution to put an end to social constraints led the revolution to a mournful fate. Arendt's most intense at- tack on social affairs can be found in her book "On Revolution", in which she argues that the acquaintance of the poor with the public realm led to the destruction of the French Revolution. This was because the revolution considered eliminating the neces- sities its purpose, as opposed to the founda- tion of freedom (what Arendt considered as the purpose of all revolutions and the glory of the American Revolution). Poverty is the basic social substance that ruins politics as soon as it begins to engage with it (Ibid, 187). Arendt notes that what caused the wave of assassination and executions with guillotines in the French Revolution was the very pres- sure from the poor to gain better economic positions. Robespierre, the French revolu- tionary leader, described himself as the repre- sentative of the deprived lower classes of the society. Arendt quotes Robespierre saying: "The destitute praise my violence". Arendt even claims that the emergence of dictators in the shadow and support of the poor is not her discovery or innovation. Before her Aristotle also claimed that the presence of the poor in
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Realism and liberalism in the political thought of Bernard Williams

Realism and liberalism in the political thought of Bernard Williams

that we can value certain things in good faith provided they stand up to any self- understanding that we can give them (this is, in essence, what a vindicatory genealogy is). We cannot say the same if history enables us to see that our current commitments are based on self-deceptions, as Nietzsche’s genealogy claims, or are relics of earlier ideas that no longer make sense, as Williams suggests is the case with autonomy-based defences of toleration. Of course, vindicatory genealogies require some starting assumptions, such as the motivations Williams gives the inhabitants of the state of nature, and some may worry that this puts the cart before the horse. However in Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy Williams is unapologetic about this: ‘critical reflection should seek for as much shared understanding as it can find on any issue, and use any ethical material that, in the context of the reflective discussion, makes some sense and commands some loyalty. Of course that will take things for granted, but as serious reflection it must know it will do that’ (ELP, p. 117). The basic premise of Williams’s later work is that history offers us the best chance of finding a space for ethical and political reflection precisely because we cannot look down on our ethical and political commitments from the point of view of the universe. In this sense, historical understanding offers the best sort of confidence on offer once universal or metaphysical validation is ruled out. In consequence, in Truth and Truthfulness and a number of his posthumous essays, Williams effectively advances beyond the concept of confidence he articulates in Ethics and the Limits of Philosophy.
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