Eighteenth-Century French Studies

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The Church in the Long Eighteenth Century

The Church in the Long Eighteenth Century

Cambridge History of Christianity volume could be said to have extended these considerations world-wide rather than reconceptualising the history of religion in the age per se. Thus in many ways Hempton can be said to have transformed both the subject matter and the genre of general histories of the Church in this period. Where conventional studies, focusing on Europe, and often under the shadow of the paradigm of the French Revolution, tended to write the history of the Church in the long 18th century as a narrative of decline and waning of influence, Hempton can conclude, with his world-wide focus, that ‘by the early nineteenth century the Christian west had emerged as the economic powerhouse of the world’, although it would take a different book to explain how far, and why, it was the West’s Christianity which could account for its dominant position globally at the end of the period covered by this volume. Nevertheless, at a time when publishers are trying to persuade newly minted PhDs to turn their theses into broader books, Hempton shows that the writing of overviews and syntheses, perhaps even the writing of text books, should be
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Sans Culottes: An Eighteenth Century Emblem in the French Revolution

Sans Culottes: An Eighteenth Century Emblem in the French Revolution

This paragraph illustrates the extent to which Sonenscher wants to return his audience to what mattered to 18th-century authors, steeped as they were in theology, when they discussed whether commercial society was stable, whether it could be morally justified, what its impact was upon morals and morality, politics and constitutionalism, whether it was a force for peace, what its necessary relationship was with the public credit that so often appeared to sustain politics in commercial states, and whether it was compatible with Christian doctrine? In providing an overview of such studies Sonenscher shows what has been missed by historians of the French Revolution, encompassing, as he puts it, ‘Ciceronian decorum, Cynic moralism, Rousseau’s cultural and political criticism, Fénelon’s vision of a flourishing society, Ogilvie’s property theory, Bonnet’s and Lavater’s vitalism, Edward Young’s enthusiasm, John Brown’s civilization theory, [John] Law’s and Leibniz’s intellectual legacies [and] Mably’s disabused moral and political realism.’ To this could be added the politics of army reform and the ideas of a thousand important but neglected political theorists and actors, from Gorsas to Garat: a guide to all of whose varied writings can be found in Sans-Culottes.
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Gender and Enlightenment Culture in Eighteenth Century Scotland

Gender and Enlightenment Culture in Eighteenth Century Scotland

convivial societies along with taverns and prostitutes and other features of plebeian life where, by the end of the century, there is evidence that Enlightenment culture was ‘not irrelevant to the lower classes’ (p. 140). Here we also begin to confront one of the key ambiguities of studies of Enlightenment culture in that what is being discussed is a function of politeness, which has its foundation in French court rituals of the later 17th century, along with the growing European-wide preoccupation with civilized behaviour, which had multiple origins and strands. The last theme is developed in the final chapter titled ‘Enlightened violence? Elite manhood and the duel’. A discussion of violence in Scottish intellectual discourse of the 18th century is an interesting inclusion and was a focus for discussion at a time when so many Scotsmen of elite background were in military employment. Duelling, however, was rare in Scotland compared with England or
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Towards a corpus of eighteenth-century English phonology

Towards a corpus of eighteenth-century English phonology

The London authors’ preference for /hw/ appears to be inconsistent with the conclusion in §4.1 above that /hw/ was only weakly realised in southern English at the start of the eighteenth century. We might have expected the /hw ~w/ contrast to be further eroded and not identified by the dictionary authors in the second half of the century, and indeed most indirect sources of evidence suggest that /w/ was the norm in London at this time. However, the near-consistent transcription using /hw/ appears to reflect a prescriptive attempt to revitalise this contrast under the influence of spelling, on the basis that the simplification of /hw/ to /w/ could be considered a form of ‘h-dropping’, that is, the common omission of the initial fricative in words such as happy in the lower-class London English pronunciation of the time (Beal 1999: 176-78). This phenomenon was beginning to attract social stigma in the middle of the eighteenth century, and was one precisely proscribed by London-based authors such as Walker and Jones, who both explicitly classed the /w/ pronunciation as ‘h-dropping’, and made overt comments labelling this practice a vulgarism. The Irishman Sheridan, who spent a number of years in London, also specifically proscribed the /w/ pronunciation, aligning it with the stigmatized ‘h-dropping’. This account of the London pattern is supported by the fact that the only London-based exception to /hw/ is Kenrick (1773), one of the earliest of the group; presumably the stigmatization of /w/ had not yet fully taken effect by this time. The otherwise consistent /hw/ pronunciation in the dictionaries instead of the apparently regular London /w/ can therefore be considered ‘collateral damage’ from the stigma of ‘h-dropping’.
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Experimental pharmacology and therapeutic innovation in the eighteenth century

Experimental pharmacology and therapeutic innovation in the eighteenth century

latter especially after calomel) characterized mercury as an évacuant medicine, which expelled the "venereal poison" or other morbific matter. It thus fitted the still prevailing humoral theory, but also iatrochemical and iatromechanical reasons were given for its application. Claude Quétel has observed that much of the contemporary literature was concerned with the question of how the mercury should be given, and he noted that towards the end of the eighteenth century internal administration (orally and rectally) took over from the traditional ointments and frictions. Gerard van Swieten's famous antivenereal liquor (i.e. sublimate dissolved in water and alcohol), which was taken internally, formed an important part of this development. Quétel has also mentioned the numerous other proprietary medicines
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Bending the bars: the opportunities of the eighteenth century salonnière

Bending the bars: the opportunities of the eighteenth century salonnière

female power really was great and to what extent it was born out of fear from a patriarchal society is an important question to keep in mind, but in the context of the salons two things[r]

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Smallpox at the Cape of Good Hope in the Eighteenth Century

Smallpox at the Cape of Good Hope in the Eighteenth Century

It is not possible to dismiss the effects of' the 1713 epidemie so sommarilj The disease certainly crossed the Cape flats and ravaged the country districts of the Colony. It is known tha[r]

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The decline of adult smallpox in eighteenth-century London.

The decline of adult smallpox in eighteenth-century London.

family reconstitution 7 , we know very little about the changes in disease patterns that were the proximate cause of these changes, because parish data rarely included information on cause of death. Moreover the reconstituted populations did not include any large towns, and it is clear that early modern cities, and especially London, had very different mortality regimes from rural areas, and experienced more profound changes in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. However although we know relatively little about changes in death rates in urban areas, almost all we know of causes of death in this period comes from urban populations, because the main sources for London and several other large towns, the Bills of Mortality, include information on cause of death. Used with caution, urban cause of death data offer a rare insight into epidemiological changes in the national as well as urban populations, both because cities served as disseminators of epidemic diseases, and because urban populations often contained large numbers of rural migrants. In the case of London, the Bills of Mortality indicate that smallpox was probably the single most lethal cause of death in the eighteenth century, accounting for 6- 10 per cent of all burials. However by the 1840s smallpox was a minor cause of death, suggesting that the decline of smallpox mortality played a major role in the reduction of all-cause mortality, at least in urban areas. In this paper we discuss evidence from a novel source of mortality data, the sextons’ books of the large London parish of St. Martin-in- the-Fields, which allows us to follow age-specific changes in smallpox burials, and provides new insight into smallpox mortality in both London and its migrant hinterland. We use these data to test the hypotheses that a decline in smallpox mortality occurred in the late eighteenth century (before vaccination), and that changes in smallpox mortality
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John Clare, William Cowper and the eighteenth century

John Clare, William Cowper and the eighteenth century

The relationship between Clare and the poetry of the eighteenth century has become, in some ways, an established part of the narrative of his career, from the sentimental anecdote (the inspirational discovery of Thomson’s Seasons) to more recent critical attention to the connection with and dissonance between Clare and his forebears in the poetry of pastoral land- scape (in the work of John Barrell and others). It is inevitable, of course, that the large-scale recovery of Clare’s poetry in the last half-century has created various conflicting readings of his place in any poetic narrative of the eighteenth century and Romanticism. This is, doubtless, partly the result of narratives of literary history and their often procrustean needs, but also a reflection of some cogent qualities in Clare’s large poetic canon: specifically, his fecundity, and his mode of composition in a variety of forms and genres. In a related vein, Clare often composed poetry close to his forebears in a spirit of pastiche, or homage, or a mixture of the two (the use of Beattie in the Spenserian ‘Village Minstrel’ and the much later asylum parodies of Don Juan and ‘Childe Harolde’ are notable examples). The result is a poetry that manages to borrow from, imitate, acknowledge the weight of, and also transcend its eighteenth-century influences. Or, to use Bridget Keegan’s summary, the
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Book collecting and literature in eighteenth century Britain

Book collecting and literature in eighteenth century Britain

Pinhoe in Devon, was one of many to accommodate Smollett’s two other popular novels, Roderick Random of 1748 and Peregrine Pickle from 1751: others who had at least one of these texts in their collections through the second half of the century included the Drake family at Shardeloes in Buckinghamshire, the Treasury clerk William Beldam, General John Fitzwilliam at Richmond, Sir William Beauchamp Proctor MP at his London home in Berkeley Square, the Exeter merchant Thomas Binford, the Sussex attorney Thomas Frewen, the Bristol merchant and Caribbean sugar plantation owner John Pinney at his rented house at Dorchester in Dorset, the great thespian Samuel Foote and the Revd Charles Knollis, Hampshire clergyman and 5 th Earl of Banbury. 56 These, of course,
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An economic history of the Cork region in the eighteenth century

An economic history of the Cork region in the eighteenth century

And in a complaint in 1790 that Devonshire’s agent had been stocking the Lismore estate with his relations, it was stated that they had got land at eight shillings per acre and had under[r]

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Land, politics, and society in eighteenth century Tipperary

Land, politics, and society in eighteenth century Tipperary

Barker estate at Kilcooley near Thurles prospective tenants in the late 1760s and early.. 1770s, as part of an overall improvement scheme, were being offered large areas of.[r]

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The Treatment of Whooping Cough in Eighteenth Century England

The Treatment of Whooping Cough in Eighteenth Century England

Although Armstrong was attacked for his experiments in the use of hemlock, it was Butter who first attempted to use hemlock and stated that his use of it was experimental. Armstrong followed Butter’s experiments, examined the results, and decided to follow suit. The possible reason why Armstrong was so viciously attacked by Lettsom may lie in the ways in which Armstrong undertook his trials; the fact that he experimented on poor children who could not have afforded medicine in any other way may have raised moral questions for Lettsom. Although the moral aspect of experimenting on children was not explicit in the published debates on hemlock, in terms of experimentation in the nineteenth and twentieth century it has been noted that children in institutions were more likely to be the subject of medical
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Population, ethnicity and confession in the county of Arad in the eighteenth century and early nineteenth century

Population, ethnicity and confession in the county of Arad in the eighteenth century and early nineteenth century

A new stage in the evolution of Arad County represents Maria Theresa’s (1740#1780) early rule. A former request of the noblemen to disintegrate the militarized commons and integrate them into the county superimposed with the authorities’ wish to reorganize the county. It was therefore that a big part of Zarand County was added to Arad County, namely, Zarand and Ineu districts. In this context, both problems were solved by organizing conscription, for a better knowledge of the reality. Unfortunately, results are not fully convincing for the simple reason that these conscriptions were from different years. Especially the process of dismantling the military border was slow, given that many chose to immigrate to Russia or move to other border regiments. Gheorghe Ciuhandu published these conscriptions, which he mainly used to determine the ethnical and confessional percentage of Arad County. Even if he wasn’t rigorously interested in computing the total number of inhabitants, information from the conscriptions permit this computation for the middle of the 18th century.
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The eighteenth century historiographic tradition and contemporary 'Everyday IPE'

The eighteenth century historiographic tradition and contemporary 'Everyday IPE'

Most of Arnaldo Momigliano’s observations about how eighteenth-century scholarship changed the process of historical writing have been dissected in great detail by others working on the history of historiography. By comparison, one comment from his famous paper, ‘Gibbon’s Contribution to Historical Method’, has tended to slip through the net. Gibbon was a contemporary of Smith and Rousseau and known to them both, 26 but most importantly for current purposes he was a product of the same intellectual milieu that was responsible for the way in which each reflected on the accomplishments of commercial society. Momigliano argued that Gibbon’s writing paid “full homage to the amiable prejudice that history is a theatre where you must play your part with appropriate words and gestures”. 27 In this way Gibbon’s work was taken to be paradigmatic of a process through which historical narratives came to be put together at least in part for the effects that they were likely to have on their audience. Histories were increasingly being written by the middle of the eighteenth century to tell audiences what sort of people they were and how they had become that way. Chronological accounts of events were deemed to hold less interest for readers than thematic accounts charting the development of particular types of subjectivity. In keeping with his presumed paradigmatic status for the new history, Momigliano described Gibbon as “the perfect blend of philosopher and antiquarian”. 28
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Unmarried adolescents and filial assistance in eighteenth century Flanders

Unmarried adolescents and filial assistance in eighteenth century Flanders

wages was rapidly declining relative to the price of land. Such a context would create the ideal circumstances for parents to coerce their children into the forms of assistance described in the previous section. For servants with parents that owned land, the value of their future inheritance increased more rapidly than what they could earn or accumulate through labour. Assisting their parents to be able to hold on to their holding and ensure that it could be passed on to the next generation was in fact an investment. Stated otherwise, servants actually saved through the part of their wages they channelled back to their parents. In the second half of the eighteenth century, parents held a strong bargaining position towards their children. If the wages of servants had increased more rapidly than land prices, as was occurring in the first half of the eighteenth century, it would be more difficult to demand these financial sacrifices from their children. As all children enjoyed equal inheritance rights, parents could in theory demand this type of assistance from all their children, irrespective of sex or birth rank. Property rights and a favourable land/wage ratio form the viewpoint of the parents thus probably constitutes the underlying mechanism to explain this type of filial assistance. By assisting their parents, servants actually invested part of their earnings. When the land of the parents was passed on they could claim these transfers back, and importantly, also received interest on top. These considerations also permeated intergenerational relations in other regions. As David Sabean has illustrated for Neckarhausen the expected inheritance determined the extent and level of solidarity and exchange between generations (Sabean, 1990: 35).
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Two cases of divorce in the town of Arad in the eighteenth century

Two cases of divorce in the town of Arad in the eighteenth century

This is also noticeable in the town of Arad at the end of the XVIIIth century. To emphasize some aspects related to the divorce problem, but especially to highlight the nuances of daily life we have chosen two documents regarding the sharing of goods in case of separation or dissolution of marriage. Both acts, on sharing of the wealth, derive from the end of the XVIIIth century. At the basis of election stated the criterion of information wealth and a special appearance for each.

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The fuzzy theory and women writers in the late eighteenth century

The fuzzy theory and women writers in the late eighteenth century

A similar picture emerges with respect to other female writers. Critically, each female writer from the eighteenth century has, at one time or another, been characterised as either “feminine”, “domestic”, “conservative” or “political”, “liberal”, “radical”. Other than Barbauld, those that have been most consistently labelled “conservative” include Hannah More, Maria Edgeworth and Jane West, but have also included Ann Radcliffe, Frances Burney, Elizabeth Carter, Elizabeth Montagu, amongst others. Those labelled “radical” include Wollstonecraft, Mary Robinson, Charlotte Smith, Helena Maria Williams and Mary Hays. As observed above, this categorisation rarely stands the test of time: another critic will arrive at a different conclusion, often quite the opposite. In chapter one this problem will explored more closely with respect to Wollstonecraft, whose “radical” categorisation was tested quite keenly in the 1990s and early twenty-first century, when feminist critics became particularly uneasy about her rejection of female passion. As I will show, some, like William Stafford, even began to suggest that she was not at all radical. Clearly, the problem is not with the writers themselves: they have not changed, they have always been inconsistent and contradictory—which, I will contend, is not a bad thing—the problem must, therefore, be with ourselves, and the labels that we choose to apply.
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Models and Multiples – Eighteenth-century European Porcelain Sculpture

Models and Multiples – Eighteenth-century European Porcelain Sculpture

Much of the characterisation of porcelain sculpture arising out of Neoclassical aesthetic theory is, in fact, caricature. Eighteenth- century porcelain sculptures were rarely ever examples of simple reproductive or repetitive multiplication. The methods of assembl- ing complex porcelain models, as well as the frequent addition of surface decoration, meant that no two porcelain sculptures drawn from the same source model were ever identical. This paper will consider a group of soft-paste porcelain sculptures based upon a model by the sculptor Joseph Willems produced at the English Chelsea factory in the mid-eighteenth century. These porcelain À gures – a series of Pietà groups – illustrate the complexities surrounding the status of many porcelain objects as works of art. The Chelsea Pietà is known from only three examples. Each of these examples is quite diɆ erent to the others and all are most likely the results of individual commissions. The ultimate inspiration for the Pietà group lies in the monumental marble Pietà by Nicholas Coustou above the high altar in Notre Dame de Paris. But the por- celain versions are no simple replicas or reductions of their source model. The sculptor Willems has engaged in creative recomposition of the original in creating his À gure group. In addition, the porcelain models were almost certainly intended to function as devotional objects; each bears unique enamelled and/or gilded decoration which serves to amplify the devotional resonances of the image. They are not, then, simply decorative objects to adorn an elite domes- tic interior, but are instead highly symbolically charged sculptural works which evoke a range of complex visual associations. An ex- amination of this group of porcelain sculptures will, I hope, illustrate how the individual histories, properties and associations of a given medium can impact upon how we assess the status of a multiple artwork.
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The discreet charm of eighteenth-century vitalism and its avatars

The discreet charm of eighteenth-century vitalism and its avatars

Vitalism ‘rotates’ here through substantival, functional (organizational, animal-economic) and perhaps existential or projective forms. Only in the first form is it a doctrine in which “living matter is ontologically greater than the sum of its parts because of some life force (“entelechy,” “élan vital,” “vis essentialis,” etc.) which is added to or infused into the chemical parts” (Gilbert and Sarkar 2000). As a particular case of the second form, I discussed (a reconstructed version of) the doctrine of the Montpellier School. Here, no metaphysical postulates of immaterial entities or forces, like Driesch’s entelechies, are found. It is a more practical, heuristically oriented medical and philosophical program that uses functional, Newtonian-inspired models of organism to discuss temporal, dynamic and sometimes subjective dimensions of embodiment – disease, crisis, pulse, nosology … In addition to these two forms of vitalism – substantival (Stahl, Driesch) and functional (the Montpellier School), in the 20 th century, thinkers such as Kurt Goldstein and
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