Enlightenment and its critics

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Taqizadeh and European civilisation

Taqizadeh and European civilisation

is in this issue of Kaveh that the 23 prescriptions (17 essential and a further six desirable) for the revival of Iran are laid out in full and the first demand is for universal public education and self-awareness, followed by a demand for the publication of useful books and the translation and publication of Western books. Few statements articulate the driving ideology of the Enlightenment than these demands for mass education and self-awareness. It is only by point 3 that we come to the appeal for the adoption of European civilisation and here the statement is stripped of the more excessive rhetoric of the previous year’s edi- tion. Here Taqizadeh simply states, “The acquisition of the principles, culture and traditions of European civilisation [this last phrase is underlined for effect] and its acceptance without reservation (aghaz-e osul va adab va rosum-e tammadon-e europai va ghabul an belashart)”. The remaining prescriptions are an ad hoc mixture of the abstract and the practical with calls for the preservation of the unity of the nation and protec- tion of the language from “corruption”, the promotion of physical exercise, a war against disease, freedom for women, and a war against lying and ambiguity. Critics of Taqizadeh have been less exercised—if in- deed they have noticed at all—by his 15th prescription to “rid ourselves of the shameful practice of unnatural love”, which he considered “was a major obstacle to civilization”. The call to emulate Europe is shorn of its appeals to the spiritual and the material, or indeed to any call for “absolute surrender”, suggesting that Ta- qizadeh (perhaps on receiving feedback) decided that the sentiment would be more effective if the expres-
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A Reply to My Critics

A Reply to My Critics

“domesticating” and taming him thereby. I would like to suggest, however, that the approach I adopt can also make good sense of the kind of challenge Kierkegaard thinks the Abraham story offers to philosophy in general and philosophical ethics in particular. For, while I claim that Kierkegaard is not a voluntarist concerning God’s commands, I argue that he takes the more moderate intermediate view to still carry the implication that what God can legitimately ask of us may outstrip the reach of our grasp of the right and the good – in a way that a more traditional Enlightenment ethicist such as Kant rejects as inconceivable. xxi Even on my account, therefore, Kierkegaard may be read as operating outside the ambit of what many rationalist philosophers would find acceptable and thus as challenging the position they adopt; but he does so on the philosophical grounds that it is an implication of any position which allows God into the picture o f ethics at all, where it will follow that God’s grasp of the right and the good must then be accepted to be beyond ours, given the differences in wisdom and perspective between us – where insofar as Kant also allows God a role in his ethics (cf. Stern 2012: 57-67), this is equally an implication he too should find hard to resist, at least from Kierkegaard’s point of view. On my approach, therefore, Kierkegaard does indeed “suspend” ethics, but not by stepping outside the realm of the ethical altogether and so into some realm of the religious that is wholly distinct from it, but rather by stepping outside an ethics which takes it for granted that what ethics demands is always known to us from the human perspective, where from a religious point of view that is nonetheless still ethical in a broader sense, this assumption can be challenged and in fact makes little sense.
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The “Many-Headed Monster” and its Critics in Revolutionary America

The “Many-Headed Monster” and its Critics in Revolutionary America

The conservatism of these allegations is apparent when we turn from the ideological war against the descendants of the Enlightenment, to the frontal attack on the modern “welfare state.” For physician and former US Air Force officer Steven La Tulippe (2007), The American version of statism is a four-headed monster…In foreign policy, it expresses itself as imperialism (either the liberal kind, such as our assault on Serbia, or the conservative kind, such as our destruction of Iraq). In domestic politics, it takes the form of social democracy, with its choking, all- encompassing micromanagement of our lives…In the realm of culture, statism expresses itself as post-modernism, the disconnected, degenerate lifestyle that has spread throughout the Western world. The author recommends “several simple actions” for the reversal of this trend towards “deculturalization:” a) the abolition of the welfare state because it “functions primarily to replace fathers with government subsidies,” causing “the debasement and disintegration of the family and, therefore, of civilization itself,” b) “the privatization of marriage and illegitimacy,” because, “marriage is a private contract between two people” and “not an opportunity for social engineering,” and c) the abandonment of “welfare and state-mandated child support” and reliance on charity, for “since most charities are religious organizations (rather than soulless government bureaucracies) they will be able to more effectively address underlying causes of social pathology rather than merely subsidizing them.” This appeal for a return to Victorian socioeconomic philosophy ends with the abolishment of “public schools” and the restoration of a gold standard basis for the American currency in order to prevent “the government…[from being able] to finance the plethora of destructive programs.”
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Anglican Enlightenment: Orientalism, Religion and Politics in England and its Empire, 1648–1715

Anglican Enlightenment: Orientalism, Religion and Politics in England and its Empire, 1648–1715

puritanism, whilst anti-popery was projected onto the Jews of the Maghreb in his Present State. In each case, the spiritual claims of their respective religious leaders were impugned as a form of ‘imposture’; carried out for the entirely worldly purposes of power and prestige. In both studies, like the clerical order’s critics, Machiavelli and Hobbes, Addison relied on the notion of ‘priestcraft’: a phenomenon he saw in both historical and functional terms. Addison recognized that Anglicans too were open to the same charge of priest-craft. His defence was that, unlike other religions, they represented a particular manifestation of this universal phenomenon that was at once ‘natural’ and ‘civil’. As such they formed a bulwark to civil order; and as such were the natural partner in government to the Restoration state. As Bulman notes, this mode of reasoning separated Addison and his peers from the early Stuart predecessors and anticipated the criticisms of their Enlightenment successors. If, as Bulman argues, Addison was representative of the early English Enlightenment, his erudition served essentially conservative and authoritarian ends.
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The Grimace of Ambiguity: Unambiguity and the Critics

The Grimace of Ambiguity: Unambiguity and the Critics

Abstract This article considers the notion of ambiguity and its treatment by critics and theorists from a perspective informed by the work of Slavoj Žižek, according to which ambiguity should not be conceived as an exceptional ‘grimace’ of language’s deeper, more genuine ‘Unambiguity’; rather, the pervasive fantasy of Unambiguity should be thought of as the grimace of ambiguity – a convenient invention whose function is to mask the Void of a generalised indeterminacy feared by literary critics. It examines not only ambiguity’s ideological functions in literature, but ideology’s role in the critical conceptualisation of ambiguity. Eleanor Cook’s article, ‘Ambiguity and the Poets’, is taken to exemplify the much-maligned concept’s strangely persistent usefulness for an enriched understanding of poetry, but also the contradictoriness of the positions adopted by liberal interpreters. Revisiting poems by Elizabeth Bishop and Wallace Stevens discussed by Cook, and adding a reading of Tess Gallagher’s ‘Instructions to the Double’, the article demonstrates 1) the social character of ambiguity in those texts, and 2) how the moral hesitation about linguistic instability evident in the language of Cook’s article – ambiguity’s ‘mixed reputation’ – highlights anxieties around sexual and economic power within critical discourse. Critics’ implicit and ever-frustrated desire for ‘Unambiguity’ (an ideal of stable semantics and a correspondingly well-ordered society) is symptomatic of the contradictions of their historical moment and the bourgeois assumptions of ‘traditional’ literary criticism. It is therefore proposed, in conclusion, that unblinking attention to the unfinished, ambiguous nature of social and linguistic reality is a more effective path to political change, and indeed to the effective appreciation of poetry, than unspoken appeals to this fantasy of unachievable Unambiguity.
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Answering the Critics of Drug Legalization

Answering the Critics of Drug Legalization

The argument for repealing prohibition - that prohibition fails to stop millions of Americans from using illegal drugs, but does succeed in causing black market viole[r]

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EFL Students as Critics of Capitalism?

EFL Students as Critics of Capitalism?

Any text is permeated with the ideological discourses circulating at the time of its production (Missen & Morgan, 2006). “Particular uses of language (as discourses) do not just arise out of an ideology or social practice but help to constitute it. Thus, people's thinking, (both their ideologies and their argumentation), their social actions and attitudes and even their very sense of self are shaped by discourses” (Morgan, 1997, p. 2). Currently, the discourses of neo-liberals and of the multinational corporations dominate all kinds of media and produce texts in all areas that serve their interests. “Neo-liberal economics constitutes a planetary “newspeak” that lines the pages of newspapers, blogs, and screens with the language of “the market,” and with its images and discourses of competitive and possessive individualism ” (Luke, Luke, & Graham, 2007, p. 4). These discourses, according to Luke, Luke, & Graham (2007), do not only help in realizing and rationalizing the ideology and practices of the new corporate order as well as its structural and material consequences, but they also render these practices and consequences “inaccessible and incomprehensible to the lay literate reader, viewer, and blogger” (p. 2). Despite the different theoretical positions of the scholars who theorize about discourse, they share the view that discourses or texts are situated in social, economic and political power relations, hence advancing the interests of those groups who have more power. These scholars also share the view that critical literacy should enable students to question any discourse and analyze its purposes and consequences. From a poststructuralist perspective, “literacy education is ultimately concerned with giving students an understanding of textuality, i.e., of the ways texts work” (Missen & Morgan, 2006) and of how they can be deconstructed and reconstructed in order to reveal their interested versions of reality (Janks, 2010; Steavens & Bean, 2007).
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Pierre Bayle : toleration and history

Pierre Bayle : toleration and history

Although it is doubtful that Bayle can be considered a direct precursor of the "philosophes" of the Enlightenment, his ideas on the nature of history and its methods must command a signi[r]

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Law and Truth: Replies to Critics

Law and Truth: Replies to Critics

Law and Truth Replies to Critics SMU Law Review Volume 50 | Issue 5 Article 2 1997 Law and Truth Replies to Critics Dennis Patterson Follow this and additional works at https //scholar smu edu/smulr T[.]

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The ideal of equality: Luck egalitarianism and its critics

The ideal of equality: Luck egalitarianism and its critics

Mason puts a bit of a gloss on luck egalitarianism with respect to its family­ friendliness. At least with regard to the three theorists my analysis addresses, I am not aware of discussions that refer specifically to how social institutions should be reformed, in light of traditional gender bias towards men, to ensure genuine equality of opportunity for both sexes. Tellingly, the “radical” and “far-reaching” measures that Mason argues would be supported by luck egalitarianism are supplied by him; the texts of the luck egalitarians we have discussed do not mention these. Dworkin, Cohen, and Ameson do not suggest that their theories require for their success that the traditional gender-structured family be in place. On the other hand, what they do say about persons in a society governed by equality of resources, access to advantage, and opportunity for welfare respectively, does not rule out the traditional family. The individuals discussed are all fully-formed adults. During infancy, a period of total helplessness, who devotes intensive care and attention to ensure they survive and thrive? How do they acquire powers of rational, prudential decision-making? These questions receive no answers. In recent work, Dworkin has specifically addressed barriers to equal opportunity for women, and these comments will be discussed below. However, the point for now is that Mason has to infer gender- specific implications about work and family arrangements from texts that tend, on the whole, to be gender-blind. He has to supply examples of what the general luck egalitarian view implies, which is indicative of the fact that relations of care tend to be ignored within the framework.
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The Enlightenment the Beginning of a More Rational Age

The Enlightenment the Beginning of a More Rational Age

Ironically, even though these children have not committed any crime, they were also deprived from freedom and were condemned to be slaves for the rest of their lives too (Williams, 311). Furthermore, he explains how the white men used the excuse that slaves were needed to work in the plantation to produce the goods needed for the consumers; however, he argues that this was a good excuse for those who were profiting from the brute man. Marie-Jean explicitly accuses the legislators of transforming and violating the law that should protects human rights. He accuses them of infringing the law, of making the law in such a way that it protects the interests of the white men who own the slaves. In his essay, he condemns the immoral acts that the legislators are making in the nation. Furthermore, he clearly denounces that the slave has lost his right and the politicians in power, violate the rights of black slaves, so they can profit from them. In the same way that human trafficking is condemned today, Marie- Jean accused the injustice of trafficking blacks with the purpose of enslaving them. He challenged those in power, so they could put the idea of the enlightenment into practice and take action to abolish slavery, which was definitely a cruel act upon black men.
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Reading the politics of E.M. Forster's A Passage to India : a study in ambiguity

Reading the politics of E.M. Forster's A Passage to India : a study in ambiguity

But just as the novel reflects an ambivalence concerning liberal values, it also displays an ambiguity about nationalist values. Aziz’s developing political consciousness is still subject to scrutiny. To become politically aware is to become less naive and there is a regret in Aziz’s lament: “Everyone was my friend then”(273). Aziz loses a tenderness which the novel appreciates although is ironic and partly patronising about. Aziz’s hardening leaves him no longer vulnerable to the seduction of Adela’s superficial interest in him and India. He realises that “This pose of ‘seeing India’ which had seduced him to Miss Quested at Chandrapore was only a form of ruling India; no sympathy lay behind it. . .” (301). On the one hand, the novel believes that Aziz’s anger towards those whom he perceives to be unsympathetic to his oppression is justified. On the other hand, it is sceptical of Aziz’s rejection of Adela and his hatred of the English. Said is critical of this scepticism of the novel which according to him is revealed in its suggestion that “people like Aziz will let themselves be seduced by jejune nationalist sentiment. . . .” 16 Furthermore, Suleri describes the ‘transformation’ in Aziz as a result of the ‘failed’ friendship with Fielding: “Friendship thus functions as the conduit or the Marabar Cave that allows Aziz to transmogrify from a racial into a nationalist entity. . . .’’17 Aziz’s attitude has now become bitter: “And, though sometimes at the back of his mind he felt that Fielding had made sacrifices for him, it was now all confused with his genuine hatred of the English” (289-290). While the novel is sceptical of Aziz’s ‘apolitical’ consciousness, it is also sceptical of his nationalist development because in this instance Aziz is not taking into account Fielding’s sacrifice during the time of his imprisonment. Aziz believes Fielding and Adela have stolen his money together: “yet these rupees haunted his mind, because he had been tricked about them, and allowed them to escape
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The Evolution of Post-War International Financial Sanctions and Its Enlightenment on China

The Evolution of Post-War International Financial Sanctions and Its Enlightenment on China

Having sorted out the connotation, what comes next is to figure out whether financial warfare for the economic purpose is a type of financial sanctions? It’s deemed in this article that financial sanctions, being a special form of economic sanctions, promote transformation through pressure while achieving the political or security goals by way of economic and financial instruments. Financial sanctions and financial warfare are interconnected. But in a strict sense, they are disparate. In an era of economy entangled tightly with politics, financial warfare is in essence an economic act targeting basically for economic interests, although harboring probably an indirect political goal. Nevertheless, the goal of financial sanctions is essentially super-economic and dominated by politics. Power-obtaining or security-safeguarding constitutes the direct and fundamental purpose of the country imposing sanctions who would sacrifice its economic interests for this purpose. Therefore, financial warfare can’t be categorized as a form of financial sanctions.
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Pre-Socratic Thought in Sophoclean Tragedy

Pre-Socratic Thought in Sophoclean Tragedy

ultimately leads to his tragic demise, Sophocles portrays this ideology in a negative light, while the philosophy of the pre-Socratic heroine, although a victim to the Sophistic thought of Creon, is heralded as espousing the ideology ultimately leading to human happiness and piety towards the gods by the chorus at the end of the play. Sophocles presents human intelligence as capable of good (line 367) when unifying the laws of the earth with the justice of the gods (lines 367-369), thus reflecting the Heraclitean precept asserting the intimate relationship between the laws of man, justice and the gods (Fr. D. 114). The playwright represents this same faculty of rationality as capable of evil and dangerous feats when coupled with the Sophistic view endorsing man’s conquest of nature and its severance from the laws upheld by Justice and the gods, as in the case of Creon (lines 365-371). Therefore, in contrast to traditional scholarly views of Sophocles as entirely resistant to the intellectual movements of the 5* century, the playwright’s depiction of pre-Socratic thought indicates that he might not have been as hostile to all of the so-called ‘Enlightenment’ thinkers as originally supposed.
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An Analysis of Uniqlo’s Management Philosophy and Its Enlightenment to China’s Fast Fashion Brands

An Analysis of Uniqlo’s Management Philosophy and Its Enlightenment to China’s Fast Fashion Brands

DOI: 10.4236/jss.2018.63022 303 Open Journal of Social Sciences tional decision-making authority. Subsidiaries can produce different products and formulate diversified marketing strategies according to the special needs of local consumers to meet the individualization demands of different markets. The localization strategy has a stronger ability to adapt to the target market, and it also has a faster market response. At the same time, the localization strategy has its defects, such as relatively high production and marketing costs, and over-independence of each subsidiary. So, the cooperation among the subsidiar- ies is slightly worse.
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Comparison of Territorial Spatial Planning System between China and Japan and  Its Enlightenment

Comparison of Territorial Spatial Planning System between China and Japan and Its Enlightenment

On the approval and supervision, there are three pieces of advice, first of which is to strengthen the administrative system on the usages of national space, and the second one is to establish the principle of “whoever approves is respon- sible for its supervision”. The third one is to retain the approval authority only in the People’s Congress of three levels, including national, provincial and county- levels. In detail, the integrated planning in national level shall be approved by national people’s congress, with the submission to the State Council for the record. In provincial level, the planning shall be approved by the provincial people’s congress, with the submission to national spatial overall planning committee for the record. In countylevel, the planning shall be approved by the countylevel people’s congress, with the submission to provincial spatial overall planning committee for the record. In this way, the coordination among overall plannings, specialized plannings, detailed plannings and relevant policies shall be strengthened, making sure of the unity and enforcement of the plannings.
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Differentiating a Republican Citizenry: Talents, Human Science, and Enlightenment Theories of Governance

Differentiating a Republican Citizenry: Talents, Human Science, and Enlightenment Theories of Governance

Using the development of the language of talents in the eighteenth century as its focus, the essay examines how Enlightenment political writers and mental philosophers-including Locke, H[r]

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The Relationship between R&D Investment and Dividend Payment Tax Incentives and Their Role in the Dividend Tax Puzzle

The Relationship between R&D Investment and Dividend Payment Tax Incentives and Their Role in the Dividend Tax Puzzle

fundamentalists are mere imitators and that they are anti-modern. Setting up the relationship of fundamentalism and modernity in this way gives modernity a specific secular value, and while secularism certainly is a value of modernity, it is only one value of modernity, and defining it in this way is a reduction of modernity. Modernity is not simply the ascendancy of secular values, but also must include cultural reactions to modern developments, such as materialism and technological and scientific achievements which affect humanity’s view of itself. If we talk about modernity we must address all the elements of the post-Enlightenment world, or at least acknowledge the utter complexity involved in attempting to understand modernity. Scholars who define fundamentalism as a reaction to modernity, but maintain that fundamentalism is “anti-modern,” simplify the movements as well as reducing modernity, ignoring all the complexities of modernity, including the idea that a movement critical of modernity, such as fundamentalisms seem to be, is a modern movement.
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ENG 560 –Postcolonial Theory

ENG 560 –Postcolonial Theory

galvanism. Rather than take for granted the seamless relay between the center and its periphery, this course assumes a frivolous and whimsical aspect in order to ask the following questions: What happens to our view of literary and political history if the orbit of the eccentric, rather than the exception of the extrinsic, is opposed to the colonizing and civilizing work of the nation-state? In what ways do economies of the erratic, the trivial, and the unique offer alternative value structures and important counter-histories to the rise of commodity exchange and the fetish of the antique in Atlantic modernity?
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ENG 560 –Postcolonial Theory

ENG 560 –Postcolonial Theory

galvanism. Rather than take for granted the seamless relay between the center and its periphery, this course assumes a frivolous and whimsical aspect in order to ask the following questions: What happens to our view of literary and political history if the orbit of the eccentric, rather than the exception of the extrinsic, is opposed to the colonizing and civilizing work of the nation-state? In what ways do economies of the erratic, the trivial, and the unique offer alternative value structures and important counter-histories to the rise of commodity exchange and the fetish of the antique in Atlantic modernity?
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