On the basis of the difficulties to approve laws in the Congress, a strong PRI-PAN coalition has recurrently been ensemble during the recent years. This was the case for most of 14 structural reforms during the first two years of President Peña Nieto’s administration (2013-2018), including the energy reform. After 2018 elections, MORENA has the capacity to approve constitutional reforms in the Senate just by colluding with its two elections allies, the PT and the Social Encounter Party (PES): together they reach 69% of all seats. In the Deputies Chamber it has to add to them the whole support of both PRD and PVEM to get 68.6% of all seats. Once the proposals are approved by the two chambers, they have to receive the support of local chambers of deputies (at least 21 out of 32 states) before being promulgated by the President and then become a law (the figure of veto does not exist in the Mexican system). The Executive’s force rests upon his ability to mobilize the leaders of his own political party in both chambers to fetch the minimum number of supporters needed to pass his proposals. Depending on the proposed law, one chamber acts as the chamber of origin, and the other as the reviewing chamber.
The assessment of this inclusion should be approached in a similarly disciplined manner to that found in alter- native EPI conceptual frameworks such as multi-level governance (Briassoulis, 2010), policy convergence (Busch and Jorgens, 2005), instruments (Vieira et al., 2007) and learning (Feindt, 2010). This paper applied, ﬁ rst, historical institutionalism (Peters et al., 2005; Pollitt, 2008; Sanders, 2008; Thelen, 2004) as means to better understanding changes in ’ environmental inclusivity ’ . In support of Leach (2008), the paper draws attention to the understated role of path dependency, history and more generally time. The traditional role of the French state is classi ﬁ ed as Jacobin, which stipulates that elected governments are mandated with the will of the people directly, without the mediation of other interests (Hazareesingh, 2002). In this paper, a strong and exclusive state is observable within a meso- corporatist framework, depending upon the intimate relations between government and business in the WtE sector. Moving beyond Leach (2008), we must understand how such change sits within the framework of continuity. Figure 4 shows that all three periods of change in inclusivity amount to ’ punctuations ’ in political time (Thelen, 2004). Punctuations are more frequent events that do not produce ’ transformative path departing ’ trajectories. In
Stock market return is influenced by the stability of share prices in the market. Where share prices are highly volatile, the predictability of stock returns becomes difficult and that can affect investors’ confidence. Share price volatility affects the proper functioning of the financial system and negatively affects stock market performance. High volatility above a certain level will increase investment’s risk hence the possibility of losses becomes apparent. Many studies have been carried out to address environmental disclosure and the Nigerian stock market return but few considered the effect of environmental disclosure on the volatility in the stock market return. This study investigated the combined effect of environmental pollution and control policy (EPC), energypolicy (ENP), impact of biodiversity (IB), waste management cost (WMC), environmental research and development cost (ERD), cost of compliance to environmental laws (CCEL), firm size (FSZ), and firm age (FA) on stock market return volatility.
Access to shale gas has allowed the United States to substantially increase their production of natural gas. Because natural gas is less carbon intensive than coal, increased access to - and consumption of – natural gas has been broadly incorporated into US climate and energypolicy. Such policy is not unilaterally positive, however, as there are environmental concerns associated with both natural gas production as well as the policies surrounding its consumption. Previous studies from an environmental economics perspective has focused on how home- owners assess the risk associated with natural gas production. This dissertation presents three essays concerning other aspects of the shale gas boom. The first chapter shows that as the size of firms has grown, safety has grown as well. The second chapter uses a multi-market model of the natural gas and electricity sectors to show that increased use of natural gas as a trans- portation fuel will result in substantial increases in carbon dioxide emissions in the electricity sector. The final chapter uses panel data on steam coal exports from US ports and finds that a one-percent increase in domestic natural gas prices is associated with around a 2% decrease in US steam coal exports.
Thanks to the previous activity of Russia in the Arctic Council, it is believed that it will further intensify its activities in the field of environmental protection of the Arctic as well as spend considerable sums of money for this purpose. This can increase its importance as a trusted member of the council as well as strengthen its position in negotiations related to the Arctic issue. Taking into account the overall Russian policy in the Arctic region, it will probably not have a conflictual character. The previous actions of the Russian Federation rather indicate a peaceful way of regulating issues connected with its presence in the Arctic. So far, Russia has followed the international law norms and has proved its rights regarding its position at the North Pole by doing scientific research.
Nord Stream was initiated by the energy companies Gazprom, E.ON and Wintershall. Subsequently Gasunie and GDF joined the project thereafter. The pipeline infrastructure for Russian gas enjoyed the full support of their respective governments because it would enable these countries to bypass the traditional transit countries which would improve the security of supply and reduce additional transit costs. The United Kingdom was openly suggesting that Nord Stream could be extended to their domestic market as well. 126 Poland, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania comprised the most vocal opponents of the project. The Polish opposition to the construction of Nord Stream is often used as the prime example of the divisive nature of bilateral collaboration with Russia. 127 As Germany and Russia agreed on developing the new project Polish politicians were quick to express their strong opposition. The subsequent comparison to German politics during the Second World War was able to count on a receptive audience and was cited numerous times in both the public and academic debate to emphasize the divisive consequences of Nord Stream. These concerns voiced by the traditional transit country is not unfounded but it should be put in perspective. Formally this opposition was grounded in concerns for the environmental and political consequences. I.e.: Russia would be able to cut off supplies to Poland because Nord Stream would provide an alternative route to Western Europe. 128 However, following the argumentation of this research we have reasonably
These tipping points add an additional dimension to the irreversibility, in that investments that were once effective become ineffective. In addition, there is often little known about where these tipping points are located, or how big a change is necessary before the tipping point is crossed. Unknown tipping points suggest a reduction in the value of delaying risk reduction policies since the option to act may unexpectedly expire. However, it remains unresolved as to whether the presence of an unknown tipping point can overwhelm the value in delaying sunk costs and policy persistence and provide a justification for more precautionary behavior (Carpenter, Ludwig and Brock 1999; Clarke and Reed 1994; Iovanna and Newbold 2007; Ludwig, Carpenter and Brock 2003; Saphores 2003; Tsur and Zemel 1996). The dominant opportunity costs from sunk costs or irreversible commitments results in an option value that must be balanced against the opportunity cost of delaying action – unexpectedly reaching a tipping point that subjects society to irreversible environmental damage.
Environmental law is a founding competence of the Scottish Parliament. It is also an area of extensive EU competence as a flanking policy of the single market and in response to developments in international law. Setting a Scottish specific approach to the repatriation of environmental competence from the EU will be a key area of policy development during and after the Brexit negotiations. As such it will be a key shaper of the overall approach Scotland takes to determining its post Brexit future. This blog looks at the key issues involved, including whether there will be opportunities to extend Scottish powers with regard to those held at UK level. It also looks at ways in which Scotland can keep in line with EU environmentalpolicy and practice, for example if it decides to pursue constitutional change to allow a closer relationship with the EU than the UK seems ready to develop.
Tobacco production involve curing process which results to continued harvest of indigenous vegetation leading to depletion of forests resources and loss of biodiversity, which have long term negative effects on food security and livelihood of the communities living in the Lake Victoria basin. The continued use of unsustainable practices contributes towards increased environmental degradation leading to increased levels of pollution, fertilization and siltation of Lake Victoria and This study looked at the economic value and environmental benefits of briquettes as an alternative source of energy to the tobacco growing communities. The objective of this study was to find out the economic gains and vegetation cover saved as a result of briquettes as alternative source of energy to cure tobacco. This was achieved by interviewing farmers exposed to briquettes made from bagasse (a sugarcane byproduct) as an mine the cost and quantity of briquettes, split split wood used; source of the materials and their usability. The study then; compared briquettes with bagasse pith briquette, bagasse-briquettes with binders, dust briquettes, saw dust, county council waste briquettes, coffee husks briquettes, split wood split wood (indigenous flora); compared the cost of bagasse-briquette and an ed a profit margin analysis to determine briquettes compared to split wood and non-split wood as a source of energy terms of hectares by using bagasse- calorimeter was used to find the calorific value of all the materials used as sources of energy. A survey methodology was used to find out the source, cost and quantity fuel materials used to cure one kilogram of tobacco leaves. A cross cut analysis was used to determine woody vegetation cover of different places within the tobacco growing areas in the Lake Victoria basin in- terms of tons per hectares. The woody vegetation cover and quantity of leaves cured using bagasse- woody vegetation cover saved in different localities. The study
In contemporary discussion of the terms of intergenerational justice, which arises out of our concern with environmental problems and our sense of obligation to leave the world to our succesors in an inhabitable state, we encounter one particular argument which - very much like those time-honoured arguments mentioned above -appears to reach highly paradoxical conclusions. From rather simple assumptions, which we might be inclined to accept, we unexpectedly arrive at conclusions which most of us would be inclined to reject since they seem to violate deeply engrained convictions, or common sense, or our moral intuitions. Several authors have discovered this particular argument, which is now known in the literature as the "Identity Problem", or "the Non-Identity Problem" (both names come from Parfit), or as "the Paradox of Future Individuals" (as Kavka calls it). 1 The Identity Problem leads to the conclusion that, whatever policy we adopt towards the future, we are not harming future people. Therefore, we have no moral obligations towards them and we are free to choose any policy we like. Whatever choice we make, future generations would have no grounds for complaint even if we left them a very depleted world or exposed them to risks, such as the risks of nuclear radiation.
Absolutely Nothing Anywhere Near Anything (Business Week, 2005). Senate testimony by industry representatives repeatedly called for adjustments to the National EnvironmentalPolicy Act (NEPA) for permitting near-shore LNG terminals (U.S. Congress, Senate, 2005, S. Hrg 109- 2). An “out of sight, out of mind” attitude comes easily with offshore terminals that are located close to shipping lanes for easy terminal access and an increased distance from high population areas. Companies were also looking to avoid congested ports since there is a limited availability of ports capable of accepting the deep-draft vessels required to transport LNG (Hitchings, 2003; Zellner and Hindo, 2005). Terminals proposed near-shore could be two to three times cheaper then those built offshore, but in addition to the above concerns, create greater environmental problems including impacts to essential fish habitat and endangered birds (Armistead and Wong, 2004, Gas Daily, 2003a). In fact, grassroots environmental movements forced several near-shore terminal designs to move offshore (Clark, 2004). Many companies are focusing their locations in the Gulf of Mexico because of the long symbolic relationship between Gulf states like Texas and Louisiana and energy industries (Business Week, 2005).
Although the Supreme Court has proved reasonably adept at balancing states’ claims in equitable-apportionment actions, evaluating tradeoffs between competing types of water uses has not played a central role in equitable-apportionment jurisprudence. As the California Supreme Court characterized, “The scope and technical complexity of issues concerning water-resource management are unequalled by virtually any other type of activity presented to the courts.” 178 The U.S. Supreme Court should recognize that adjudicating interstate water rights pushes the boundaries of its institutional competence, 179 beyond the inherent concerns of simultaneously playing the roles of trial and appellate court. The energy-water nexus dictates that states must make key tradeoffs between the need to use water resources in energy production versus other consumptive uses, as evidenced by the energy-water challenges facing Charlotte and other metropolitan areas across the United States. 180 Although evaluating competing policy proposals for national water policy is beyond the scope of this Note, these kinds of tradeoffs in the allocation of scarce natural resources, which are “highly charged political issues,” are best handled through the political process, at either the state or federal level, rather than through the courts. 181
Biofuel mandates can be preferable be- cause they create a certain market for biofuels — producer profits are not tied directly to market forces in food and energy, such as fluctuating oil prices. By removing uncertainty about profits, they encourage innovation and capital investment. Mandates make demand for biofuels unresponsive to price. This means that rising food and energy prices induce agricultural intensification and productivity gains rather than the land expansion that is costly in terms of climate change and biodiversity (Babcock 2008). Because land expansion releases considerable carbon emissions, this is not a minor issue — it is criti- cal to the carbon balance of biofuels. Finally, mandates are revenue neutral, whereas subsidies are deducted from the treasury. The cost of mandates is borne by producers and consumers, depending on the responsiveness of fuel supply and demand to prices. The cost of carbon-emissions reductions would be greater under mandates than under a carbon tax because mandates do not permit reductions in the least-cost way.
Environmental pollution can be categorized into three groups. These are air or atmospheric pollution, aquatic or water pollution and land or surface area pollution. The World Health Organization (WHO, 1990) defined air pollution as “limited to situation in which the outer ambient atmosphere contains materials in concentrations which are harmful to man and his environment”. Man’s activity on the earth surface has largely degraded the quality of the lower atmosphere. The growth and Sustainable development of industries and urbanization have contributed greatly to the excess carbon monoxide produced by combustion and other human activities. Carbon monoxide reacts with the blood vessel and prevents it from taking up oxygen and the people are suffocated. In Nigeria, several rural towns that had in the past enjoyed fresh and dry air are currently experiencing air pollution problems due to industrialization process and expansion in human activities (Obajimi, 1998). Aquatic or water pollution is the discharge of unwanted biological, chemical and physical materials into water bodies from man’s environment. The pollutants are usually chemical, physical and biological substances that affect the natural condition of water. This incidence is responsible for the wide spread water contamination in most Nigerian cities. Also, solid wastes have equally flooded the water ways in these urban centres.
During the mid to late 1980s, EU environmentalpolicy entered a new and much more energetic phase. The DoE’s failure to upload British policy ideas to the EU combined with the national environmental movement’s increasingly strident demands for the existing rules to be implemented soon combined to generate a series of sizeable policy misfits. During this period, the DoE tried to limit Europeanization by employing its veto in the Environment Council, typified by the five-year battle against the EIA Directive even though it merely formalised existing practice. It also made every effort to neuter legislation that was passed, typified by the identification of just 27 bathing beaches under the Bathing Water Directive, or the highly selective implementation of the 1980 Drinking Water Directive. To make matters worse, the Commission began to oppose Britain’s attempts to close misfits by initiating infringement proceedings. These culminated in judgments by the ECJ, which significantly sharpened the legal force of EU Directives.
This was an initial commitment for the strategic reorientation of environmental policies in the EC, which gradually took place between 1989 and 1994. The ideas of the Fourth EAP (integrated approach, sector analysis, new instruments) were further elaborated in the following years. This change is often characterised as a “paradigmatic change”, a change from “trade orientation” to a “sustainability frame”. Environmentalpolicy is less perceived as an additive policy and more as an integrated part of economic decision-making.. “Sustainable development” gradually became a normative reference for environmentalpolicy in the EU from the beginning of the 1990s onwards. The incorporation of the environmental dimension and the systematic search for "no regret strategies" were promoted. In other words, win-win situations were identified where both environmental and economic objectives could benefit. The White Paper on Growth, Competitiveness and Employment (CEC 1993) proposed a new development model, which tried to create employment and improve the efficiency of resource use by a shift in the relative prices of labour and energy. Sustainable development was perceived as a tool for improving the state of the environment, social efficiency and competitiveness simultaneously.
7 This thesis identifies several fundamental problems with implementation of EU climate change objectives in an Irish context. The first concerns the mechanisms for the advancement of these objectives. In this thesis, it is argued that notwithstanding clear published policy imperatives, underpinned by a seemingly comprehensive EU legislative scheme that includes defined mandatory targets, EU policy objectives for Ireland in the area of renewable energy are unlikely to be achieved because, in allocating responsibility for achievement of these objectives, the level of discretion apportioned to Ireland as a Member State, as well as the level of trust and confidence inherent in that allocation was too generous, and reflects a deference to the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality that is not aligned with the core policy objectives around climate change abatement, and completion of the internal market for electricity. The second problem (which flows from the first), concerns Ireland’s response to unbundling of electricity networks, an acknowledged enabler of investment in renewable development. In this thesis, it is argued that Ireland, in failing to implement Full Ownership Unbundling (FOU) of the Transmission System for reasons of political expediency, has put in place an avoidable, and unnecessarily complex regulatory framework, that has slowed renewable energy development in Ireland. The third problem concerns the emerging, and somewhat ironic conflict between sustainability objectives on the one hand, and EU driven protection of the environment considerations on the other. Put simply, setting aggressive targets for renewable energy penetration with its inevitable requirement for visible impacts on the landscape, has given rise to conflict between the developers of energy infrastructure (including wind generation), and citizens