Data was collected through 8 pre- and post-program student focus group sessions, 4 post- program teacher interviews, and 2 principal interviews. The student focus group sessions involved 77 students in total, 39 boys and 38 girls, evenly divided across the 4 years. Each focus group session lasted approximately 1.25 hours. Interviews took between 35-50 minutes. Student focus group sessions and interviews were semi-structured with room for general conversation and consisted of questions about how students’ participation and the teacher’s teaching praxis impacted attitudes, knowledge(s), and actions regarding issues of social and environmental justice. The semi-structured nature of these interviews and focus group sessions allowed for the collection of data on issues of both long-standing and emerging concerns to us, and to make comparisons across years (Tierney & Dilley, 2001). Because meanings and answers arising from focus group interviews are socially rather than individually constructed (Berg, 2004), focus group sessions provided students with a forum to collectively reflect upon and articulate their experiences. As such, we argue that the resultant responses were particularly generative and sapient (Morgan, 2001). Teacher and principal interviews centred on questions about program successes and challenges and the ways in which the Ministry policy initiative (e.g. SHSM) impacted the program.
(e.g., preventing pollution); conserving (e.g., reusing); influencing others (e.g., educating and training for sustainability); and taking initiative (e.g., lobbying and activism). While a number of studies have examined the promotion of green behaviors (e.g., Abrahamse et al., 2005; Dwyer, Leeming, Cobern, & Jackson, 1993; Lucas, Brooks, Darnton, & Elster Jones, 2008; Young & Middlemiss, 2011), we will focus on externally-driven interventions rather than internally-driven changes in behavior (see De Young, 1993) such as those that might be implemented across a workplace. There are a vast number of such interventions that have already been proposed to improve engagement in broader pro-environmental behaviors and this work has significantly advanced our understanding in this area (see e.g., Osbaldiston & Schott, 2012). However, whilst it might be a controversial statement, we suggest that it is highly unlikely that there will be a “silver bullet” intervention or set of interventions which will suddenly be able to change employees’ behavior to incorporate more pro-environmental actions. Instead, we suggest that a more profitable approach is one that looks at the underlying conditions which might make a range of interventions more effective. This is particularly important for organizational green behaviors which, as we will discuss later, face distinctive challenges.
just one bucket. This has made the task of washing clothes by hand easier and quicker for consumers and delivered an environmental benefit at the same time. You may wonder why we need to be subtle in our approach to environmentalbehaviourchange. Why can’t we just create and market environmentally friendly products under a ‘green’ proposition? The truth is that most people are not ready to trade off product effectiveness or convenience for the benefit of the environment. In the West, many people drive their car to the local shops because of the convenience. The key to reducing our environmental footprint is, in part, about using sustainable ingredients or more efficient technology but also about creating products that shape people’s behaviour while at the same time improving their product experience, not making it worse. Another area in which technology can make a big impact in behaviourchange is in providing the means for accurate behaviour measurement. The availability of small, low-cost electronic sensors has dramatically changed the way we study behaviour in Unilever.
Should governments be concerned about immigrants on environmen- tal grounds? On the one hand, immigrants are typically considered as a burden in most aspects by the host country. On the other hand, the New Environmental Paradigm hypothesis claims that environmental atti- tudes are a worldwide phenomenon. Hence, individuals across the world would display similar environmentalbehaviour and such concern should not prevail. This chapter analyzes a sample of the World Values Survey dataset to show that, despite there are substantial behavioural dierences between immigrants and native-born regarding pro-environmental action, the perception of immigrants as an environmental burden is misplaced. In particular, while neither native-born nor immigrants are more willing to sacrice money to save the environment, immigrants actually engage more on activities like choosing products that are better for the envi- ronment, recycling, and reducing water consumption. The engagement in pro-environmentalbehaviour of immigrants is region-specic and depends on their source region. Moreover, such relatively higher actual engage- ment in environmentally friendly behaviours can be explained by their high socio-economic status and their high education level, i.e. selective immigration. When the behaviour of immigrants by their length of resi- dence in the host country is analyzed, no dierences in pro-environmental attitudes or pro-environmentalbehaviour are found, a result which sug- gests they do not develop a sense of belongingness to the host country. Finally, in line with the standard nding in the literature of acculturation in environmentalbehaviour, this chapter nds that immigrants conform through time to some of the pro-environmental actions of native-born.
The Copenhagen Accord is not an actual contract, because it was never adopted. It acts most similar to an incomplete contract. The emissions aspect is in the form of the pledges, so there was little negotiation, but emissions are still specified. The free riding issue in the Copenhagen Accord was reduced as developing countries received financial aid through the Green Climate Fund if they participated. There are a few issues with the accord. The first issue is that there is no accountability standard for countries who choose to participate. The accord is not a legal treaty, so there is no punishment procedure put in place for countries who failed to meet their pledges. Another issue is that the conference turned into a political battle which resulted in a political declaration instead of an environmental agreement (Dimitrov, 2010). One of the larger issues is that the pledges made are not large enough to meet the goal of the accord (Bodansky, 2010). Even if all the participants complete and meet their pledge targets, it will not stop the temperature from rising above 2 degrees.
Among these three, the issue of emis- sions trading got attention in the busi- ness world. The Kyoto Protocol estab- lishes a legally binding obligation for industrialized countries to reduce their emissions of GHG and in order to do this, emissions are to be reduced in ag- gregate by at least 5% below 1990 lev- els by 2008-2012 (International Energy Agency, 2001). The protocol embraces a number of flexibility mechanisms, including a system of international emissions permit trading and various credits for the international transfer of clean (low-carbon) technologies (Goulder and Nadreau, 2002). Egenhofer (2007) comments that emission trading is likely to be a crucial pillar of future cli- mate change policy. According to UNEP Finance Initiatives (2004):
During the last century, the species extinction rate has increased to more than 1000 times the background rate, and the number of threatened species continues to rise (Barnosky et al. 2011; Ceballos et al. 2015). Extinction risk is associated with anthro- pogenic activities and their consequences, with climate change playing a critical role (Pearson et al. 2014; Pacifici et al. 2015). Climate change can influence extinction risk by increasing tem- poral variation in demographic rates such as survival and fecun- dity, which in turn reduces long-run population growth rates (Pearson et al. 2014). However, survival and fecundity are not only affected by environmental conditions. There is abundant evidence that they also change with individual differences in either unmeasured traits such as frailty (Vaupel et al. 1979; see review in Gimenez et al. 2017) or measured traits such as phe- notypic (e.g. Plard et al. 2015) or genetic (David 1998) charac- ters. The amount of individual differences within a given population influences its dynamics (Hamel et al. 2018). Among traits that shape individual differences, age variation strongly influences demographic rates in response to biological factors such as growth, maturation and senescence (Kirkwood & Aus- tad 2000; Partridge 2010). Thus, to understand population dynamics in variable environments, we must discover how these biological and environmental processes interact to determine demographic rates and population growth.
In the effort to manage pollution issues, many countries use a multitude of approaches, from command-and- control systems to market based incentives. In Malaysia, the Environment Quality Act 1974 is seen as adequate and sufficiently comprehensive to control industry behaviour. However, the effectiveness of regulations is dependent on the firms decision to comply; which in turn is based on cost and benefit considerations. To be more specific, compliance to environmental regulations is driven by enforcement activites in order to effect a change in the behaviour of firms. Cohan (1999) mentioned that understanding a firm’s actions is the key to the development of an effective enviromental policy. Individual and organizational behaviour towards the decision to comply to regulations was first developed using the Becker (1998) criminal act model. The Becker model, also known as the optimal fines theory, is build on the premise that potential commitment of a crime is linked to the probability of being caught and subsequently penalised if found guilty. In the literature, amongst the earliest to use this model is Downing and Watson (1974), Harford (1978) and Storey and McCabe (1980).
Bliege Bird, R, D.W. Bird, B.F. Codding, CH. Parker &J.H. Jones, 2008. The "fire stick farming" hypothesis: Aus tralian Aboriginal foraging strategies, biodiversity, and anthropogenic. fire mosaics. Proceedings of the National Academy of sciences of the USA 105, 14,796-801. Blockley, S.P.E., S.M. Blockley, RE. Donahue, CS. Lane, J.J. Lowe & AM. Pollard, 2006. The chronology of abrupt climate change and Late Upper Palaeolithic human adaptation in Europe. Journal of Quaternary Science 21(5),575-84.
Neidderer (2014, p.36) states, ‘if in design for behavior change we understand design as a social process we can see that at its heart are people. Therefore at the most elementary level design for behavior change attempts to understand people, why they behave in the way they do and to use design to encourage them to ‘do’ or ‘not do’ something.’ In the examples we provide this understanding has led to better design of products, the application of design thinking as a way of claiming back and gaining control or the manifestation of products through a shared process of making in Open Design. This certainly sits well with the original conceptualization of
3 Designing behaviourchange interventions that address these complex multi-level determinants, encourage PA adoption in a broad demographic of individuals with a variety of needs, and are effective in leading to sustainable improvement in activity levels is therefore challenging. Such interventions not only need to be age and ability appropriate but also guide an individual through the process of participating in PA, increase motivation to participate whilst 'teaching' skills to self-regulate the behaviour longer term 11 , be easily accessible and incorporate a suite of BCTs.
Environmental psychological factors are psychological factors related to environmental aspects that can influence human decisions to engage in environmentalbehaviour. These factors are associated with elements that work with the mind or psyche such as awareness, attitude, and concern. For instance, environmental psychological factors include environmental awareness, environmental concern, and environmental attitude. Previous studies have investigated the influence o f environmental psychological factors on environmentalbehaviour. Psychological factors such as awareness (Latif et al., 2013), concern (Dietz et al., 1998; Tam and Chan, 2017), and attitude (Barr, 2007) are reportedly related to human environmentalbehaviour. People with environmental awareness are people with awareness o f the causes and consequences o f environmental issues and have the know-how and skills to mitigate those issues (Freije et al, 2017). Environmental concern is an individual emotion regarding environmental issues and the response i.e. willingness to solve the issues (Ostman and Parker,1987; Franzen and Vogl, 2013). Meanwhile, individuals with environmental attitude are individuals with a combination o f belief, value, and intention related to environmental activities and issues (Schultz et al., 2005). In summary, people who are aware, concerned, and have a positive attitude towards the natural environment tend to preserve the environment more. Therefore, they are more motivated to engage in environmentalbehaviour.
A further factor which has been shown to influence pro-environmentalbehaviour is the ease of that behaviour, which links with perceived behavioural control within the TPB. A number of studies have found that interventions which make pro-environmentalbehaviour easier are effective (e.g. Fujii, 2006).
Similar party differences are present in terms of the climate change beliefs discussed earlier (see Table 5). These are not merely a reflection of social differences in age, education and sex, as the effects remain after controlling for socio-demographic characteristics in a regression analysis (not shown). There are also party differences with regard to the questions on collective action. However, they follow a different pattern. For instance, Green party supporters have more confidence in the power of collective action than supporters of other parties, but are also more pessimistic than others about the prospects of large numbers of people actually limiting their energy use. Party differences are almost absent regarding the questions on personal energy saving efficacy and behaviour, with the exception that non-voters are less likely to save energy. Green party supporters are equally as likely as other party supporters to say that they often save energy, although they might be setting themselves higher standards as to what counts as “often”.
heatwaves has often been tailored to the impact of interest which has resulted in a wide range of du- rations and critical levels being used to define a heatwave, such as crop specific levels and durations that vary regionally (Falloon et al. (2014), Wheeler et al. (2000) and Asseng et al. (2013)), which has made comparison across studies difficult. In addition, different sensitivities to the duration of heatwaves and/or their temperature complicates efforts to determine future impacts arising from climate change as information is required for both the changes in duration and temperature. The role of human activities has been identified in the increases of surface air temperatures that have been observed (e.g., Stott et al. (2004), Christidis et al. (2011)) and potential future changes have been widely reported (e.g., Kharin et al. (2013)). However, these studies have generally been limited by the chosen heatwave metric, be it a temporal mean (such as seasonal mean, Stott et al., 2004) that is significantly longer than typical heatwaves or significantly shorter (such as daily max- ima, Kharin et al. (2013), Christidis et al. (2011)). Changes in the behaviour of heatwaves can manifest themselves in either changes to temperature or duration or both and therefore require metrics that can capture both. This paper focuses on how future changes in the behaviour of heat- waves, which might arise from climate change, can be modelled using extreme value theory within a framework that can separately identify changes in critical levels (such as a return level) and the durations and magnitudes of the excursions above these changing (relative) critical levels.
contacted Maternity Alliance for advice (Adams, McAndrew and Winterbotham, 2005; Davis, Neathey, Regan and Willison, 2005; Young and Morrell, 2005). A different piece of research was conducted by the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS) and the Commission in 2015, which commissioned interviews with 3,034 employers and 3,254 mothers (Adams et al., 2015). 27 The other paper identified detailed research carried out with women returning from maternity leave in 2008 (Morris, 2014). It is important to note that between the times of the two research projects, significant changes have been made in regulating family-friendly working arrangements. This includes the Work and Families Act 2006, Additional Paternity Leave Regulations 2010, and the Children and Families Act 2014. The introduction of new policy is likely to have had an impact on workplace behaviour and have brought thinking about pregnancy and maternity rights to the forefront of the organisations’ practice.
most careful and reserved about. The privacy issues were quite unrelated to the system. Attrakdiff measures user experience, and while the systems are not the same they are more or less comparable on this level without causing wrong implications. Usability is focused on the extent to which the system can be used by specified users to achieve specified goals with effectiveness, efficiency and satisfaction in a specified context of use. When we look at the difference in the scoring of the system usability scale we immedi- ately see a large difference. The majority of the participants of the SmarcoS-diabetic evaluation score the system usability quite high (positive), as opposed to the SmarcoS- office worker evaluation in which only one participant scores the system ‘good’. When we compare the willingness of participants to use the system after evaluation we see the same. How can we explain this? We would like to argue that this is due to sev- eral factors already discussed. First of all, there is a difference between ‘patients’ and ‘non-patients’. Secondly, there probably is a difference between the stage of behaviourchange between the two participant groups, likely caused by being a patient and the increased importance of living a healthy life. Finally, the difference can be explained by the difference between the systems, and the fact that the most important feature of the SmarcoS-office worker version (activity feedback), was of less importance in the SmarcoS-diabetic version of the system. The participants of SmarcoS-diabetic evalua- tion experienced less feedback on activity. Therefore, problems and missing functionality also were less prominent.
This paper will be discussing some results obtained from a study concerned with changing students’ attitudes in Engineering Mathematics through working on mathematical thinking. The research was conducted in three different phases due to changes to the university’s entry requirements, the curriculum as well as due to the review of the previous phase. In total, eight groups of students were studied who were from the Faculties of Mechanical, Civil and Electrical Engineering. The research covered a general period from the second semester of 2001/2002 to the first semester of the academic session 2007/2008. An action research methodology was used as the process has several features that were appropriate to the research concerns. Firstly, action research is an intervention in personal practice with a commitment to educational improvement (Mcniff, Lomax & Whitehead, 1996). The teacher becomes the subject and object of research but with a greater awareness of the actions that are being carried out. It means that the teacher must investigate her actions and motives systematically, be critical of her interpretations and findings and be more open to alternative viewpoints. There should be a commitment to the actions implemented and the actions must be intentional. The process itself demands that the teacher becomes aware of the cycle of planning, action and review. She must alternates action with critical reflection, evaluating the research situation and back to the planning, modifying or changing if and when required. Secondly, action research will allow authentic description of the classroom environment to be made, the teacher’s actions as well as the students’ behaviour in the class. Various methods of collecting data was used, namely, observation, students’ working, discussion and interviews and various
Inﬂ uence of households on the environment can be quantiﬁ ed in two ways, which can be applied to lower and higher levels, i.e. to individuals, a town, and a state, by means of either ecological footprint indicators or the equation model for environmental pollution. The ecological footprint is an indicator which quantiﬁ es the natural capital used by households and compares it with the total capital available on earth. The following data are used for calculation: consumption, which is converted to the amount of biologically productive land and water areas needed to produce the given resources and to assimilate them while using given technologies (Rázgová, 1999). The equation for environmental pollution is given by the product of three variables: the size of the population, the impact of production technologies and consumption (Librová, 2003).