European Integration Theories

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Bringing Elites Sociology Back in European Integration Theories: A Case Study Based on Commissioners and Directors General

Bringing Elites Sociology Back in European Integration Theories: A Case Study Based on Commissioners and Directors General

The observation of types of careers shows that a mandate in the Commission is a stage  that does not necessarily boost a career. Either it is an end, in the sense that it puts an  end  to  the  career,  or  it  is  a  time  of  reconversion.  This  is  the  case  for  those  who  hold  economic  functions.  It  can  also  be  maintained.  For  former  ministers  who  find  a  ministerial  portfolio  back  at  the  end  of  their  EC  mandate,  having  worked  in  the  Commission  does  not  necessarily  provide  them  with  a  higher  position.  This  is  an  important  point,  as  it  is  counter‐intuitive  and  undoubtedly  obscured  by  some  major  cases such as Hillery, who became President in Ireland. One might think that as Döring  states,  the  expected  national  return  of  Commissioners  constitutes  a  way  to  apply  pressure, but also a promotion. This is actually not the case, which does not mean that  the  Commissioners  are  not  aware  of  it.  Among  the  11  ministers  who  resumed  ministerial duties, 2/3 of the ‘minor’ ministers were promoted, and there were 7 new  ministers. Another paper will elaborate on these paths and their implications in more  detail. The core of the matter here is that a College mandate rarely leads to a European  political  career,  but  rather  tends  to  be  a  conversion  operator  allowing  political  elites  that  have  invested  in  the  economic  field  to  continue  with  more  opportunities  in  this  field.  The  meaning  of  such  paths  also  resides  in  their  broader  elite  strategy,  and  not  necessarily in the construction of a specific European path. 
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European integration theories: The case of EEC merger policy

European integration theories: The case of EEC merger policy

Regarding the second neo-functionalist factor: were European industrialists in favour of an European merger regulation? European industrialists’ position towards the proposed regulation continued to be, in general, one of opposition or indifference (I 21, 1995; Woolcock, 1989).76 The business community considered that the 1981 and 1984 amendments had not modified the 1973 approach to merger control. The changes were merely ’cosmetic’. Moreover, for them, the early 1980s, with the rampant economic crisis, was not a suitable time to add such an instrument (I 21, 1995). In this sense, the Financial Times' issue of 2 February 1981 recorded that the Confederation of British Industry, in a report on the impact of EEC legislation on British business, had made ’a sharp attack on the European Community for trying to impose too many unnecessary laws and regulations on companies... ’ The report specifically stated that there was ’little appetite for new initiatives except in the Commission.’ According to the Financial Times' article, the Confederation of British Industry’s ideas ’gained support from other employer groups in the EEC, particularly the French, Italians and West Germans.’ Although some companies were dissatisfied with the pervasive uncertainty of how the Commission would treat any proposed merger under Article 86 of the EEC Treaty (Bishop, 1993; van Empel,
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Crises and opportunities : strengthened European Union economic governance after the 2008 financial crisis

Crises and opportunities : strengthened European Union economic governance after the 2008 financial crisis

EU’s recent development during 2010-2012 combating the European sovereign debt crisis: the European Semester, the European Systemic Risk Board (ESRB), and the European Stability Mechanism (ESM). The selection of only three integration theories is because of the trade-off between numbers of theories and depth of literature reviews within the given space of a dissertation, and this dissertation goes to a detailed and deep literature review of a limited number of theories instead of a general and shallow literature review of many theories. Then why are these three theories chosen? As the oldest and most influential European integration theories, neo-functionalism and intergovernmentalism have offered two competing as well as complementary theoretical frameworks to account for the European integration process; in comparison, exploring institutional aspects of the EU from a historical point view, HI highlights and particularly focuses on the prominent feature of the institutionalized EU, which also represents a converged point where the two traditional rivals — neo-functionalism and intergovernmentalism — meet. As for the selection of the three cases, the main consideration is that each of them falls into three distinctively different categories of approaches adopted by the EU to address the post-2008 crisis situation, while representing a typical measure of its category, and thus the cases selected bear enough variation. Each theory posits particular hypothesized causal mechanisms of ordered steps binding independent and dependent variables, and with the congruence method and the process-tracing technique, this dissertation has acquired the tools to confirm or reject the hypotheses, to possibly discover new variables or causal paths, and, more likely, to synthesize multiple causal chains linking the independent and dependent variables in a given hypothesis. The purpose of resorting to EU integration theories is to unravel the complicated EU project, to understand and to grasp the developing trends of the EU. Each hypothesis test and possible theoretical revision offers a particular explanation and/or prediction of the European integration project, and all together point to the answers to the MRQ of this dissertation: Along with the EU’s new measures and developments to counter the eurozone sovereign debt crisis after the 2008 global financial crisis, what path are the EU and EMU embarking on?
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The "Path Towards European Integration" of the Italian Constitutional Court: The Primacy of EU Law in the Light of the Judgment No. 269/17

The "Path Towards European Integration" of the Italian Constitutional Court: The Primacy of EU Law in the Light of the Judgment No. 269/17

sions on limitation, forming part of national substantive law, which prevent the application of effective and deterrent criminal penalties in a significant number of cases of serious fraud affecting the financial interests of the European Union, or which lay down shorter limitation periods for cases of serious fraud affecting those interests than for those affecting the financial interests of the Member State concerned, unless that disapplication entails a breach of the principle that offences and penalties must be defined by law because of the lack of precision of the applicable law or because of the retroactive application of leg- islation imposing conditions of criminal liability stricter than those in force at the time the infringement was committed” (ibidem, para. 62).
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The Integration of Cognitive and Sociocultural Theories of Literacy Development: Why? How?

The Integration of Cognitive and Sociocultural Theories of Literacy Development: Why? How?

The above cognitive theories of literacy development demonstrate the com- mon features that are valued and continue to be emphasized by influential institutions and current policies. If theories in practice reflect the lenses through which individuals see the world (Tracey & Morrow, 2006), the cogni- tive lens implies that individuals who stray from the prescribed stages are deficient in their literacy skills. From a critical literacy theory position (Tracey & Morrow), one must question whether adherence to this view disadvantages students who stem from non-mainstream backgrounds, whose out-of-school literacy practices conflict with these stages of development. This being the case, the school literacy practices discriminate against students from diverse back- grounds, blocking their success in literacy learning. An alternate school of thought is that the cognitive perspective of literacy development is indeed too limited in its understanding of how individuals learn to read and write; rather, the roles of individuals’ social and cultural environments must be considered.
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Interdependence and Contestation in European Integration

Interdependence and Contestation in European Integration

This section highlights different sites of contestation in the EU, and traces this con- testation back to the predominant use of EU law in securing congruence and stabilising interdependence between States. The problem with this approach to the management of interdependence is that it does not leave sufficient space for the more active compo- nent of the principle of congruence, which focuses on the need for those affected to be able to change a decision. First, contestation has emerged where EU law tries to make sense of redistributive questions. This can be seen in the context of the free movement – think of the contestation of the conditions under which migrants can access welfare benefits in their host State – but also in the context of the Euro-crisis (sub-section III.1). The second site of contestation is where EU law balances between individual rights and collective public policy norms – which is aimed at the conceptual and normative central- ity of the individual in the nature of EU law (sub-section III.2). The third site of contesta- tion that has emerged is where the EU’s norms are perceived to lead to identity costs on the national level. This can be traced in the refugee crisis, and, perhaps more structural- ly, in the process of differentiated integration (sub-section III.3). Brexit, finally, can be understood as the re-articulation of contestation of particular values or norms of EU law in a much more explosive format. The rejection of the whole edifice of integration is the logical conclusion of the processes discussed above. Without possibility to contest what the EU does , the only alternative form of contestation becomes the contestation of what the EU is (sub-section III.4).
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European competitiveness report - 2000. Commission staff working document. SEC (2000) 1823 final, 30 October 2000

European competitiveness report - 2000. Commission staff working document. SEC (2000) 1823 final, 30 October 2000

European competitiveness report 2000 Concerning the importance of European integration relative to the integration of Europe in world-wide service markets intra-EU versus extra-EU, data [r]

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Regional Economic Integration in Africa

Regional Economic Integration in Africa

EU impact on African regional integration The influence of the European Union on integration processes in Africa is multidirectional: on one hand, as the most developed integration commu[r]

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IR Theories Debate of European Integration

IR Theories Debate of European Integration

According to the EU multi-level governance model, supranational, national, sub-national as well as transnational actors and institutions all play a key role for European integration and the interaction of actor during the process of integration. Some dimension will be examined through this mode: firstly decision making competence is shared-centric power to the EU policies remains important but meets its limits. Secondly, policy-making at EU level involves in the loss of control for individual governments. Member states’ competence has been trans- formed to the sub-national level—regional and local authority. Actors at the sub-national as well as transnational level can by pass the national level on crucial issues. Thirdly, multi-level governance helps coordination among different private interests and construct the civil society and the civic participation in EU. The operation of structural funds can completely reflects the mode of multi-level governance and the interaction of different ac- tors level. The theory had four key points:
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The Road to European Integration

The Road to European Integration

At the international level, the UN was established in 1945, with the UN Security Council receiving unique competences on the legal use of force.8 In Europe, the Council of Europe was established in 1949, with a focus on democ- racy, the rule of law and human rights. The Council of Europe, which today has 47 Members, is best known for the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in Strasbourg, which applies the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The core idea behind the ECHR is precisely to have a fundamental rights court outside and above the state, so that it can offer protection against the state where necessary. Primary protection of fundamental rights, therefore, remains at the national level, but the ECtHR forms a safeguard where the state fails to respect fundamental rights. The Council of Europe, however, should not be confused with the EU. The Council of Europe is an independent, sepa- rate international organization, with a different and more limited mandate. It also is a less far reaching form of integration, and does not even come close to the level and scope of supranational integration achieved in the EU.
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"The Sociology of European Integration"

"The Sociology of European Integration"

classic class and occupational categories. It was also be about spatial formations and networks. No-one is suggesting that the European integration process is irreversible or that the social bases identified are cast in rock. The balance can change, earthquakes can happen; rights of mobility, movement across borders are a notably fragile achievement in a world still ruled by nationalised politics. But the stability of this construction over the fifty year long haul is striking. Even in the absence of an enthusiastic or highly mobilised population, and with the continual threat of political withdrawal, there is little to suggest any kind of roll back of European societal integration – and much to potentially suggest the opposite. Very little indeed may have yet been seen in terms of the consequences of everyday Europeanisation. Not that many people are moving, and only a minority have direct experience of the European citizenship rights of which the EU commission is so proud. But very few Europeans have been untouched in their material everyday lives by some aspect of European integration, and not many are actively imagining a different Europe. As is frequently said of the Erasmus generation, for whom Europe has become a banal, almost boring fact, it is too early to even see how deeply the European project has been anchored.
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The Future of a Hybrid Mechanism : The Case of
the Single Supervisory Mechanism

The Future of a Hybrid Mechanism : The Case of the Single Supervisory Mechanism

Non-Euro zone member states are not required to participate, as they do not possess the Euro as a single currency, and are not represented in the ECB's Governing Council. Decisions made by the ECB do therefore not apply within their borders. Non-Euro zone countries may, however, choose to establish a close cooperation agreement with the ECB to participate in the SSM. This creates the basis for the ECB to engage in close cooperation with that member states' responsible competent authority (Article 7(2)). The course of the cooperation between ECB and the respective NCA will be based on and explained in a Memorandum of Understanding. This would inter alia contain specifications regarding “the consultation relating to decisions of the ECB having effect on subsidiaries or branches established in the non-participating Member State”(see SSM Regulation paragraph (14)), proceedings in emergency situations as well as the establishment of early warning mechanisms. The respective countries will have to ensure “that their national competent authorities will abide by and adopt any measure in relation to credit institutions requested by the ECB” (Ibid. (42)). The close cooperation can be terminated by both sides, however, it should only be ended under exceptional circumstances. On the one hand, the ECB may suspend or terminate the cooperation in a case where the NCA of a country does not act in accordance with its obligations (Article 7(5)). Here, the ECB may issue a warning beforehand (Ibid.). Equally, a member state can request the ECB to terminate the cooperation, three years after the publication in the Official Journal of the European Union (Article 7(6)). The ECB then has three months to carry out this action.
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European Integration Model: Lessons for the Central American Common Market. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 6 No. 4 February 2006

European Integration Model: Lessons for the Central American Common Market. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 6 No. 4 February 2006

The customs unions among LDCs created to foster the development of import substituting industries are initially bound to be net trade diverting, since those industries supply a regional demand previously satisfied by imports from the rest of the world. The formation of these customs unions, however, is not irrational. Charles Cooper and Benton Massell, 7 and Harry Johnson 8 first provided an economic rationality for explaining them. LDCs consider industrialization as a rational social choice because they believe that it can give rise to substantial external economies or lead to an acceleration of economic growth. Given this social preference for industrialization, LDCs are willing to sacrifice some national income by not importing from the cheapest available source or/and by specializing in activities in which they do not possess static comparative advantages. Anything, such as the establishment of a customs union, lowering the cost of realizing the social preference for industrialization via import substitution, increases welfare and contributes to the countries’ development. A policy of economic integration among LDCs can, therefore, be justified, even if the standard conditions for static trade creation do not exist.
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Limits of European integration

Limits of European integration

A BSTRACT : While the issues of peace trough European integration are the subject of unprecedented scientific production, the new dynamic created by the Maastricht treaty seems rather pardoxal insofar as the European Union seems beneficial only to the last few years acceding States. The political and economic criteria are not well observed in the selection of the Member States of the European Union. Thus, rather than being limited to a simplistic reading based on the approach of the probable end of interstate rivalries, it seemed useful to draw the aspects of human development in order to verify whether, apart from the reduction of interstate bellicosity integration into the European Union in beneficial to the states that make it up.
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Products of their Past? Cleavages and Intra-Party Dissent Over European Integration. IHS Political Science Series Paper No. 118. February 2009

Products of their Past? Cleavages and Intra-Party Dissent Over European Integration. IHS Political Science Series Paper No. 118. February 2009

By far the most Eurosceptic party family, radical right parties should be relatively internally cohesive with regard to European integration, although their ambiguity concerning economics does open the door to mild dissent (Fieschi et al. 1996; Hooghe et al. 2004; De Vries and Edwards 2009). 10 Their internal unity stems from 1) the location of these parties decidedly at the right-authoritarian or tan (traditional, authoritarian, national) end of the new politics dimension and 2) the prominence of this dimension over the traditional economic left/right axis for these parties. Academics continue to debate the origin of the radical right as either a challenge to the new left on non-economic issues (e.g. nationalism and law and order) or as a response to economic insecurities and loss of confidence in governing parties (Ignazi 1992; Harris 1994; Kitschelt and McGann 1997; Flanagan 1987; Cole 2005), but the party family’s ideological emphasis on nationalism, anti-immigration, traditionalism, and respect for authority is undisputed. Campaign slogans such as ‘the Netherlands is full’ (List Pim Fortuyn), ‘Denmark for the Danes’ (Dansk Folkeparti), ‘in charge of our own country’ (Vlaams Blok) as well as calls for an end to Überfremdung (over-foreignisation) and publications like Jean-Marie Le Pen’s Les Français d’abord (The French First) illustrate the core sentiments of the radical right. With regard to Europe, scholars are quick to point out that their negative position (especially towards political integration) is simply an extension of radical right parties’ core domestic platforms (Fieschi et al. 1996; Hooghe et al. 2004: 134). In the words of Le Pen: ‘My European programme is a faithful extrapolation from the national programs of the National Front, since the same dangers which threaten France threaten Europe’ (as quoted in Fieschi et al. 1996: 239-40).
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A Spherical Shell Theories of Hybrid Anisotropic Materials

A Spherical Shell Theories of Hybrid Anisotropic Materials

Abstract Various spherical shell theories of hybrid anisotropic materials are developed and formulated by asymptotic integration approach. The behavior and characteristics of the theory can be significantly different from the classical isotropic materials to modern anisotropic materials. The spherical shell theory of hybrid anisotropic materials can be compared to the method of simulation solutions from already formulated cylindrical shell theories by authors. The spherical shell model is a 50 Degree spherical shell of laminated materials, which are basically anisotropic materials different properties and different thicknesses of each lamination. Starting from already established theories hybrid anisotropic cylindrical shells by authors, we invented similarities between the cylindrical and spherical shell theories to be able to predict pre-bucking or tensile deformation patters as well as stresses and strains.
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"The Language of Rights and European Integration"

"The Language of Rights and European Integration"

On a Durkheimian analysis of law, law exists largely as the expression or the visual symbol of an underlying organic social solidarity. Organic solidarity existed, in Durkheim's view, in a society which was interdependent and where the society shared the values reflected in the law (Durkheim, 1893). The process in the Community sometimes appears as the reverse, in which an attempt is being made to create solidarity through law, by declaring common principles and rights in the hope that these will influence the legal systems of the Member States as an integrating force. In creating by law the concept of European citizenship, it is hoped to encourage the people of one Member State to feel a sense of common cause with those in another state. Clearly, however, there may be a danger in the attempt to express and create uniform rights and values where there is diversity. Pahl has criticised the Community's concern with social cohesion, and has argued that its desire to ensure the same social rights across the Member States as a means to European integration is based on the assumption that social consensus is self-evidently a good thing, as well as "on the further assumption that such cohesion and consensus already exists at the nation state level" (Pahl, 1991: 358). However, it is possible that the Community's appeal to common values and to uniform rights does not necessarily assume or rely on the existence of cohesion at a national or local level, since the appeal of rights to specific groups (women, workers etc.) across national boundaries may have a certain integrating effect Community-wide without there being a consensus nation-wide on any given issue. Equally, for example, people living in Northern Ireland might seek to identify themselves through the idea of European citizenship as a way of transcending the conflict of national identities.
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Integration in European Defence: Some Legal Considerations

Integration in European Defence: Some Legal Considerations

permanent structured lies precisely in this. The norms are rigorous to a sufficient de- gree, while leaving MSs enough flexibility to pursue their own policies. Ultimately, it is precisely the reliance on policies rather than on legal factors the element that may guarantee the permanent structured cooperation’s success. Further research should explore if there are aspects of legal distinctiveness about the EDU; whether it is even “softer” and more intergovernmental than CFSP; how and to what extent EDU links with EU law proper; and, more theoretically, where it fits into the model of EU integration.
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Public Discourses in the Netherlands on the Freedom of Movement in the European Union: a Q-Methodological Approach

Public Discourses in the Netherlands on the Freedom of Movement in the European Union: a Q-Methodological Approach

Support for European integration is described in two ways, support for broadening or for widening. Regarding this support, there is a fear that an ever-wider EU would lead to an unmanageable situation in which the costs for Europe would be very high (Börzel & Risse, 2017). It would be better to focus on the deepening aspects of European integration and make sure that the current EU is functioning properly before moving on to widening. This is a sentiment that corresponds to the contents of the discourse on protectionism. The tendency here is that it is better to keep Schengen with the wealthy countries and limit it to the countries with the same levels of economic prosperity. This is also in line with the theoretical arguments on national identity, which state that citizens who perceive Europe as not complete capable of managing such a big territory, perceive their own nation state as their terminal community (Carey, 2002). What can be deducted from the sentiment of the third revealed discourse is that the ideas of respondents gather around West- European countries as the terminal community and that it should stay that way. Furthermore, the contents of the discourse correlate with the findings of Pietsch and Clark (2015) that there are several reasons for a rather negative point of view towards immigration in the Netherlands. One of these points is that newcomers receive several subsidies and other forms of social security, where Dutch citizens felt subordinated (Pietsch & Clark, 2015). Though I cannot find any feeling of subordination throughout the individuals I interviewed, I can conclude that the anti-migration sentiment is present. Where one of the respondents acknowledged that it is more important to have proper social security arrangements for indigenous people than for migrants, and that at the same time our citizens should not be without work when labour migrants have a broad scope of jobs to choose between. The downsides of free movement, including a lack of full integration of labour migrants into their host labour markets and corresponding institutions, are stipulated by some of the respondents; they claim that labour migrants only come here for work and leave right after the job is done, leading to a certain integration deficit. This downside is also described by Kahanec and Zimmermann (2014), and is part of the larger overview of negative views on the freedom of movement which includes social dumping and concerns about migratory flows (Delivet, 2014). Relating to this link between discourse and theory, one of the respondents remarked the following:
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Integration of European electricity markets

Integration of European electricity markets

2002, "Seeking the Single European Electricity Market: Evidence form an Empirical Analysis of Wholesale Market Prices." Working Paper EL 01, July, Oxford Institute for Energy Studies.. 2[r]

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