In addition to religious agency, mobility also impacted how African America ministers evangelized. As Michael Sobel states in Trabelin’ On: The Slave Journey to an Afro-Baptist
Faith the study of mobility is, perhaps, one of the most underdeveloped themes of slave religion,
though it is a widely studied topic in Atlantic world history. 8 Sobel contends that movement characterized slaves’ religious experiences, because it allowed them to escape their oppressive plantation homes to attend meetings and revivals. Furthermore, mobility also allowed African American preachers to visit slaves who could not leave their homes. 9 This established an intimate connection between these itinerant preachers and their informal congregations, while making movement a definitive characteristic of African American preachers’ evangelism. 10 Jon Sensbach also examines religious mobility in Rebecca’s Revival, which focuses on the work of a black female Moravian evangelist to slaves in St. Thomas. Most apparent in his chapter “The Road,” Sensbach explicates mobility’s potential impact on religious development, by examining how Rebecca and other evangelists utilized methods of itinerant evangelism in their ministry.
A recurring theme in this volume is the clash between the evangelical Enlightenment and the Romantic Movement, with the latter’s emphasis on emotion as opposed to reason.(24) The author suggests the Ferryden Revival was an instance of radical evangelicals, influenced by Romanticism, placing greater emphasis on instant conversion and immediate assurance, while showing more tolerance towards the physical phenomena than moderates who still adhered to Enlightenment rationality. This divergence goes a long way to explaining why moderates generally held a dualistic concept of revivals (they were good, but were also accompanied with some regrettable incidental physical evils), while the radicals held a monistic view that the physical manifestations were part of the work of God (pp. 176–9, 185, 191). Furthermore, he claims that the view of holiness taught at Moonta, that sanctification was not a matter of strenuous effort but of peaceful trust, was tinged with Romanticism. Indeed, it appears that ‘[t]hey were practising Keswick spirituality before Keswick began’ (p. 224). These are fine examples of how trends in theology were shaped by wider cultural and intellectual movements. Another interesting example of the interaction between religion and society is the relationship between urbanisation and revivalism. Professor Bebbington argues that urbanisation promoted the synthetic approach to revival, being neither explicitly Calvinist nor Arminian. Since revival meetings in urban centres were often funded by local business elites, it was important to appeal to the widest possible audience (pp 13–14). This raises interesting questions concerning the relationship between evangelism and commercial practices in the 19th century. The above examples adequately highlight how refusing to reduce the explanation of revivalism to social, cultural, economic or political factors does not require the historian to only examine religious history in theological terms. At the same time, a failure to adequately understand theology is surely fatal to the correct understanding of the history of belief. Professor Bebbington’s grasp of theology and his working knowledge of the Bible are clearly evident in this book. This should be expected of all historians of evangelicalism: after all, to write political or economic history without an adequate comprehension of politics or economics would surely be irrational.
they "created the impression that they were everywhere." Fellowship groups, local missionary societies, and Sabbath school committees conspiculously increased in numbers and endorsed the efforts of the S.P.G.H. All of this non-denominatiohal activity became an object of growing concern to every branch of Presbyterianism, While some may have regarded the movement as a threat to the foundations of organized churches, and some others may have been suspicious of it as a product of the ideas of the French Revolution, the primary opposition to this new manifestation of evangelicalism was its challenge to Presbyterian order. The S.P.G.H, had grown from within the church in the sense that most of its participants claimed membership or affiliation to some branch of the Reformed Church. On the other hand, it was a society outside Presbyterianism in that it had been established with out the sanction or official oversight of any denomination, and it had been significantly influenced and given personal support from English Congregationalist ministers. Thus, most of all, it offended the fundamental concepts of the authority of the Presbytery and the parochial system of an educated, ordained ministry. The Scottish Church had always magnified the office of preaching. The administra tion of the sacraments and the preaching of the Word were viewed as sacred duties which only could be assumed by those who had received approved training and who had been authorized by the jurisdiction of the Church. For laymen to undertake upon their own authority the
A second bond between Evangelicalism and the Enlightenment was optimism. A leading characteristic of the later Enlightenment of the second half of the eighteenth century was the idea of progress, the notion that humanity is advancing morally towards a better future. A similar optimistic temper marked Evangelicals. ‘More will in the end be saved than will perish’, declared Thomas Scott, the leading Anglican Evangelical commentator on the Bible. ‘Diseases, wars, passions’, he went on, ‘will all be subdued.’ 11 Scott’s confidence in the elimination of the scourges of humanity was a result of postmillennial teaching, the belief that the second coming of Jesus will not take place until after a millennium of peace and prosperity. On this reading of biblical prophecy, the millennium will dawn as a result of the gradual extension of the gospel and the consequent spread of Christian values throughout the world. In this vein the General Baptist Magazine carried an article in 1854 on the millennium envisaging not only the disappearance of moral evils but also such secular benefits as the end of ‘the oppressive weight of taxes that grind nations to the dust’. ‘Governments will still probably exist’, the writer remarked, ‘but theirs will then be an easy office; for all will be a law unto themselves.’ This happy state of affairs might take some time, but could be expected to arrive around the year 2016. 12 The postmillennial view was not unanimous among eighteenth-century Evangelicals, but, in the wake of the upheavals of the French Revolution, it became their general opinion. The launching of the missionary movement at the same juncture seemed to vindicate the expectation of the universal triumph of the gospel. The vigour of Evangelical postmillennialism goes a long way towards explaining the strength of the Victorian idea of progress. They were mutually reinforcing and, as the century wore on, virtually indistinguishable.
Georgetown is global ethnicity. It reintegrates all ethnic groups into one world. Many cultural festivals belong to globalism. With globalization trend, reshaping ethnic traditions in the Medan city of North Sumatra and in Georgetown-Penang changes the urban forms and festivals. The characters of these two cities, as urban cultural attraction centers, are surrounded by the blended rituals and hybrid performances. Therefore, the uniqueness of the historic cities is promoted with a series of festivals, carnivals and the restoration of colonial buildings. Moreover, Medan and Georgetown promote the cultural heritage reproductions of many exhibitions. Observed revivals of ethnic cultural products such as ethnic representations in the cities are mostly supported by the urban shopping malls and multinational companies. There is a buzzword for colonial Medan town; it is Medan petrodollar, the richest region of the Dutch Indies in the 20th century. The multiethnic city Georgetown symbolizes its specific identity; it is different from the other Malaysian cities, Kuala Lumpur and Johor. The Georgetown-Penang Festival shows that the city’s creative people are able to attract performers, visitors, tourists and journalists to be communitas in that annual event. A great variety of new shapes or new images of polyethnic cities has been re-contextualized within folkloric symbols; Georgetown-Penang upholds the legacy of the British, a city of living multiethnic cultures with a hundred temples. Playing the symbols in global festivals is the new characters of the cityscapes of Georgetown.
Presbyterian Church. Segregation within the evangelical church from this point on became as much of a part of their doctrine as the Second Coming. 10
This is development is unsurprising given that the origins of Christianity and slavery in this country were often justified by the claim that the enslavement of African people was noble because their conversion saved them from Hell. It also set forth a legal justification that did not allow those who had come from “Christian nations” to be enslaved, with state laws changing frequently over the years in order to close loopholes that would allow slaves to be free on the basis of their status as Christians. 11 During the Civil War and the Reconstruction period, the narrative within white evangelicalism shifted from that of an egalitarian basis to a patriarchal and white supremacist agenda. 12 Although mainline Protestants had historically shunned Baptists and Methodists for their belief in rebirth and full-body adult baptisms, they aligned themselves with the Confederacy prior to and during the war. This contributed significantly to the cultural isolation the South experienced and solidified evangelical ideas as a part of Southern identity. Kenneth Bailey quotes a Mississippi preacher who, towards the end of the War, summed up the new Southern mindset as such: “If we cannot gain our political independence, let us establish our mental independence.” 13
Since Latin America has been predominantly Catholic for over 500 years, several researchers have focused on the political role of the Catholic Church, using different theoretical approaches. Anthony Gill (1998) compares the actions of the Catholic Church to a market strategy, arguing that the Church’s stance towards the state depends on its dominant position. If the Catholic Church has no competition, they can peacefully continue their cooperation with the political elite; however, if the Church is threatened or challenged by other religious groups, they might need to oppose the state to get the public approval (Gill 1998, 48). The Catholic Church as an important player in the Latin American political field is also discussed by Jean Daudelin and W. E. Hewitt (1996). They compare two, sometimes opposing theoretical frameworks developed to analyse the relationship between politics and religion in Latin America. The institutional approach treats the church as an influential societal institution and focuses on its leaders and organizational structure (Daudelin & Hewitt 1996, 316). The people-ascendant approach, grounded in Marx’s class theory, argues that the church acts as a cultural and political arena for poorer members of society (Ibid., 320). While the political influence of the Catholic Church is a thoroughly researched area in Latin American politics, fewer studies exist for analysing the role of Evangelicalism in the continent’s politics. Many academic works that focus on Evangelical politics are over ten years old (e.g. Freston 2008). Since Evangelical groups cannot be considered a homogenous institution, such as the Catholic Church, assessing the former’s impact in the country’s political arena is complicated. The main variable that is usually studied is the emergence of Evangelical political parties.
Luarsab Togonidze, a chant historian and archivist, believed that such revivals must have occurred numerous times in Georgia’s past in response to major invasions and ensuing devastation. Even literary historian Donald Rayfield notes that the Georgian literary tradition had to be rebuilt time and time again, in response to incursions by the Arabs, the Persians, the Mongols, or Russians (2000:10). Thus, it is understandable how the music revivals discussed in this paper could be seen as part of a larger tradition of revivals – a tradition which extends beyond the musical sphere, reflects the survival of a nation and a fundamental characteristic of Georgians built into their psyche after centuries and centuries of invasion, fragmentation, devas- tation, fighting, reviving and surviving.
Pentecostal and charismatic expressions of Christian faith among Christian Brethren churches of northern Tanzania are the focus of this study. By tracing the historical developments of the Open Brethren and Pentecostal Movements, the work highlights similarities and distinctives which continue in the present to shape a new rising African Christianity that has been defined as ‘pentecostal evangelicalism’. Historical origins in mission endeavour shed light on the indigenous development of these Charismatic Brethren and Pentecostal Evangelicals. This new expression of faith is shown to be well adjusted to an African religious and cultural milieu in the given Tanzanian context. It is not denominationally situated but rather bears the marks of revivalist movements. The study incorporates an analysis of opinions expressed by Tanzanians through use of a Q Method survey and thereby attempts to define ‘pentecostal evangelicalism’. The thesis concludes by pointing to shema and shalom as theological nodes which describe these charismatic Brethren and suggests their understanding may have value beyond the shores of the African continent.
constructed the definition of evangelicalism primarily through negation—it was not anything else but evangelizing individuals. By understanding what evangelicalism was not, audiences could easily identify counterfeit definitions. Thus, anyone who claimed to be an evangelical but did not adhere to the “true” definition of evangelism was resisted as an outsider. Graham and the NAE used the appearance/reality type of dissociation as a powerful argumentative tool to define evangelicals as an exclusive group of Christians. The dissociation worked by framing progressive appearances of “evangelicalism” as deceptive. For Christian audiences, keen to recognize their susceptibility to deception, this framing unveiled the temptation to broaden the definition of evangelicalism to include “social concern” as a central focus of the faith and thereby exchange it with the “real” definition of evangelicalism. Mikhail M. Bakhtin argues, “As a result of the work done by…stratifying forces in language, there are no ‘neutral’ words and forms— words and forms that can belong to ‘no one’; language has been completely taken over, shot through with intentions and accents.” 100 The dissociations employed by Graham and the NAE might be understood as some of these “stratifying forces” because they associated certain terms within or outside of the evangelical agenda. “Social concern” became a term “shot through” with the “intentions and accents” of secular liberals or well- intentioned but misguided Christians. The implication for “social concerns” meant that not only were they secondary aims, but they needed to be approached through the lens of personal change.
So then, why all the angst? The answer lies in the racial dynamics of American evangelicalism. Although white evangelicals drove much of the economic and political success, evangelical regional numerical growth was due mostly to increasing numbers of nonwhite evangelicals in nonwhite spaces. For example, of the churches planted in Boston between 2001 and 2006 (98 total, 76 reporting data), nearly half conducted services in a language other than English or held bilingual services (Corcoran 2007:11). During my fieldwork, one southern church began a Spanish-language service to reach the city’s growing Latino population, and another southern church began a ministry for international college students. In both cases, the church’s primary means for meeting and incorporating newcomers (small groups) remained racially segregated, even as the church’s official membership showed increased racial diversity. Across the country, many nonwhite evangelicals bypassed historically white churches in favor of building their own institutions (Alumkal 2008; Ecklund 2006; Kim 2006). Indeed, nonwhite immigration buttressed American Christian majorities. Responding to white
evangelicalism has always been a "revival movement" with a potent grassroots, bottom up psychology and sociology. At the same time it is powerfully influenced by the cross-institutional top-down dynamics of national voices, networks and media outlets. An effective strategy must take both realities into account and take wise advantage of the synergy between the two modes of spiritual and cultural transformation.
MacVey made sizeable cuts to Behn’s original—“of speeches, of scenes, whole pages” (544). Also noteworthy was MacVey’s incorporation of a commedia style dumbshow dubbed
“Marriage-a-la-mode,” which followed each of the play’s carnival movements and unfolded in four episodes that dramatized the types of arranged marriages that a seventeenth century woman might experience in her lifetime: first, a young woman forced to marry an old man; next, a woman with a brood of children forced to marry an old wealthy man with his own brood of children; then, a middle-aged woman with even more children forced to marry an older but wealthier man with children in equal abundance; and finally, a young man forced to wed a wealthy, widowed woman. This idea of incorporating original, devised transitions that further explicated the world of the play for the audience would be taken up by later directors, such as Rebecca Patterson of Queen’s Company. MacVey flavored the carnival world into which Willmore makes his first entrance with sexual hyperbole and innuendo by having him enter from beneath the skirt of a grotesque giantess, a hoop-skirted woman on stilts, who screamed aloud, out of surprise or pleasure, when he exited her. In the words of MacVey, the giantess then “picked him up, smothered him in her oversized balloon breasts and hurled him to the ground, much to everyone’s delight” (544) [Figure 2]. This striking visual places Willmore in an emasculated light and depicts him as a spent object physically dominated by the opposite sex, a point of contrast to later revivals, such as Joanne Akalaitis’s, which graphically depicted men’s
To what extent was there a version of Christian Right politics at conservative evangelical churches during the height of the movement’s nationwide activity, and what forms did this dimension of the Christian Right take? Chapter 4 seeks to answer these questions through a close analysis of Bellevue’s congregational culture during the 1980s. By shifting attention away from elite-level mobilisation, it is hoped that this chapter will begin to describe the nature and experiences of the Christian Right at a congregational level. This will in turn lead to an enhanced understanding of the mechanisms through which conservative evangelicalism was involved with politics and the Republican Party at a non-elite level. The following paragraphs confirm the suggestion made at the end of the last chapter, that during the height of the Christian Right’s political influence Bellevue’s leaders hesitated to bring partisan politics into the pulpit. Rogers never, for example, explicitly endorsed the Republican Party during his sermons or in any other medium, even in the wake of the SBC’s embracement of the GOP at the 1982 denomination convention. Instead, this chapter finds that during the 1980s a new form of political culture had started to exist at the church, which despite being ostensibly non-partisan mirrored key features of Christian Right and Republican Party conservatism during the period. This entailed a novel willingness to apply conservative evangelical principles to the issues which had, by the beginning of the 1980s, become the key Christian Right battlegrounds, including abortion, women’s rights and church-state separation. Bellevue’s new form of political culture also consisted of a mimicking of Republican Party conservatism, such as the church’s staunch patriotism and pro-military rhetoric. Thus, although Bellevue’s leaders never went as far as actively endorsing the GOP, the church’s new form of congregational culture had the effect of bringing, in cultural and political terms, the congregation closer to the Party. These findings are important because when applied at a broader level they provide a framework for explaining conservative evangelicalism’s post-1980 political and electoral affinity with the Republican Party. It is not difficult to see how the political culture elucidated below translated into partisan voting behaviour and conservative political ideology.
toriographical tradition can claim the august authority of Alexis de Tocque- ville, who, as an observer of the country in the 1830s, was struck by the blend between ‘the spirit of religion and the spirit of freedom’, an expression of the temper of popular evangelicalism. 7 The fusion of religiosity with a love of liberty, according to de Tocqueville, made America different from Europe. The ﬁrst great church historian of the United States, the Swiss-American Philip Schaff, was more balanced. Schaff believed that American religion was dis- tinctive because, unlike European Christianity, it emerged from a Protestant rather than a Catholic background, and because it operated in an environment where church and state had been separated, but he also held that since its roots were in Europe, especially in England, it retained much in common with its
majority of women, the domestic work is left for the end of the day. 6 Regardless, the
double burden in many cases explains a women’s preference for male support as opposed to full-time employment. 7
Also important in the domestic equation are the new trends of consumerism in Latin America. Compared to earlier generations, families today experience a relatively greater degree of material comfort. Consumer patterns have shifted in the direction of household-based items, such as refrigerators, microwaves, or televisions. Characteristically, these goods are significant because they reflect the consistent pattern of status acquisition that moves beyond the individual and focus more on the family or household. Thus, one can better understand why individual machismo consumption patterns, like drinking at the local tienda de la esquina (corner store), impinges on household based consumption patterns. These patterns are one of the many compelling reasons why women are initially drawn to evangelicalism, a religion that reigns in the excess of machismo.