Failed States

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Failed States in a World of Terror

Failed States in a World of Terror

But not all of the states that fit this general profile fail. Some rush to the brink of failure, totter at the abyss, remain fragile, but survive. Weakness is endemic in many developing nations -- the halfway house between strength and failure. Some weak states, such as Chad and Kyrgyzstan (and even once-mighty Russia), exhibit several of the defining characteristics of failed states and yet do not fail. Others, such as Zimbabwe, may slide rapidly from comparative strength to the very edge of failure. A few, such as Sri Lanka and Colombia, may suffer from vicious, enduring civil wars without ever failing, while remaining weak and susceptible to failure. Some, such as Tajikistan, have retrieved themselves from possible collapse (sometimes with outside help) and remain shaky and vulnerable, but they no longer can be termed "failed." Thus it is important to ask what separates strong from weak states, and weak states from failed states. What defines the
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Food Is Security: The Nexus of Health Security in Fragile and Failed States

Food Is Security: The Nexus of Health Security in Fragile and Failed States

Owing to unknown future crop yields in most types of agriculture, financial instruments have been developed for investors to wager on the future price of many agricultural commodities; this helps offset the economic ef- fects of potential crop losses. If crop yields for a commodity (e.g. wheat and grain) are greater than expected in a certain market, the market price may drop. Conversely, if there is a poor harvest and less grain is reaped, the market price would rise precipitously. In fragile and failed states, market forces can be altered by conflict, war, dysfunctional humanitarian programming or other food aid into a market, corrupt practices and complete break- down in rule of law and economic infrastructure. This can be seen best with international currency tariffs on outflows of money, closing of banks or not making good on past deposits, collapse of any fledging financial sector and uncontrollable inflation making local currencies worthless. The market manipulation that was seen through commodity markets and traders in recent years has led to soaring prices and food insecurity [38]-[40].
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Economic governance in failed states : a study of the money men in Afghanistan

Economic governance in failed states : a study of the money men in Afghanistan

Heffer & Sons Morton, Adam 2005 'The "Failed State" of International Relations,' New Political Economy 103: 371-379 Mosco, Vincent 2004 The Digital Sublime: Myth, Power, and Cyberspace C[r]

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How the news media have failed to interrogate the concept of failed state, the case of Pakistan

How the news media have failed to interrogate the concept of failed state, the case of Pakistan

The first group of scholars are in favour of that term and taking it as a useful and identifiable category for analysis and the threats they represent basically change the way that we need to think about security (Newman, 2009). Derick Brinkerhoff (2005) argues that the label of failed state has been employed to describe extreme cases of collapse such as Somalia and Liberia (Brinkerhoff, 2005). Chester Crocker (2003) points out in his work on failed state that state failure is a gradual process and he urges that for better and safer world, US government needs efforts to tackle terrorism and rogues (Crocker, 2003). Croker further says that the failed states like Afghanistan are safe haven for terrorists. Haims, Gregory Streans, David Treverton and Marla Gompert (2008) endorse the term of failed state, they argue that „Failed states present a variety of dangers: religious and ethnic violence; trafficking of drugs, weapons, blood diamonds, and humans; transnational crime and piracy; uncontrolled territory, borders, and waters; terrorist breeding grounds and sanctuaries; refugee overflows; communicable diseases; environmental degradation; warlords and stateless armies‟ (Haims, Gompert, Treverton, and Stearns, 2008).
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International law and state failure   Somalia and Yugoslavia

International law and state failure Somalia and Yugoslavia

From this consideration the basic principles will emerge that are utilised by the international legal community in their treatment of failed States: government as a criterion, self-deter[r]

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The Fire-Breathing Dragon and the Cute, Cuddly Panda: The Implication of China's Rise for Developing Countries, Human Rights, and Geopolitical Stability

The Fire-Breathing Dragon and the Cute, Cuddly Panda: The Implication of China's Rise for Developing Countries, Human Rights, and Geopolitical Stability

Failed regimes present an interesting case. A stronger, more powerful China, whether democratic or not, is likely to perceive failed states as a threat to geopolitical [r]

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U. S. Foreign Policy Agenda 2005-2009: Why West Africa Barely Features

U. S. Foreign Policy Agenda 2005-2009: Why West Africa Barely Features

foreign policy agenda which is primarily geared towards protecting Middle Eastern oil supplies, combating anti-American aggressive failed states and fightingfundamentalist Islamic terror[r]

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Handover Modeling of Multiple States of Mobile Node in a Five Node Network Model

Handover Modeling of Multiple States of Mobile Node in a Five Node Network Model

Consider network model where there are five network nodes. These nodes can be in any of the four possible states, namely, Cooperative, Malicious, Selfish or Failed State. Definitions for these four states can be found in ref. [20, 21]. The five node network model proposed by [7] has all the nodes in cooperative state and may be referred to as single state model. In this work, three other states are considered where the mobile can lie. The model that is presented in this work may be called as four state model.

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One country, two societies? Germany twenty years after reunification. OSW Study 35/2011

One country, two societies? Germany twenty years after reunification. OSW Study 35/2011

cellor, Helmut Kohl, promised “blossoming landscapes” in the new federal states within 3 or 4 years following reunification. The reality has turned out to be much more complex. The process of the two Germanys growing into one has proven much more difficult and longer, and its costs – both financial and social – have exceeded even the most pessimistic forecasts. Germany has not managed to achieve total unity twenty years after the reunification treaty date. Deep divides still exist between the old and the new federal states. This primarily concerns mindsets: Germans from both parts of the country still do not see themselves as one nation, which is manifested through mutual stereotypes, differences in behaviour and also in such essential areas as the understanding and interpre- tation of the histories of the two German states until 1989 (for example, the dispute as to whether the GDR was a lawless state). All this strengthens the division of society, which can be seen for example within the political elite and in the media, which are opening up to representatives of the new federal states very slowly. The remaining differences in self-perception and the perception of their own lives are also reflected in their dissimilar behaviours during elections and in political preferences. Voter turnout is as a rule lower in the new federal states than in the west of Germany. The FDP and the Green Party are less popu - lar, whereas radical right groupings and the Left Party have more supporters in the east of Germany. It has also proved impossible to eliminate the differences in the economic development levels of western and eastern federal states over the last twenty years. Nevertheless, industrial centres have already been estab- lished in the southern new federal states (Thuringia, Saxony and Saxony- -Anhalt) as in the southern states in the west of the country, which are the strongest in this regard. However, funds transferred from the federal budget and the budgets of individual federal states, as well as EU subsidies, have caused a noticeable improvement in the condition of the economy and infra-
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Royal v. Taylor
188 F.3d 239 (4th Cir. 1999)

Royal v. Taylor 188 F.3d 239 (4th Cir. 1999)

The United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit made the following rulings: (1) Royal failed to produce sufficient evidence indicating that he was factually innocen[r]

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State–society relations in a dynamic framework: The case of the Far East and Sub Saharan Africa

State–society relations in a dynamic framework: The case of the Far East and Sub Saharan Africa

The growing size of the public sector in democratic countries, along with the successful development strategies of some Asian countries (the so-called newly industrialised economies), however, made it inevitable to redefine the state both as an independent actor with its own goals and also as a society-shaping entity. In this new approach, the state had become able to structure not just the relationship between civil society and the state but also within society (Stepan 1985). The passive state had been replaced by an active one, which was not considered anymore as simply an arena for competing interests but as an institutionalised structure. The state, thus, was able to institute policies without the consent of its governed society. Skocpol (1985:9) rephrased this elegantly as the following: “states conceived as organizations claiming control over territories and people may formulate and pursue goals that are not simply reflective of the demands or interest of social groups, classes or society.” The new understanding of the state, however, required new concepts and methods as well. Consequently, state-centred approaches turned to on the phenomena of state capacity and autonomy. In strong contrast to the former pluralist and Marxist theories, where societal forces were more able to shape the state (and policy) than the degree to which the state could influence society’s behaviour, the so-called statist theories claimed that the state did have enough autonomy to define its own goals and to transform them into policy choices; and also that the state possessed the capacity to control the society and to implement its goals. 8
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Marijuana as a Holy Sacrament: Is the Use of Peyote Constitutionally Distinguishable from That of Marijuana in Bona Fide Religious Ceremonies

Marijuana as a Holy Sacrament: Is the Use of Peyote Constitutionally Distinguishable from That of Marijuana in Bona Fide Religious Ceremonies

The following cases involve members of other religions seeking a marijuana exemption: United States v. 1989) (Native American failed to convince court that possession a[r]

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World War I and peace : the development and rise of the peace process in early twentieth century United States

World War I and peace : the development and rise of the peace process in early twentieth century United States

At this point, all was not lost for Wilson. The Germans still wished for his brand of peace, stating that they would sign a treaty if it more resembled Wilson’s fourteen points. 36 However, Wilson did not have the same passion that once fueled his drive to end wars. When Germany began to debate the Treaty of Versailles, the peace conference participants debated the idea of occupying Germany until they accepted the peace treaty. With twenty-four hours until the Allied deadline for signing the treaty left, Wilson took the last step in his fall from grace. Wilson seemingly stated that if the Germans did not sign the treaty, the blockade that was established to restrict food for German civilians would be reimposed. 37 It is interesting to note the wording of this debate about the blockade. There are several sources out there that paint the picture that Wilson himself wanted to impose the blockade. Writers like Martin Gilbert and Thomas Fleming write about this act in such a way that Wilson himself had the idea to reimpose the blockade as a means to have Germany sign the Treaty. However, Klaus Schwabe notes that Wilson simply stated to the British, whom Schwabe says was the party responsible for wanting to reimpose the blockade, that it could be used as a last option. Since Schwabe cites the Foreign Relations of the United States, Papers, which directly quotes the leaders of the peace conference, it is hard to argue against his point. However, this does not render views of the other authors wrong. If Gilbert and Fleming believe that Wilson considering the idea of a blockade was violating the original ideas of peace without victory, which is not flatly stated in either example, then it could be considered by these authors that Wilson was just as guilty as if he were the one imposing the blockade himself. Either way, the Germans were eventually muscled into signing a peace treaty, which is sadly ironic.
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Beck v. Angelone
261 F.3d 377 (4th Cir. 2001)

Beck v. Angelone 261 F.3d 377 (4th Cir. 2001)

Supreme Court of Virginia failed, Beck pe *'oned for a writ of habeas corpus in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia. Beck's habeas petitio[r]

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The Broad Challenge to Democratic Leadership: The Other Crisis in Education

The Broad Challenge to Democratic Leadership: The Other Crisis in Education

Ravitch (2010) observed that the discourse of crisis is used to justify strategies for streamlining and centralizing governance. In a move common among neoliberal reformers, Broad links enduring problems of student achievement with anxiety about economic/ political security for the United States. By casting educational reform as a national security issue in which there is no time for mistakes, strong-armed leadership becomes a legitimate and necessary turn away from the slow, cumbersome modalities of public governance. (Meanwhile, other crises of globalization, such as climate change, do not appear to be urgent issues— or educa- tional issues at all— in the Broad leadership agenda.) Perversely, Broad positions the work of his foundation as a defense of democ- racy: Attacks on teachers unions, school boards, and university- based leadership preparation become protection of the common good in a globalized era.
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Bulletin of the European Communities, No  1 1984

Bulletin of the European Communities, No. 1-1984

In January the Commission sent letters of formal notice to nine Member States concerning their failure to incorporate directives into national law, since they had failed to inform the Co[r]

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China and Europe: engagement, multipolarity and strategy

China and Europe: engagement, multipolarity and strategy

problems with seeing China–Europe relations in this way. The first is what constitutes balancing behaviour and if there is sufficient evidence for this in the case of China and Europe. The second is the ambiguous status of Europe or the European Union as international actors. Balance-of-power theory’s focus on the relative material capability and the alliance or ‘axis’ relations of states does not adapt well to the multi-state or ‘supranational’ structure of Europe or the European Union. There may not only be a problem in demonstrating that China and Europe are balancing the United States, but also in expecting this to be a realistic possibility in a relationship of this kind. Despite several variations in balance-of-power theory, the core argument of most relevance to contemporary international relations is that ‘hege- monies do not form in multi-state systems because perceived threats of hegemony over the system generate balancing behaviour by other lead- ing states in the system’ (Levy 2004: 37; see also Waltz 1993: 77; 2000: 5–6). The absence of clear rivals to US ‘hard’ power over almost two decades has not shaken the convictions of some balance-of-power theorists; rather, they have shifted their attention to ‘soft balancing’. Soft balancing is said to occur when states ‘generally develop ententes or limited security understandings with one another to balance a potential threatening state or rising power’ (Paul 2004: 3; see also Oswald 2006; Pape 2005; Walt 2005: 126–32). Although this is a latent version of balancing, it relies on a conceptual link with con- ventional balance-of-power theory. Soft balancing remains a response to the hegemonic state, conceived as a potential security threat, and foreshadows a major shift in the structure of international politics that goes beyond simple issue-driven ‘diplomatic wrangling’ (Brooks and Wohlforth 2005: 73, 105).
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Euroforum - Europe day by day No. 16/79, 19 October 1979

Euroforum - Europe day by day No. 16/79, 19 October 1979

Western industrial countries, including the European Community's Nine Member States, have failed to cut oil imports significantly or produce energy-efficient societies according to the I[r]

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The failed promise of foreign direct investment: some remarks on ‘malign’ investment and political instability in former Soviet states

The failed promise of foreign direct investment: some remarks on ‘malign’ investment and political instability in former Soviet states

The goal of this paper is to question the dominant orthodoxy of FDI which suggests that increased foreign investment will, in virtually all instances, benefit the recipient nation. This orthodox has an extensive academic pedigree (Balasubramanyam, Salisu, and Sapsford, 1996; Borensztein, De Gregorio and Lee, 1998; De Melo, 1999; Dyker, 1999) which loosely underpins a well established policy discourse which emphasises ‘the creation of a positive investment climates’ and the need to ‘create institutions which are complementary to investment’ (Guisinger, 1985; Mudambi and Navarra, 2002). Implied in this orthodoxy is the assumption that, firstly, the failure by certain regions to exhibit sustained growth can be attributed to a lack of?ability to attract foreign investment, and, secondly, that the inability to attract lasting foreign investment, itself, can be attributed to institutional deficiencies of the potential recipient country. Applied to former Soviet states, other than the Baltics, this narrative typically identifies corruption, lack of legal and institutional reforms and insufficient liberalisation as root cause for the insufficiency of economic and social development in these countries (Estrin, Hughes and Todd, 1997; Fabry and Zeghni, 2002; Bevan, Estrin and Meyer, 2004).
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Chapter 3 Notes

Chapter 3 Notes

• Too little power to the states (direct government) • Assault on state sovereignty. • Absence of a Bill of Rights = failed to provide the[r]

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