Female labor force participation

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The Effect of Household Appliances on Female Labor Force Participation: Evidence from Micro Data

The Effect of Household Appliances on Female Labor Force Participation: Evidence from Micro Data

di¤usion of home appliances such as washing machines, freezers, etc. in the post-WWII pe- riod played an important role in “liberating”women from housework and in propelling them into the workforce. According to GSY, the adoption of time-saving technologies occurred because of a surge in the rate of technological progress in the home durable goods sector. Consequently, the quality-adjusted relative price of home appliances declined. Building on Becker (1965) and Gronau (1977), GSY develop a dynamic equilibrium model in which a household jointly determines female labor force participation and home appliance purchases. GSY calibrate a version of their model and show that the observed decline in the relative price of home appliances can explain about 50 percent of the increase in married women’s labor force participation rates between 1900 and 1980.
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Reproductive Work and Female Labor Force Participation in Rural India

Reproductive Work and Female Labor Force Participation in Rural India

The United Nations System of National Accounts (SNA) in fact includes many ‘allied’ activities, related to production of water, fuel and food, in SNA calculations even though these are not produced for the market (Razavi 2007). The NSS, however, excludes both allied activities and domestic activities from calculation of the official labor force. The official and problematic reason provided for not even including subsistence production of goods (allied activities) in labor force calculation is that such activities are carried out by an insignificant number of people (Hirway 2012). This exclusion from official statistics means that often these reproductive activities are perceived as unproductive leisure activities, a tendency which feminists have long criticized (Power 2004). Most contemporary studies of female labor force participation neither question this limited definition of the official labor force, nor differentiate between the categories of ‘domestic’ and ‘domestic and allied’ work (se Naidu 2016; Siddiqui et al 2017 for exceptions). Rather, the proponents of the income effect hypothesis treat reproductive labor as ‘status producing’ (e.g. Abraham 2011), and thus disregard the considerable body of work on the importance of reproductive labor to household survival and reproduction.
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The quantitative role of child care for female labor force participation and fertility

The quantitative role of child care for female labor force participation and fertility

At the Barcelona meeting in March 2002, the European Council recom- mended that its member states remove “barriers and disincentives for female labor force participation by, inter alia, improving the provision of child care facilities”, European Council (2002). Even quantitative targets for the level of provision were set. By 2010, the EU member states shall provide child care for 33% of all children younger than age three and for 90% of all chil- dren aged three to mandatory school age. In 2008, the German government passed a law that aims at implementing the target value for children younger than age three. In a dossier accompanying the actual bill, the German Fed- eral Ministry of Family Affairs, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth further motivated this target value by recognizing that for women “good conditions for the compatibility of family and working life are a prerequisite to fulfill their desired fertility level” and by “the exemplary standards in Western and Northern European countries, for which a relationship between child care enrollment, maternal employment and fertility is observed”, see Sharma and Steiner (2008). Governments may provide child care and promote female la- bor force participation and fertility for several reasons, e.g. investment in children’s human capital, gender equality or to alleviate the economic conse- quences of the demographic change for the labor market and social security system. In this paper I am after a more basic question, namely to quantify in how far (not) providing child care constitutes a barrier or disincentive for female labor force participation and fertility choices.
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Bridging gender gaps? : The rise and deceleration of female labor force participation in Latin America

Bridging gender gaps? : The rise and deceleration of female labor force participation in Latin America

Female labor force participation is desirable on several grounds, including but not limited to female empowerment and poverty reduction. For these and other reasons, promoting female employment should be among a society’s objectives. In fact, one of the United Nation’s Millennium Development Goals is to “promote gender equality and empower women”, a goal monitored by the share of women in employment, among other indicators. Promoting female LFP seems particularly relevant in Latin America, given two facts that are stressed in this book: the level of female engagement in the workforce is lower than in other regions of the world, and it has largely reduced its speed of growth over the last decade. Moreover, both facts are particularly marked for vulnerable women. While highly-educated women in large urban areas in Latin America have employment levels not far from their counterparts in developed countries, vulnerable women are either less attracted to join the workforce or find more restrictions to enter the labor market. This dual situation is complex, and it reflects a host of different driving factors, from social norms to the weak labor perspectives for women with low formal education and other social disadvantages.
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The quantitative role of child care for female labor force participation and fertility

The quantitative role of child care for female labor force participation and fertility

not necessarily reflect causality and (due to data availability) only display the actual enrollment rates and not the provision rates of child care. Hence, with regard to the main question asked in this paper these figures do not permit to draw conclusions on how far (not) providing child care constitutes a barrier or disincentive for female labor force participation and fertility choices. Moreover, the relationships crucially hinge on the age of the children. For children aged three to five the previously significant positive correlations become negative or much weaker and are no longer statistically significant, see Figure 2. This suggests a very different role of child care for maternal labor force participation decisions in the two age groups. In this context, Figures 1 and 2 reveal another important relationship. The labor force participation rate of mothers with children aged zero to two exceeds the corresponding child care enrollment rate on average by 29 percentage points. To the contrary, for mothers with children aged three to five the child care enrollment rate exceeds the maternal labor force participation rate on average by 19 percentage points. Put differently, paid child care is used heavily by non-working mothers (of children between age three and five) whereas a substantial fraction of mothers (of children below age three) works without using any paid child care. This gap cannot be explained by the usage of nannies or alike as those arrangements are already included in paid child care enrollment. Note that this also holds in the
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Increasing female education, stagnating female labor force participation, and gains from marriage: The case of rural Bangladesh

Increasing female education, stagnating female labor force participation, and gains from marriage: The case of rural Bangladesh

Despite progress toward gender equality in education in Bangladesh, its female labor force participation (FLFP) rate has been stagnant relative to that of men, especially in marginal rural areas. To identify the overall benefit of schooling investment in women in rural Bangladesh, we examine the impact of female educational attainment on not only FLFP but also gains from marriage and household welfare. Applying a fuzzy regression discontinuity design where plausibly exogenous variation in school enrollment is created by the nationwide stipend program for women, we find moderate impacts of female education on FLFP, while it has positive and significant effects on the husband’s schooling and household income, particularly from non-farm activities. The results also show the significantly positive impacts of women’s education on sanitation control and children’s health. These findings indicate that female schooling enhances women’s role and well-being through marriage and household activities rather than their labor market activities.
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Female Labor Force Participation in Urbanization Process: The Case of Turkey

Female Labor Force Participation in Urbanization Process: The Case of Turkey

Like i n many developing countries , women in rural labor markets of Turkey mostly work as unpaid family workers in agriculture and in some non-market activities such as home production and voluntary jobs. It is observed that from 1950’s to today women’s labor force participation rates (LFPRs) in urban areas have been diminished dramatically. Besides other factor s that reduces women’s LFP in urban areas, ongoing migration from rural to urban areas seems to play the dominant role in this result. It appears that as a result of migration rural female workers are left without any jobs in the cities. Several factors can be taken into account to explain this transformation such as; cultural values against women’s participation in market work, women’s lack of education and marketable skills, unfavorable labor market conditions and increases in enrollment rates in all levels of schooling. In this paper, we have explained the characteristics, causes and dimensions of female labor force participation in urbanization process of Turkey.
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Culture as Learning: The Evolution of Female Labor Force Participation over a Century

Culture as Learning: The Evolution of Female Labor Force Participation over a Century

Married women's labor force participation has increased dramatically over the last century. Why this has occurred has been the subject of much debate. This paper investigates the role of culture as learning in this change. To do so, it develops a dynamic model of culture in which individuals hold heterogeneous beliefs regarding the relative long-run payoffs for women who work in the market versus the home. These beliefs evolve rationally via an intergenerational learning process. Women are assumed to learn about the long-term payoffs of working by observing (noisy) private and public signals. They then make a work decision. This process generically generates an S-shaped figure for female labor force participation, which is what is found in the data. The S shape results from the dynamics of learning. I calibrate the model to several key statistics and show that it does a good job in replicating the quantitative evolution of female LFP in the US over the last 120 years. The model highlights a new dynamic role for changes in wages via their effect on intergenerational learning. The calibration shows that this role was quantitatively important in several decades.
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Public Day Care and Female Labor Force Participation: Evidence from Chile

Public Day Care and Female Labor Force Participation: Evidence from Chile

This paper uses data of the Chilean public day care centers with their corresponding number of vacancies to estimate the effect this policy has on female labor force participation. Using the difference-in-difference approach for quasi natural experiments, I find a positive effect on Labor Force Participation of poor women to be 2.6-10 percent increase in the labor force of poor fam- ilies. However, once I control for observable family and individual characteristics, I no longer find a significant effect on the labor force participation, employment or hours of work of eligible women. I perform robustness checks by looking at different eligibility criteria considering the mothers’ schooling level and the age of their children. I additionally look at the possible impact of alternative labor outcomes as occupational status and hours worked, and I am not able to find a positive significant effect. I conclude that it is not possible yet to infer that this policy has had the desired side effect.
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Female Labor Force Participation and Childcare Policies

Female Labor Force Participation and Childcare Policies

Taking advantage of the Czech LFS microdata we further show that not all women taking care of their young offspring stay at home voluntarily. Detailed regression analysis reveals that more than 12% of 30 years-old college-educated mothers on parental leave with 3 years old children would like to work if they had this opportunity. Using regression results identifying the involuntarily inactive mothers and the hourly wages by education level provided by the Structure of Earnings survey we estimate that bringing the involuntarily inactive mothers to the labor market by, for example, improving the availability of childcare, could increase female labor force participation rate among the age group 30-39 by one percentage point and bring 264 million EUR (in a generous scenario) or 48 million EUR (in a modest scenario) in yearly wages. Even in the modest scenario the state budget income generated by these additional workers would be enough to finance 10 000 new places in public kindergartens. 8
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Cash transfers and female labor force participation: the case of AUH in Argentina

Cash transfers and female labor force participation: the case of AUH in Argentina

The existence and quantitative relevance of these unintended effects are at the core of the current social protection debate in Latin America. The economic literature on the impact of massive income programs on the labor markets is still incipient but growing. 3 This study contributes to this literature by assessing the potential impact on female labor force participation of a large cash transfer program implemented in Argentina, targeted to poor unregistered households with children. Specifically, the Universal Child Allowance for Social Protection (AUH for its acronym in Spanish) pro- vides a monthly benefit per child to households whose members are unemployed or working in the informal sector (i.e., unregistered). The AUH is a massive conditional cash transfer program launched in 2009, which covers around 30% of all children under 18 years and more than two million families in Argentina (15% of total households in the country). The real value of the AUH benefit per child, which has remained rela- tively constant over time, represents 14% of the legislated minimum wage and hence a significant rise of the mean household income for unemployed and informal house- holds with children (i.e., the potential beneficiaries of the program). For a typical poor participant household with three children, the benefit implies an increase of almost 35% in their total household income. These values place the AUH benefit among the largest in Latin America (Stampini and Tornarolli 2013).
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Grandparents’ Childcare and Female Labor Force Participation

Grandparents’ Childcare and Female Labor Force Participation

If we think of grandparent’s availability as a childcare subsidy, reducing the cost of childcare (increasing grandparental availability in our case) should have a greater im- pact on labor force participation of young mothers who are likely to be constrained by prices of formal childcare 15 . To further test this hypothesis, we divide the sample by background characteristics of young mothers in Table 4. We can see that indeed, the magnitude of FE coefficient estimates is larger than the baseline estimates from Table 3 for minorities, young women who are single or have never been married, and young mothers whose parents where separated by the time they were 14 years old. Nonethe- less, the effect is surprisingly smaller for teenage mothers and not significantly higher for women who live in a poor household. It is important to note, however, that female labor force participation is, on average, 26 percentage points higher in poor households than in wealthier households.
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Conservative Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Working Women: Conservative Religious Affiliation and Female Labor Force Participation, 1974-2004.

Conservative Protestant Ethics and the Spirit of Working Women: Conservative Religious Affiliation and Female Labor Force Participation, 1974-2004.

limitations I was unable to address this variance and its implications for my results. There is reason to believe that CPs who come from and/or identify with different traditions (e.g. Evangelical, Fundamentalist, Pentecostal) may have different views on education, family, and gender issues and those differences may produce different behavioral outcomes (Beyerlein 2004; Denton 2004; Gallagher 2003). Although social scientists continue to struggle with measuring variations within conservative Protestantism, future research may be able to take these variations into consideration to a greater extent. The second measurement issue is the measurement of LFP. In this research I measured LFP as a dichotomous variable, although I used an ordinal measurement in earlier investigations. Because of the ideological nature of the issues concerning the participation of CP women in the labor force, measuring whether a woman is or is not in the labor force makes sense. Although I found an ordinal measure not to be useful, some other formulation of an ordinal LFP measure or a continuous variable might add more information to the problems addressed in this paper. For if CPs truly approach LFP from a family-centered ethic it might not only affect their being in or out of the labor force but also the extent of their labor force involvement.
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“Isn’t it time you were finishing?”: fertility and female labor-force participation in England,1860-1920

“Isn’t it time you were finishing?”: fertility and female labor-force participation in England,1860-1920

One option for a mother working in the labor market was to prioritize domestic labor, sacrificing income; this was easier (according to the hypothesis) in higher-income families. A second was to prioritize income, sacrificing the comfort that required domestic labor to produce. Socially encoded meanings of women’s employment, gender roles within the home, and of different forms of consumption were integral to these choices. For example, standards of respectability usually penalized this second course. These were, then, harsh choices. A third option, which escaped some of the difficulty, was to alter the previously fixed parameter of completed family size. At any given combination of market and domestic labor, more welfare could be provided for each child (indeed, each family member) in a smaller family than in a larger one. This argument sometimes presented itself, to mothers of the 1860s and after, as a contrast between the conditions which they had experienced growing up in large families and the possibilities available in smaller ones (Humphries 2007).
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The Demographic Dilemma: Fertility, Female Labor Force Participation and Future Growth in Germany 2007-2060

The Demographic Dilemma: Fertility, Female Labor Force Participation and Future Growth in Germany 2007-2060

While male participation fluctuated around a value of about 80% be- tween the years 1992 to 2006, female participation rose steadily from 61% in 1992 to 69.3% in 2006. In virtually all labor force projections a future increase of female participation rates is assumed (e.g. Bijak et al. 2007; Carone 2005; Fuchs et al. 2008; McDonald and Kippen 2001), though the extent of the increase varies. Here different possible developments will be modeled. In all cases the modeling strategy assumes equalization of age- specific participation rates of women aged 30 or older to the corresponding age-specific participation rates of men. In a first variant, the female partic- ipation rates are supposed to increase to 80% of the participation rates of men until 2040. This year was chosen, because it is often used in a similar manner in other projections (e.g. Fuchs et al. 2008), thus easing comparison. Ages, for which the female participation rate is already around or over 80% of the male participation rate, remained unchanged. The mean ratio of fe- male to male age-specific participation rates is around 0.82, so that just a few female age-specific participation rates were increased. Other variants assume an increase of female participation rates to 85%, 90%, 95% and 100% of the corresponding male participation rates, yielding a range from a very low to a very high increase. For all variants linearity of increase was assumed. The increasing retirement age was not additionally modeled for women, i. e. new participation rates of women were computed before modeling the increase in participation rates of older men.
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Women's schooling and fertility under low female labor force participation : evidence from mobility restrictions in Israel

Women's schooling and fertility under low female labor force participation : evidence from mobility restrictions in Israel

Summarizing the above evidence we note that the most important finding is that education had no effect on mothers’ labor-force participation, a clear indication that the decline in fertility is not due to an increase in the effective cost of children resulting from an increase in cost of mother’s opportunity time. Education must have affected fertility through other channels to which we turn next. One potential mediating factor is spouse selection. Panel B of Table 9 presents OLS and IV estimates of the effect of women’s education on spouse’s education, labor-force participation, and earnings. The spouses (husbands) in our sample are on average five years older than their wives and 30 percent of them are seven or more years older. This marital age gap implies that the spouses of those in our 4–8 age cohorts may have been affected by the annulment of the travel restrictions whereas the spouses of those in the affected older age cohort (9–13) were too old to have been affected by the regained access to schooling. However, since the travel-policy change had little effect on men in general (as shown in Table A4), we may conclude that the spouses of the women in our samples were not affected directly by the travel-policy change. These facts help interpret our finding that the increase in female education led to marriage with better educated men, i.e., one additional year of schooling enabled women to marry men who had an additional half-year of schooling. Note that the OLS and IV estimates of this effect are almost identical. This large magnitude of assortative mating suggests that some of the reduction in fertility of women in the young and older affected cohorts can be traced to better schooling on the part of their husbands. 22
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Optimal Taxation and (Female) Labor Force Participation over the Cycle

Optimal Taxation and (Female) Labor Force Participation over the Cycle

This section summarizes the properties of the model with respect to key labor market variables. Before going into the details of the estimation results, it is helpful to recall what ultimately drives our results and which feature of the model is responsible for the successes and failures highlighted below. First, any labor market model of the Mortensen-Pissarides type has to embed a mechanisms that resolves the Shimer puzzle. While there are conflicting views on this issue, the ultimate driving force of any mechanism proposed that we are aware of, and that entertains the free entry condition for vacancies, is an argument why profits in a boom increase strongly over-proportional relative to wages. For example, Costain and Reiter (2005a) argue that newly hired workers receive an additional productivity gain correlated, fairly ad hoc, with the business cycle that introduces additional profits into the model. Hagedorn and Manovskii (2006), Jung (2005) and Hall and Milgrom (2007) argue, in one way or the other, that the surplus of the match relative to a particular outside option is small, such that equilibrium profits boost, in percentage terms, over-proportional relative to wages. The same argument underlies the ideas in Shimer (2007) who makes the bargaining power (negatively) correlated with the business cycles. Other ideas, like Blanchard and Gali (2008) and Jung and Kuester (2007), make the outside option negatively correlated with the shocks. Given that the literature has not converged to a particular, convincing, resolution, potentially due to the fact, that the amount of wage setting mechanisms proposed are huge, and wage payments are badly pinned down even in the neoclassical model, we rely on a sticky wage mechanism that essentially induces a counter- cyclical outside option. More important for our purpose is the fact that labor tax rate changes or unemployment benefit changes do not have any first order effects on the wage setting equation. This avoids the critic raised by Costain and Reiter (2005a) who question the equilibrium response of the
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Low Female Labor Force Participation in Pakistan: Causes and Factors

Low Female Labor Force Participation in Pakistan: Causes and Factors

age, region, level of education, training and being male have a positive impact on the labor force participation decisions in Pakistan. Fika and Sokeng (2016) find out the important factors that are affecting women’s labor market participation decisions in Cameroon. The important factors that are positively affecting women’ labor market participation include: age of the woman, levels of education, areas of residence i.e. residing in rural areas, female headed household, financial instability and marital status – being divorced or widowed. There are other factors like ethnicity and religion, large household size, and women whose husbands have primary level of education have fewer chances to participate in labor market activities. Kanjilal-Bhaduri and Pastore (2017) explore the relationship between different levels of education attainment and FLFP in India. The study found this relationship is U shaped with paid employment. It means the probability to participate in paid employment increases after a certain required level of schooling. At lower level of schooling the rate of returns are lower and insignificant but after certain required level of schooling, the rate of returns to schooling increase significantly. Accordingly it is important that women should be encouraged to get education above secondary level to become more visible in labor market activities. Theoretical Framework
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Economic cycle and deceleration of female labor force participation in Latin America

Economic cycle and deceleration of female labor force participation in Latin America

We find that whereas female LFP is positively associated with the trend component of GDP, it has a countercyclical behavior: large short-term expansions of GDP, beyond its long-term increasing trend, are associated with a reduc- tion in female labor supply. The evidence is consistent with an inverse added-worker effect: better economic conditions for primary workers cause a delay in secondary workers’ entrance into the labor market. This relationship is stronger for married women (either in formal or con- sensual unions) with young children, who often act as sec- ondary workers in their households, especially those with low educational attainment, living in rural areas, and from low-income families. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that the exceptionally high economic growth in Latin America in the 2000s is a relevant factor behind the deceleration in female LFP, which was particularly intense among vulnerable married women.
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Causality between female fertility and female labour force participation in Asean 5

Causality between female fertility and female labour force participation in Asean 5

Mahdavi (1990) proposed that an increase in the female labour force participation rate can cause a decline in fertility for industrialized countries. Narayan (2006) for example showed that female labour force participation rate is negatively related to female fertility for Taiwan for the period from 1966 to 2001. The same relationship was observed by Namchul and Ji-Sun (2008) and also Chun and Oh (2002) for the case of Korea. Ahn and Mira (2002) also highlighted the negative effects of female labour force participation rate on growth of fertility rate in the case of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries. The female labour force participation rate is also found to be negatively related to the fertility rate in the case of Canada (McNown and Ridao-Cano, 2004). Beguy (2009) further noted that an increase in women employment reduces female fertility in the case of Lome, while for Dakar a positive relationship was observed between women employment and fertility rate. An inverse relationship between female fertility and female labour force participation was also found by Bloom et al. (2009) for an unbalanced five year panel covering the period from 1960 to 2000 for 97 countries. Conversely, Cheng (1996b) argued that the female labour force participation does not affect the probability of fertility rate in the case of the United States (US). Even though an inverse relationship is observed for many countries between female fertility and female labour force participation, Del Boca (2002) found that low labor market participation rates of married women accompaniedlow birth rates for Italy, as well as in other Southern European countries.
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