From my first meeting with each of these three protégés, it was obvious that they shared a passion for learning that they brought with them from their upbringings. This facet led them to take the initiative to seek me out or agree when asked to collaborate with me on an independent study. Jennifer wrote, “My parents expected straight A’s and anything less than that was considered a disappointment. This has led me to be harder on myself than most and also to have a desire to please others.” She thrived in circumstances where those whom she admires are proud of her and what she accomplishes. Julia recounted, “I’ve always been interested in learning, a trait I attribute to my parents who are both academics.” She knew even as an undergrad that she wanted a PhD, and was driven to be involved in research that had practical value. Brielle described, “growing up with two parents who work in education (both are counselors in schools, my mom at a community college, my dad K-12) influenced a lot of my passion for learning.” She learned from them to be politically active, question everything, and to take initiative to educate herself. All three protégés’ passion for learning enhanced our feministresearch mentorships in that they, in a sense, mentored me; a consistent pattern that enhanced my passion and led me to look for their guidance is that they were always one step ahead with a fascinating question, a new source they found, or a way of thinking that prompted new directions in our research.
order to dismantle religious dogmatic chains and norms, but also expresses a certain unwillingness to discuss religion in anything but a negative eyeing. One can also see brief comments on the tension between religion and gender topics in an article in 2017 on Sports classes in the Swedish context and the traditional gender norms and religious freedom through facing the legislating institution of education and its tension with religious students. The article presents a case where a report to the national organ of education in Sweden (Skolverket) posed that it was incompatible for girls to wear religious clothing, in this case the hijab, in Sports class, and also pinpointed that the gender separation in the Sports class was incompatible with the school’s goal of ‘counteracting traditional gender patterns’. Through this I am not claiming that for example counteracting traditional gender patters is wrong, but I am presenting this in order to show that there is a tension between religious and feminist topics that is also expressed in societal institutions such as education and family. The articles that include religion or spirituality within the journals do consider topics that consider either subjects or cultures that have become othered. In creating a separation between the ideal of a norm-critical atmosphere, which is in itself a stringent and necessary goal, there is also a downside of not always drawing the discussion from a validated subject position of the other. By this I mean that the peripheral topics and subject positions, stay precisely in the periphery, whereas the central topics and subject positions stay in the centrality of the discourse. Since
production which is not suitable in the Punjab as an agrarian society with feudal norms. Radical feminists focus sexuality and believe that sexual objectification of female is the base of patriarchy. According to them, heterosexual relations through marriages are dangerous for women, so, they are in favor of homosexual marriages and lesbianism. They also believe that motherhood drains women physically and mentally, so they discuss the role of reproduction-controlling and reproduction-assisting technologies, as to how these technologies create oppression for women and give favor to men. All such problems may be the real issues in advanced societies of Europe and America but underdeveloped societies like the Punjab, Pakistan are not so much developed to understand such problems as they are trapped in basic issues like education, health and economic related opportunities. Furthermore, being a religious society, people are not ready to talk about such advance issues.
This article is aimed at studying the representation of feministeducation in Indonesian novels. This objective is inspired by the fact that, since the beginning of its development, Indonesian novels have raised the issues of women education which, in the tradition of feminism studies, is known as feministresearch. Research shows that, although there emerges awareness of the importance of education for women, they are still positioned within the domestic arena. After pursuing their education, mostly in elementary and secondary schools, they must return to home, getting married, playing the role as wife and mother expected to be capable of taking care of the home well, and serving their husband. This points out to the dominance of the patriarcical ideology that places women in the domestic arena and men in the public arena. Such awareness truly is not always followed by permitting and giving women these educated women to make use of their knowledge to take part in the public sector; not even to merely exercise their autonomy in their own home. This is shown in the novels Azab dan Sengsara by Armijn Pane, Sitti Nurbaya by Marah Rusli, Kehilangan Mestika by Hamidah, Widyawati by Arti Purbani, and Para Priyayi by Umar Kayam.
academia for the pursuit of knowledge and the pursuit of equality for all, not for our own career advancement’.
Within the frame of collaboration-as-resistance, existing literature approaches feminist collaboration in three related ways. Firstly, horizontal ways of working are understood as ‘essential for well-being at work’ in the face of competitive individualism (Gannon et al 2015: 189-191). Secondly, support networks are seen as necessary to buffer entrenched ‘old boys networks’ (Bagilhole and White 2013). Collaboration can support ‘alternative career strategies’ (Angervall 2016), which informs how thirdly, mentoring relationships with more experienced feminist academics are positioned as vital to career progression (Redmond et al 2017: 335-336; Bagilhole and White 2013, Equality Challenge Unit 2017). However, feminists have attended to complications in collaboration-as-resistance, ‘there is this fantasy around feministresearch that we can all work collaboratively, but people still have careers’ (Acker and Wagner 2017: 11). Collaboration-as-resistance can reinscribe normative assumptions about women as innately nurturing, feeding into disproportionate responsibility for doing gender diversity work, with women ‘sacrificing [their own] career gains’ to support others (Pearce 2017: 15).
(Boonzaier, 2014), sexual desire (Farvid, 2014), sadness and distress (Lafrance, 2014) work (Rickett, 2014), and bodies (Brown, 2014). Throughout this collection, the authors show how the stories of women offer opportunities to listen for resistance to harmful discourses and narratives, and for collective change at the level of discourse. Resisting a ‘one or the other’ approach, this collection advocates for the study of both the personal and the structural, through the analysis of voice. The importance of voice here is two-fold. First, the voiced experiences of silenced people can offer powerful counternarratives of serious political importance, and should therefore feature centrally in feministresearch. Second, analyses of voice allow us to understand how spoken and written accounts of the self are shot through with discourse, and thus central to constructions of identity and agency. Saukko (2010) argues that analyses of voice can build on existing discursive theory around silenced groups in order to understand how lived experiences are actively structured, mediated and negotiated within broad and overarching discursive systems of meaning. From this perspective, voice carries both experience and discourse. As such, voice represents a political site where we are able to capture the interplay between experience and discourse, and analysis of voice allows us to understand the discursive, ideological, and personal functions of discourse. However, no clear analytical framework currently exists for capturing voice along these lines.
The question of how women academics can best be supported in academia provides some interesting insights. Women academics have greater confidence, feel more satisfied with their careers and publish more with mentorship support, a point noted by Schor back in 1997. Mentorship can provide much needed insight for novitiates into the rules of the academic game (Ali and Coate, 2013). Equally mentorship needs to be a subtle tool, as inappropriate mentoring may be harmful and where individual circumstances need to be carefully matched (Blood et al., 2012). Accordingly, McGuire and Reger (2003) consider the issue of power that come to the fore in unhelpful dyads and propose feminist co-mentoring, as a means of deconstructing power relations.
While community development organisations originally developed as a response to issues caused by poverty, the state now sets policy objectives for them rather than groups setting their own, or at the very least, the goals of the community development organisation must align with the state’s objectives in order to receive funding under the new Local Community Development Programme (LCDP), which started in January 2010 and replaced the older Community Development Programme (see www.pobail.ie). Not all established community development projects were able to do this. Many transformed themselves into providers of further education, delivering certified programmes for adults who feel under an obligation to attend programmes or lose their social welfare payments. Ironically, the establishment of a coherent, accessible and flexible further education structure for adults was sought by community education organisations to enable access for working-class adults to education, training and qualifications. Now that it exists, it has given the state a means of directing funding to the delivery of certified programmes, and the outcomes of these programmes are to be individual progression into employment or higher levels of education, known as Labour Market Activation (www.welfare.ie). ‘Education has become orientated towards the market’ (Grummel, 2014, p. 128), and providers of informal community education have had to adjust. Providers are required to show outcomes in terms of numbers progressing into employment or higher education. Progression is individual and linear, expressed as ‘individual achievement, products and performance rather than the communal or participative aspects of learning process’ (ibid, p. 130), discouraging ‘the sense of collective responsibility, trust and action necessary for civil society’ (ibid, p. 134).
The three major ways that feminism’s growth in sociology was stymied decades ago according to Stacey and Thorne (1985)— the legacy of functionalism, the use of gender as a variable, and sexism within Marxist scholarship—are, according to Williams (2006), future avenues for important work in feminist sociology. Ray (2006) states that it may be impossible for the discipline to fully understand gender within the United States without an understanding of connections and influences in other parts of the world. Comparative studies are increasingly important to feminist sociology, argues Acker (2006), to understand transnational pro- cesses, especially in the areas of power and subordination. Acker also pushes feminist sociologists to revisit capitalism and class. Stacey (2006) and Williams agree, noting the serious problems that exist with Marxist class analysis and its absence in feminist analyses of exploitation and class domination, respectively. Feminist scholars have used mostly all theoretical traditions in sociology as a means to understand the gendered nature of the social world. In the process, they have presented important cri- tiques of the inadequacies of traditional sociological theories (Chafetz, 1997), and thus, reduced the discipline’s reliance on and acceptance of male experiences and perspectives as human experience, added to the discipline’s existing knowledge base, introduced new topics and concepts, redirected explorations into previously overlooked areas, and actively fostered interdisciplin- ary linkages (Alway, 1995). However, persistent and pressing contemporary social issues such as the high rates of violence against women, the exclusionary practices directed against gays and lesbians, and the millions of impoverished women, men and children, are reminders of the benefit of and need for further feminist thought and action (Andersen, 2005).
the pursuit of profit. This process therefore introduces a system of remuneration other than pecuniary evaluation, which is particularly important in, but not limited to, the context of care activities, many of which (certainly not all) are not subject to the profit motive and often remain performed in individual households as firms do not find investing in such activities profitable. The most evident instance is the provision of childcare services affordable to all income groups but this is by no means the only case. The point is that, as a result of including them under the ELR program, these investment decisions are lifted from the exclusive realm of pecuniary valuation that currently limits employment and output. Now, it is true that this relocation concerns jobs which would have not been otherwise offered by the private sector. The reason for this requirement is that the nature of the program is one of cooperation rather than competition with the private sector, and, therefore, ELR jobs are not supposed to displace private sector employment. However, as feminist economists have pointed out, jobs could be designed in a way that applies to a vast and crucial array of activities that are now performed in an individualised manner or to new activities worth investing in, where worth is assessed in terms of their contribution to the sustenance and enhancement of life. And if private firms wished to provide them, they would need to offer more affordable services and/or better pay conditions, introducing values other than profit maximisation.
From the Zapatistas to Seattle, from the World Social Forum to Bolivian campaigns against water privatisation, struggles against the globalisation of neo-liberal, corporate- led, war-mongering capitalism have been grabbing the headlines and reshaping political imaginations worldwide. Many commentators and activists consider these struggles to constitute one of the most significant social movements to emerge on the world stage in recent years. Despite a general interest in what is still widely (and problematically) referred to as ‘the anti-globalisation movement’, and much controversy over its political significance and course of development, little attention has yet been paid to feminist involvement. This has resulted in the absence of feminism from dominant accounts and images of the movement (see Eschle, 2005a; for recent moves in a more inclusive direction, see Notes from Nowhere, 2003; Sen et al. 2003). Feminist academic literature has reinforced this impression. While paying substantial attention to women’s organising in the context of globalisation (e.g. Rowbotham and Linkogle, 2001; Naples and Desai, 2002), it has not yet provided a systematic account of women’s participation or gendered relations of power within ‘the anti-globalisation movement’ as such (for pointers in this direction see Mohanty, 2003; Marchand, 2004). It is our view that the impression that feminists are absent from the movement is both empirically wrong and politically problematic: it feeds off and into the marginalisation in practice of those feminists who are striving to influence the anti-globalisation movement from within. We believe that feminist anti-globalisation activism is a significant phenomenon worthy of serious study. Why? Our fieldwork has shown that there are very many feminist activists and groups who strongly identify with the movement, who are a vibrant and creative presence within it, and who continue to struggle for visibility and voice. Further, we, like many others, would insist on the blurred line between activism and academia, and between activism and the production of theory. Activists should thus not be treated simply as objects of study, a case study of particular movement practices, but as producers of knowledge about that movement. Reflection on the interrelation between subject and object of study and between theory and practice is a particularly
As Wendy Brown put it a while ago, there is a tension between acknowledging on the one hand that the state is not a monolithic entity but a web of social powers and on the other thinking we can shape it through our intentions and actions (Brown, 1995). Brown was critical of positions which maintained the radical potential inherent in women’s involvement with the state because these presuppose a transcendental subject who simply moves from isolated to collectivised conditions as opposed to a subject who is produced by these respective conditions: as she puts it ‘[t]his is because the state does not simply address private needs or issues but also configures, administers and actively produces them’ (1995: 195). Now she was writing at a particular point in time in the history of the feminist movement in the US, when the faith in engaging with the state was at its highest. However her argument takes me back to the question of how to view such a macroeconomic program. The fact that it remains an institution of wage labour is perhaps enough to guard us against engaging with such an intervention. Yet, I wonder whether thinking that the effect of an engagement at this level can only be the production of more disciplined workers does not assume the same transcendental subject Brown identifies in uncritical discourses supportive of women’s engagement with the state. My point is that unless we assume we exist outside the capitalist relations that make us, then we need to take seriously the complexity of a process which, although initially based on wage labour, also presents the opportunity to affect the concept of ‘work’ and productive activity. How so?
Paulston and Liebman’s (1996:13-14) conceptual cartography was used to identify the most appropriate theoretical framework for the study. According to the map, the most suitable theoretical framework for the study was identified as feminist post- structuralism. Any clarification of the concept feminist post- structuralism should start with reference to post-structuralism. At its National Gender Summit of 2014, the South African Commission for Gender Equality reported that gender issues are still present in South Africa’s institutions, and recommended post-structuralism to address the issues within the discourse in language which offers limited subject identities to individuals (Gouws & Hassim 2014:2-4). Branston and Stafford (2001:27), Lop (2011:1) and Weedon (1987:29) confirm that the emphasis of post-structuralism on agency and context could offer feminism possibilities for an agenda of change through criticism and the deconstruction and reconstruction of dominant discourses. According to Grosz (1989:xv), the purpose of deconstruction is ‘ ... to keep things in process, to disrupt, to keep the system in play, to set up procedure to demystify continuously the realities we create, to fight the tendency for our categories to congeal.’
Liberal feminism draws from political ideologies (Donovan, 2000). Continued inequalities in the treatment of women, e.g., division of labor and gender stereotypes, maintain women’s subordinate status. Liberal feminists per- ceive reason and reflection as effective methods to produce change that is directed towards equality and liberty. Radical feminists, as explained by Donovan, view a patriarchal system as the root of all subjugation of women in society. A patri- archal system places males in a position of control, particularly in the areas of sexuality, personal relationships, and family structures. In order to deconstruct male-dictated, hegemonic societies, radical feminists believe in creating more ver- tically powered school systems and increasing educational research on the needs of females. Finally, socialist feminists contend that patriarchy in combination with capitalism create a society which segregates individuals along gender and class lines (Donovan). This is particularly poignant when looking at women as labor- ers. Women’s work is underpaid and undervalued, but through the redefinition of women’s work, e.g., increased reward and value systems, capitalist patriarchal structures may move towards egalitarian societies.
to see the two former as lower categories than the latter. All these categorical inadequacies are part of a larger taxonomic inadequacy in Arendt. Seyla Benhabib has categorized Arendt’s taxonomies as ‘phenomenological essentialism,’ and has acutely argued that Arendt tends to ‘conflate conceptual distinctions with social processes, ontological analyses with institutional and historical descriptions.’ 12 Arendt endeavours to capture social and political processes or phenomena, but then freezes them in ways that seem greatly inadequate when further unpacked. She has a habit of creating triads: the principal ones are work-labour-action, private-social-political, and thinking-willing-judging. In all of these, the highest category is the political, the realm of action and of judging. And yet her distinctions blur and dissolve if one uses her own work and empirical examples. In many respects, Arendt’s notion of the political is very close to our sense of associative, social, civic movements of a political nature—in which prominent examples would be Eastern European politico-civic movements, such as that led by Waclav Havel in Czechoslovakia, and many environmental and feminist movements. Arendt herself supported many of the 1960s socio-political civil disobedience movements in the USA around the time of the Vietnam War. Politics, whether as a normative or experiential category, is not for Arendt only and primarily about the state. Politics is in her hands perhaps most famously about pariahs, the non- citizens of the globe who have been ejected from the body politic, stripped of the right to have rights. Politics is about banal bureaucrats who commit evil deeds—most famously Eichmann in the Third Reich—and become perpetrators of the genocide of millions of Jews.
This paper wants to include a feminist approach in the initial teachers training as an answer to the reproduction of gender inequalities in the education. It takes as a methodology the qualitative and emancipatory approach with a point of view analytical and critical. All of this is based on the practice of research-action which is divided into the following phases: A) documentary and bibliographic study about non-hegemonic and feminist narratives; B) to make a postcolonial feminist pedagogy for teacher training; And c) implementation the feminist teachers training and their evaluation. As main results the paper includes: 1) the need to think and to live our lives in a postcolonial feminist approach with the goal to avoid the reproduction of gender inequalities in the education; 2) a feminist pedagogy wants to start a social changes, as the teacher training that is very important to de- colonize and de-patriarchalize the knowledge and the educational practices; and 3) The implementation of a feminist teacher training as an experience to change the traditional education on gender and equality issues.
Still, the above framework focuses mostly on the individual learning that happens when a person is involved in a social movement. As Kilgore (1999) argues, Adult Education theorists need to move their focus from the individuals’ inner understandings to the learning community “because it is the dominant shared meaning and identity of the collective that is most closely related to collective social action” (p. 196). Kilgore’s (1999) theory of collective learning views the group or collective as a unit of analysis, all the while considering the individual contributions to the group learning process. Kilgore’s theory looks into both individual development and group development, and acknowledges the conflicts between the individual and the group that shape the group and individual learning that takes place in social movements. Kilgore's theory of collective learning likens itself to Curry and Cunningham's (2000) co-learning, which sees knowledge as being produced by a series of social interactions within and between social movements. They parallel co-learning to Freire's conscientization, since co-learners see their awareness increased as they engage in political struggle (Curry & Cunningham, 2000). The consciousness-raising aspect of knowledge acquired by participating in social movements is also identified in Jihyun Kim's (2011) study of an environmentalist activist group: “faced with
Abstract: This article considers the relationship between feminist theory and feminist critique. It points out the current divorce between feminist theory and feminist action and bets on the need for both to go hand in hand. Several areas of feminist theory’s work are able to help reconnect it with feminist action. The first is the critique of individualist social ontology and the proposal of an alternative ontology based on a relational ontology and mutual responsibilities. The second refers to the need to address the singularities of the feminization and precariousness of women's labour. Third and last, the need to rethink and discuss the category of patriarchy, from a non-essentialist conception. It concludes by proposing a redefinition of patriarchy as a form, among others, of structural injustice.