Feminist theory and politics

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Quantifying Regional-Scale Water Storage Using Models and Observations: Application For Drought Assessment In South Carolina

Quantifying Regional-Scale Water Storage Using Models and Observations: Application For Drought Assessment In South Carolina

subject’ as the ultimate candidate for representation or, indeed, liberation, but there is very little agreement after all on what it is that constitutes, or ought to constitute, the category of women. The domains of political and linguistic ‘representation’ set out in advance the criterion by which subjects themselves are formed, with the result that representation is extended only to what can be acknowledged as a subject. In other words, the qualifications for being a subject must first be met before representation can be extended. (Gender 4) Butler’s style acclimates readers to her ideas. The subject of Butler’s first sentence hides at the end and lets the object drive and define the sentence. Notice that feminist discourse does not challenge the relationship between feminist theory and politics, but through passive voice, the relationship between feminist theory and politics “comes under challenge.” Use of the passive voice here slows down readers, makes the sentence wordy, and emphasizes the object and the action over the actor. Indeed, the very structure of the sentence calls into question who or what does the acting. Continuing through the
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calhoungenderrace

calhoungenderrace

For what reasons does Spelman conclude that talk about women "as women" (i.e., as having gender in common) is sometimes misleading, and other times arrogant? Given her warnings about the danger of talking about "women", how should a feminist theory and politics proceed?-Can feminism be about "gender oppression" or about "women"? 3-17 anti-essentialism about cultural differences; videoclip from Under One (#4002) Sky

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Towards a feminist theory of women's literature

Towards a feminist theory of women's literature

One of the most persistently productive and researched areas of contemporary feminist theory is that of literature and literary criticism. From Simone de Beauvoir's incorporation of an analysis of five authors in the theoretical section of Le Deuxieme Sexe (Montherlant, D.H. Lawrence, Claudel, Breton and Stendahl) to Shulamith Firestone's examination of the would-be "objective" portrayers of the male/female experience (Herbert Gold, Malamud, Updike, etc.), literature has been seen to play an integral part in the understanding of women's position in society. Kate Millet organized Sexual Politics around an analysis of the mysogyny revealed in the novels of Henry Miller, Norman Mailer and D.H. Lawrence while the examples provided by literature form an important part of her argument in Germaine Greer's The Female Eunuch. Significantly, both these writers were specialists in literature, the latter lecturing in English at Warwick University. It was these books which accompanied the development and grov/th of the women's liberation movement at the end of the sixties {Le Deuxieme Sexe although translated in 1953 was not issued in paperback until much later). A noticeable feature of these books which have become almost classics in the field of feminist theory, was the attempt to reach a com- prehensive picture of the condition of women, not only from a subjective viewpoint but f r o m an objective historical, sociological, political, economic and literary point of view as well. Le Deuxieme Sexe provided a prototype for this kind of approach, the first part being an objective analysis of the condition of women, the second part being a subjective description of the ways in which women experience that condition. It is no wonder that the critics had d i f f i c u l t y in comprehending this work when it was published, expressing both bewilderment and a begrudging awe at the sheer bulk, complexity and wealth of detail of this work. They were
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SPORT AND TRADITIONS OF FEMINIST THEORY

SPORT AND TRADITIONS OF FEMINIST THEORY

According to Catherine MacKinnon (1987), the foundational impulse of this branch of contemporary liberal feminism is ‘we’re as good as you’. If given the spectrum of opportunities that men enjoy, women will achieve just as much as men. This impulse has been an important political extension of rights to women. It has given females access to education and employment, opened up the military and sport to females and allowed them to participate in public pursuits such as politics. More generally, “It has moved to change the dead ends that were all we were seen as good for and has altered what passed for women’s lack of physical training, which was really serious training in passivity and enforced weakness” (MacKinnon, 1987, p. 35; also see Tapper, 1986, p. 40). Calls for human equality remain an important ideal for oppressed groups in a modern society where traditional forms of inequality in practice remain, regardless of the effects of legislation. The long history of inequality between women and men has been strongly resilient when faced with the effects of equal opportunities legislation (Brook, 1999, p. 25). In the nineteenth century women had few legal rights. In modern times, they have legal rights, but inequality remains in work, education, sport and the law, as women continue to be treated as men’s inferiors. Mitchell concludes: “Equal rights are an important tip of an iceberg that goes far deeper. That they are only the tip is both a reflection of the limitation of the concept of equality and an indication of how profound and fundamental is the problem of the oppression of women” (1987, p. 26). 126
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"Things that stay":feminist theory, duration and the future

"Things that stay":feminist theory, duration and the future

or of loss (for a more political, collective past, manifested as nostalgia for the past 5 or a „moving beyond‟ the present) (Hemmings 2005: 126). While both McRobbie and Hemmings are clearly, and differently, engaged in a „careful consideration‟ of „time‟ in feminist theory, the quotation from Grosz at the opening of the article urges „thinking the complexities of time and becoming‟ (my emphasis) and of the „politics of the future‟. As such, from the point of view of Grosz‟s call, what is not dealt with is the concept of becoming and feminist theory‟s orientation to the novel. What I do in the rest of this article, through empirical work on the becoming of bodies through images, is consider how feminist theory might reconceive time through Bergsonian and Deleuzian notions of duration, the novel and the virtual.
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Knowledge, Identity, and the Politics of Law

Knowledge, Identity, and the Politics of Law

excluded from the theory. Feminist postmodernism, which is the basis for the critique of conventional identity politics, has argued that the central terms upon which femi[r]

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Dueling for Dollars: Feminist Activism and Minimum Wage Coalition Politics

Dueling for Dollars: Feminist Activism and Minimum Wage Coalition Politics

Once organized, there are par- ticular advantages to feminist move- ments aligning with like-minded individuals or groups in coalitions. Nancy Adamson, Linda Briskin and Margaret McPhail have told us the story that, during the late 1970s and 1980s, feminists gradually en- gaged in coalitions in an attempt to establish a “…broader and more public character for the grass-roots women’s movement” (71) so as to include the participation of a vari- ety of people and to move “beyond a white middle-class viewpoint” (79). Linda Briskin later stated that coalitions are of benefit since they cast a wide “advocacy net.” The way coalitions are structured, for example, can attend to the diversi- ties of women, either based on race, ethnicity, class, sexual orientation or Aboriginal identity, because they offer an alternative to homogeneous organizations which tend to silence marginal voices (Briskin 32-33). This may be because coalitions need not be hierarchical institutions, but may be loose collectives of various groups. Coalitions then, are more likely to be attractive to groups be- yond the women’s movement (e.g., labour or peace activists) because they are often linked to broader struggles for social justice (Briskin). And there are other advocacy ben- efits to joining coalitions. In their study of NAC and the specific case of when NAC joined the Family Al- lowance Coalition in 1985 (which included the National Anti-Poverty Organization, the Canadian Labour Congress and the Conference of Catholic Bishops), Jill Vickers, Pau- line Rankin and Christine Appelle relate that the organization came to realize that an array of advocacy strategies were necessary and benefi- cial to the women’s equality agenda. These strategies came to include en- gaging in both long-term strategic advocacy tactics such as sustained
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Storytelling Domestic Violence: Feminist Politics of Participatory Video in Cambodia

Storytelling Domestic Violence: Feminist Politics of Participatory Video in Cambodia

The paper demonstrates how participants’ storytelling often reproduced normative ideas discounted in the field of domestic violence studies about why violence happens. As researchers gaining narrative authority and interpretative agency writing this paper, a dilemma opened up that has broader significance for the politics of feminist geographical work on storytelling and PV. Namely, how as researchers should we handle narratives produced that confute feminist “factual” claims? To quote Robert Chambers (1997: 101 emphasis in original) “Whose reality counts? – ‘Ours’ of ‘Theirs’”? To develop these lines of enquiry further, we begin by bringing into conversation scholarship on storytelling with PV theory and practice. We follow this by looking at the role of storytelling and PV in upholding and/or overturning social norms. The methodology driving the research is then attended to, before two empirical sections are provided, the first on the narrated causes of domestic violence, and the second, on responses to it. Finally, the conclusion gestures towards future research directions on storytelling, PV and feminist geographical praxis. In sum, our exploration of storytelling domestic violence highlights some of the many, yet under- acknowledged, feminist politics that arise in, but also beyond, the “field” when the normalised knowledges and practices that structure daily life are laid bare through the PV process.
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A Brief Account of What the Feminist Methodology of Intersectional Analysis Reveals About Terrorism Studies

A Brief Account of What the Feminist Methodology of Intersectional Analysis Reveals About Terrorism Studies

their gender. In the 1960s and 70s, having gained momentum after their recent emergence, feminist and race-related movements were regarded as “the nuisance of their times” by conservative academics (Said, 1985: 98). In an attempt to be seen as serious, relevant and valid, they often only explored the basic premise of their existence, resulting, for instance, in feminism’s tight focus on describing patriarchy and its affairs. At the time, it gave little to no attention to the plight of women of colour or non-heteronormative females, let alone to patriarchy’s negative impacts on men. Conversely, academics focusing on race dedicated almost no space to women in their writings. Emerging several decades later, however, is intersectionality, an academic approach that pierces through people’s identities like a thread, weaving them together rather than rounding them up into separate and never-overlapping entities. This timing is understandable, as thinking outside of our categorised reality first requires a deep knowledge of each strand of the complex identities that the people who dwell in it have (Bedolla, 2014: 448). Kimberlé Crenshaw was the first feminist writer to explicitly focus on intersectionality and noted the need to narrate women’s experiences, not only through their functioning in a patriarchal society, but also through facets of their identity that go beyond gender - primarily race, but also social class, sexual orientation or level of education (Crenshaw, 1991: 1242). She voiced the need to identify how the multiplicity of these other categories, as well as their intertwinement, construct power structures and shape women’s social and political lives (Davis, 2008: 71). In simple terms, if all women are victims of structural inequality and their credentials, rights and voices are undermined based solely on their gender, how does the inequality they experience differ when they are white or black, hetero- or homo-sexual, rich or poor? Intersectionality attempts to answer this question by bringing together identities that have usually been studied separately.It upsets existing binaries (female-male, white-black, etc.) by merging them together to the point of resembling a Venn diagram more than separate entities.
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Unlikely Bedfellows: Feminist Theory and the War on Terror

Unlikely Bedfellows: Feminist Theory and the War on Terror

The contemporary threat of international terrorism has prompted states and scholars to reassess the public/private divide as it manifests in international law with particular regard to the principles of state responsibility. Without acknowledging the intellectual debt, much of the debate mirrors the concerns expressed by feminist theorists of international law in the 1990s. This paper explores similarities between some of the feminist literature and the counter-terrorism arguments in international law. The argument concludes that despite overlapping values in these two bodies of discourse there is no cause for optimism among feminists; the challenge to the public/private divide from the terrorism threat is unlikely to provide any relief to the most vulnerable of the world’s women and, to the contrary, the public/private divide remains essential to both counter-terrorism strategies and the wider agendas of Western governments within the international system.
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A Personal Journey through Feminist Legal Theory

A Personal Journey through Feminist Legal Theory

In the third part, I explain why women in the generation currently entering the legal profession need to be aware of feminist legal theory and what role we can play [r]

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Mary O'Brien's Contributions to Contemporary Feminist Theory

Mary O'Brien's Contributions to Contemporary Feminist Theory

Mary O'Brien, 1980 Photo Pamela Harris VOLUME 18 NUMBER 4 Mary O'Brien's Contributions t o BY NANCY HARTSOCK issues of constituting feminist subjectivities It must besaid that her work bears the marks[.]

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Retrieving the Baby: Feminist Theory and Organic Bodies

Retrieving the Baby: Feminist Theory and Organic Bodies

Retrieving the B a b y Feminist Theory and Organic Bodies BY BEV THIELE The feminism of the pseudo man is passe Birth is a sub ject and object of an integrative feminist philosophy (O'Brien 1981,91 92[.]

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Critical Thinking, Bias and Feminist Philosophy: Building a Better Framework through Collaboration

Critical Thinking, Bias and Feminist Philosophy: Building a Better Framework through Collaboration

At the heart of feminist critiques of CT lies feminist epistemol- ogy, more specifically standpoint theory (Anderson, 2015). Standpoint theory refers to the idea that what a knower per- ceives is influenced by their context, often their social and polit- ical background (Harding, 1986). One proponent of standpoint theory is Haraway (1988), who argues that “feminist objectivity means quite simply situated knowledges” (p. 581). In essence, Haraway argues that knowledge cannot be separated from the knower and as a result the context surrounding a knower shapes their knowledge intrinsically. In the case of gender, this might mean that people are socially, perhaps even biologically, in- clined toward particular favorings. For example, men in New Zealand might be socialized toward stoic behaviours and shun charity as a sign of weakness. This might lead masculine know- ers 2 to assess an argument regarding, say, individualist policies more favourably than one which argues along collectivist or community-based grounds. In this case, the knowledge generat-
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Critical Theory-Based Approaches in Geography Teaching Departments in Turkey

Critical Theory-Based Approaches in Geography Teaching Departments in Turkey

Critical geography or more narrowly critical human geography is a generic term comprising many theories and approaches such as critical geopolitics, feminist geographies, postcolonial geographies, Marxist geography, postmodern geographies, critical cartography, poststructuralist geographies. All of them are related to, informed of, based on, stemming from critical theory. Geography has a growing literature on critical-centered studies and researches as many geographers assert that geography can and should lean on critical theory-inspired studies. Bilgili suggests that critical research-based poststructuralist theory and deconstruction have a potential to offer new insights on geography (Bilgili, 2017). Critical approaches from the oppressed point of view can be seen in many leading books on human geography and place/space-bound issues in Domosh, Rose, Harvey Sharp and McDowell’s researches (Domosh, 1988; Rose, 1993; Harvey, 1996; McDowell and Sharp, 1997; McDowell, 2013) and in many other publications.
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Reclaiming feminist futures : co-opted and progressive politics in a neoliberal age

Reclaiming feminist futures : co-opted and progressive politics in a neoliberal age

Last but not least, what does our conceptual framework mean for a consideration of which feminist practices should be part of a progressive politics? We would underline here our point that no practice should be assumed to be progressive — or not — in advance of empirical study. The implication of this position is that, pace Fraser, Eisenstein and McRobbie, cultural practices around identity/recognition as well as institutionalised practices in the form of gender mainstreaming or NGO service provision, could in principle be progressive. Indeed, this position is strengthened by the fact that our notion of radical can incorporate the kind of slow-burning, incremental change that these practices often seek to achieve. In this way, a much wider panoply of feminist activities now enters the field of vision. Take, for example, the fact that the feminist ‗anti-globalisation‘ activists of our recent study engage in a range of practices: from mass mobilisations which seek to hold the state to account to individual personalised acts of empowerment; and from popular education and consciousness raising to lobbying, advocacy work and service provision (AUTHOR REFERENCE). Rather than dismissing some of these practices out of hand, our argument implies the need for further empirical work to see if any or all of them embody the criteria of inclusivity, reflexivity and prefiguration that we have suggested (or alternative criteria). In this way, our approach would require taking much more seriously concrete feminist activities, in all their variety, which aim to oppose neoliberalism and to build a better, more equal world for both women and men.
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Race, Gender and Class: Some Reflections on Left Feminist Politics and Organising

Race, Gender and Class: Some Reflections on Left Feminist Politics and Organising

identified the home and domestic work as a key site of women’s oppression, without accounting for the very different experiences and understanding that Black women had of their labour and its relationship to the labour market. I would be remiss in not mentioning the one, albeit very brief mention of the work of Southall Black Sisters by a panellist in the Futures of Feminism session: a brief but welcome attempt at refuting the analytical distinction between a politics of recognition and redistribution that is central to Fraser’s theory of recognition. In this theory the issue of race seemed largely reduced to an issue of cultural difference or diversity. From there, it follows that race is understood as a category of identity, and on that basis, Fraser critically
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Bridging the activist-academic divide: feminist activism and the teaching of global politics

Bridging the activist-academic divide: feminist activism and the teaching of global politics

In the process of undertaking ‘critical theoretical work’, feminists have rethought what knowledge is and who can be knowers. They have problematised the masculinist reliance on ‘objectivity’ in academic thought, and the associated privileging of mind over body and reason over emotion, pointing instead to ways knowledge can be generated from women’s lives, from the ‘everyday’ and from within the feminist movement. Moreover, they have sought to re-conceptualise what politics is and who can be a political subject, criticising reductive accounts of citizenship and activism, expanding politics into the private, and offering an embodied, relational conception of agency. At the more practical level, feminists have established their own sites of knowledge production that aim to bridge the gap between universities and the feminist movement, ranging from consciousness-raising groups to autonomous women’s colleges, and from women’s libraries to women’s studies and latterly gender studies programmes in universities. The creation of and participation in such programmes has meant that, notwithstanding undoubted problems of institutionalisation, the university has become a crucial source of politicisation and site of political activism for many feminists.
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Mixed media : feminist presses and publishing politics in twentieth-century Britain

Mixed media : feminist presses and publishing politics in twentieth-century Britain

At the epicentre of this profound change in British literary culture stand the numerous feminist and/or womanist publishing imprints which emerged in Britain between 1972 and 19991: Vira[r]

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Critical compassion:Affect, discretion and policy care relations

Critical compassion:Affect, discretion and policy care relations

researchers to be care-full about the politics of research and theorising and also to challenge ‘care’ as a taken-for-granted good (Martin et al., 2015). Care is a current focus of concern in Britain, where a crisis has been declared in national health and social care, and where previous policy has focused on quantity at the expense of quality (Keogh, 2013). The influential, government-commissioned Francis Report documents ‘appalling and unnecessary patient suffering’ and calls for action to put ‘compassion at the heart of healthcare’ (DOH, 2013a, p. 3–4). The report’s conclusions are widely supported, and there are new policy interventions to promote compassionate care (DOH, 2013b, 2013c, 2013d, 2013g; DOH, 2014). However, policy/care tensions exist; for example, the legislative responses are critiqued as meaningless to the realities of practice and as attempting to control rather than to support practitioners. In order to explore how compassion is being done differently in diverse instantiations and enactments, we juxtapose feminist technoscience studies on the politics of care with an analysis of health policy and with vignettes of located practices. The vignettes articulate affects, materials and relations of compassion in locations of practice and explore not only the good of what is considered compassion, but also possible harms, contestation and
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