5.1 DETERMINANTS OF TEMPORARY EMPLOYMENT IN IRELAND The key determining characteristics of temporary employees, relative to those on permanent contracts, are shown in Table 5.1. In 2014, males were 4.5 percentage points more likely to be temporary employees than females. With respect to education, compared to employees with primary education or below, those educated to upper secondary level were less likely to be on temporary contracts, while there was no difference for individuals with tertiary education once occupation was controlled for. This may reflect the significant proportions of employees belonging to professional occupations in Ireland who are on temporary contracts. In keeping with the earlier QNHS descriptive data, part-time workers were 8.9 percentage points more likely to be on temporary contracts relative to their full-time counterparts. Temporary contracts were more common among workers with limited work experience, specifically, relative to employees who had been active in the labour market for over 10 years. Employees with no or less than 4 years’ experience were 29 and 17 percentage points respectively more likely to be on temporary contracts relative to persons active in the labour market for over 10 years. With respect to sector of employment, the model indicates that, compared to the reference category of Wholesale and Retail, the share of temporary workers was higher in a variety of sectors including Construction, Finance and Insurance, and Education. Finally, consistent with the QNHS
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The methodology's ability to identify persons who might be "at risk" from a low QoL - analogous to persons being "at risk" from poverty - allows one to speculate on the QoL in Ireland today, in the winter of its discontent, compared to that in 2006-2007 when it basked in the summer of the Celtic Tiger. Most ominously, there has been a collapse in employment paralleled by a rise in the unemployment rate from 4 percent, when the survey was carried out, to 14 percent in 2011. In these changed circumstances, one would expect that joblessness would play a much more important role in determining QoL: prior to 2008, unemployment meant a short wait till a suitable job turned up; now it is more likely to involve a protracted (and, often, futile) search at home or emigrating for a job abroad.
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In Ireland as in many other countries committment to a target of full employment has become a central feature of government economic policy and while recent years have seen a resurgence of interest in the literature there does not appear as yet to be agreement on a definition of full employment. The practice normally adopted (in for example the UK and the US) is to frame the definition in terms of the maximum pressure of demand (minimum unemployment rate) deemed consistent with other and possibly conflicting policy objectives such as reasonable wage and price stability and balance of payments equilibrium. To the extent that policy objectives are conflicting their attainment becomes an exercise in constrained optimisation: constraints may take the form of reducing the priority assigned to an objective or where an objective is considered of prime importance attainment may be constrained because at some point the opportunity cost (or trade-off) in terms of secondary objectives becomes unaccept- ably high.
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The resurgence of interest in recent years in the importance of education and training in furthering the goals of economic progress, fuller employment and social integration coincides with a new emphasis on the need for ‘life long learning’. This is in response both to current changes in the organisation and technology of production and service delivery, and to counter the potential for socially disruptive effects of increased labour market flexibility. This is reflected in the Lisbon Agenda, which established the goal of making Europe "the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-driven economy by 2010", and which placed education and training at the centre of European economic and social policy formation. In Ireland, investment in human capital is identified as a key source of competitive advantage in the report of the Enterprise Strategy Group (ESG) (2004) Ahead of the Curve. In this respect, the report of the ESG emphasised the importance of enhancing the skills of the existing workforce, particularly the low skilled, as well as investment in an adaptive and responsive higher education sector, to generate the intellectual capacity to fuel an innovation-driven economy. Human capital, in the form of education, played a very significant role in the rapid economic development of Ireland over the last four decades (Nolan, O’Connell and Whelan, 2000, Duffy, Fitz Gerald, Hore, Kearney and MacCoille, 2001). Having converged with other advanced industrial societies at the end of the Twentieth Century, Ireland faces a series of challenges to achieve further economic and social progress in the Twenty-first Century. A series of reports have identified the challenges as:
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No standard definition of contingent employment exists, and the measurement approach will tend to vary according to the organisation of labour and contractual arrangements that pertain within countries. Within a European framework, contingent workers will generally include categories of workers such as freelancers, independent contractors, consultants, or other outsourced and non- permanent workers who are hired on a per-project basis. Contingent workers can work on site or remotely. There is a belief that recent years have seen a substantial emergence of contingent employment as a facet of modern labour markets, yet there is little work that has documented or measured the incidence of contingent employment and certainly none that we could find for Ireland. This report seeks to address this deficit by measuring the incidence of contingent employment in Ireland, assessing the extent to which this is changing over time and profiling the individuals most likely to be contingent workers.
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Following two decades of rapid economic growth, Ireland entered a severe economic and labour market crisis in 2008, the worst recession since the foundation of the State (Russell et al., 2014). The employment rate fell dramatically, and unemployment soared. The fall in employment was steepest among men, driven by the collapse in the construction sector, but employment rates and job opportunities also fell for women since the peak in 2007 (see Figure 1.3). Women in the largely public health and education sectors were somewhat protected from job losses, though there were significant wage cuts, but those working in wholesale and retail, accommodation and food and administrative and support services were vulnerable to job loss (Russell et al., 2014). The employment rate for women was 55 per cent in 2011, rising to 56 per cent in 2013 and then to back to the pre-recession rate of 60 per cent by 2016. It is well documented that female employment is also strongly influenced by the tax benefit system (Callan et al., 2012; Doorley, 2018). Changes in this policy area may therefore impact on maternal employment indirectly, via changes in this policy area (see Indecon, 2017, for example).
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Two policy areas illustrate this finding. The clearest case may be the supply of credit and finance to companies; and here, in fact, interesting developments are in train. One set of actions (the creation of the Credit Review Office) and research (by the Central Bank) have definitely thrown some light on the issue, but still reach somewhat different conclusions. On the narrow question, we believe that there is, on balance, evidence of a supply constraint, but this conclusion provides little guide to possible actions. To assess the scope and nature of further policy action we need to turn to parallel actions initiated in the past year, involving Enterprise Ireland, the banks, the CRO and possibly other actors. It is only such actions that can get to the bottom of the credit and finance constraint. Indeed, it may be necessary to explore existing and possible patterns of supply-chain finance; this would require the engagement of leading companies, such as Glanbia and Intel, along with the agencies, banks and financial authorities. Indeed, the work of Enterprise Ireland and the CRO in response to the credit difficulties experienced by firms illustrates something that may be of wider significance. While it is often correctly observed that measures adopted in response to crisis can lead policy in the wrong direction, or create programmes that mistakenly become permanent, the opposite can also be the case. Initiatives and processes started in the face of severe difficulties can disclose policy and institutional possibilities that should be generalised. The crisis has prompted EI to a deeper engagement with the financial system; the crisis has highlighted the important role of the wider public system—including local authorities, licensing authorities and many others—in assisting enterprise to identify and exploit business opportunities. The pressure on the enterprise agencies to engage in new ways with the financial and wider public system may be a harbinger of a more networked model of enterprise policy.
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One in three 55-69 year olds participates in the activities of voluntary organisations (that is, excluding informal helping activity between neighbours or relatives). These voluntary activists contributed an average of over six hours voluntary work per week. Voluntary activity of this kind was more common among those with paid employment (particularly among those who were partially employed and partially retired) than among those who had no paid work.
annual census of employment in all known manufacturing, internationally traded and financial services and other service companies supported by the Agencies, and has been carried out each year since 1973. Forfás, in line with its mandate to co-ordinate the activities of Enterprise Ireland and IDA Ireland continues to carry out the survey through its Enterprise & Trade Policy Division with the co- operation of Enterprise Ireland and IDA Ireland regional staff. Shannon Development carry out the survey for companies falling within its remit (Irish-owned companies in the Mid-West region and foreign-owned companies in the Shannon Zone) and provide the results for incorporation in the Forfás database. Similarly, Údarás na Gaeltachta carries out the survey for client companies in its portfolio and provides the results for inclusion in the Forfás database.
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This document sets out the final results of the 2003 Annual Employment Survey 1 . The survey is an annual census of employment in all manufacturing and internationally-traded services companies supported by the enterprise development agencies (IDA Ireland, Enterprise Ireland, Shannon Development and Údarás na Gaeltachta). The survey has been carried out each year since 1973. Forfás, in line with its mandate to co-ordinate the activities of Enterprise Ireland and IDA Ireland, continues to carry out the survey with the co-operation of Enterprise Ireland and IDA Ireland regional staff. Shannon Development carries out the survey for companies falling within its remit (Irish-owned companies in the Mid-West region and foreign- owned companies in the Shannon Zone) and provides the results for inclusion in the Forfás database. Similarly, Údarás na Gaeltachta carries out the survey for client companies in its portfolio and provides the results for inclusion in the Forfás database.
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There is a major opportunity for Irish companies to expand their operations abroad in this way. This opportunity will be realised only by a relatively small number of firms – ones that are already operating at a reasonable scale in Ireland, and that have the resources either to acquire business operations in a foreign market or to establish a foreign operation from scratch. This is a significant challenge, as Irish services companies are, for the most part, very small. However, if we seize the opportunity, benefits will accrue both to the individual firm and to the economy as a whole, in terms of increased innovation, productivity growth, repatriated profits, highly skilled, highly paid employment in headquarters operations, specialist sub-supply opportunities, and management development.
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exploring the issue of what determines full employment. His disciple, Joan Robinson, in a set of essays expanding on the themes of Keynes’ General Theory, 5 did pay more attention to full employment. In one of her 1937 essays, entitled ‘Full Employment’, she took up the inflation issue raised by Keynes and set out what would later be called the accelerationist hypothesis. This is the hypothesis that attempts to push unemployment below the full employment rate would cause an increasing rate of inflation. The mechanism put forward by Robinson that caused increasing inflation relied on continual upward adjustments to the expected rate of inflation, as employers learnt from experience about increases in actual inflation. As Robinson made clear, this learning by employers would lead to further increases in the rate of inflation, as employers competed for labour in a seller’s market.
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The Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act calls for “Government to use all practicable programs and policies to promote full employment, production, and real income” Traditional Keynesian type of government intervention, such as priming-the-pump, has been one popular approach to promote full employment but it is limited in its effectiveness (Tcherneva, 2008). This limitation is partly because pump-priming policies are designed to work counter-cyclically; with only the attempt to pull economy out of a downturn, but no attempt to maintain full employment; thus no attempt to address the long-term social and economic consequences of unemployment (Forstater, 2002). In reality the unemployment problem is multi-faceted; therefore it requires intervention in many areas.
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A common feature of Anglo-Irish relations was thereby emphasised: as it was Britain which exercised de jure and de facto sovereignty over Northern Ireland, the Republic, in its dealings with Britain, has frequently been in the positon of being able only to react to British stands or initiatives. Thus, in addition to the achievement of short-term (civil rights) goals in Northern Ireland which could be shared by both despite their fundamental disagreement as to interest, it became the major diplomatic objective of Irish foreign policy to achieve a change in British attitudes. (While it might be argued that Britain's position constituted an attempt to effect a change in the status quo of Irish attitudes, this is not confirmed by the evidence. Indications are that it was only the British position, with its adamant refusal to acknowledge the Irish Government's interest in Northern Ireland, which underwent a process of 'softening' as the period unfolded.)
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Forfás is Ireland’s policy advisory board for enterprise, trade, science, technology and innovation. It provides independent and rigorous research, advice and support in the areas of enterprise and science policy. This work informs the Department of Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation and wider Government. Forfás works with IDA Ireland, Enterprise Ireland and Science Foundation Ireland to ensure the coherence of policies across the enterprise development agencies.
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