One other factor worth noting is the training commitment and exposure of the Gaelicgames referees. Frequency of training was recorded here, but precise hours training were not ascertained, limiting direct comparison with FIFA soccer referees where average training durations were in excess of 7 hours per week [5,6]. However, given that 28% (95% CI 21 to 37%) (n = 25) trained 4–5 times and 7% (95% CI 4 to 13%) (n = 6) trained 6–7 times per week during the GAA season, it is likely that some of these Gaelicgames referees demonstrated comparable training durations to the elite soccer referees. There was an empha- sis on endurance aerobic activities and sprint training in the cohort with only 22% incorporating a strength train- ing component. Combined with the high number of matches this represents a significant exposure to potential injury situations. Sixteen percent of injuries were reported to be due to overuse mechanisms and the relationship between age, exposure, training methods and injury war- rants further investigation. It must be acknowledged that data collected here regarding match and training exposure was limited due to the use of average ranges for officiating at games and the focus on frequency of different training components rather than duration of training per week. Caution was therefore exercised in making inferences from the current data and future research should consider a prospective design to record match play and training exposure.
in the Netherlands).
Limitations also exist within this study. Casper and Andrew (2008) found that playing level, from beginner to elite, can influence a number of commitment factors. We did not control for playing level and this could have had affected results. Focusing research on specific playing levels may provide further insight into potential variations in commitment and burnout between lower- and higher-level players. Furthermore, the recruitment strategy, which included purposive online sampling supplemented by snowball sampling, may not have reached all potentially eligible participants and, as such, the sample may not be fully representative of the playing population. It is also possible that findings from Gaelicgames may only be generalizable across sports with similar characteristics, such as those with significant national importance.
As mentioned already, sports conditioning is one such measure that has been identified through this research that has noticeably increased the time commitments of players. This form of training was gradually brought into Gaelicgames by team coaches seeking ways to enhance the performance levels of their players and provide an extra edge: this has been the objective with all performance measures introduced into the games over the past decade or so. And yet, has this type of training, and the time involved, changed the outcomes: has there been a change in the teams that are winning championship and national league titles since the increased focus on this type of training? While the benefits of sports conditioning, in terms of performance and injury prevention, are recognised, it needs to be acknowledged that such training has increased players’ training loads and inter-county time commitments. In addition, might there be a training load threshold beyond which this type of training is hindering players’ performance and/or increasing their risk of injury? This is especially a factor given that the extra training sessions, and the time taken to travel to and from such training, mean that players are getting less sleep: a well-established natural performance and recovery tool. Players are also getting less relaxation and downtime with their family, partner and friends, which is important for their welfare and sport performance.
Hurling is an Irish-based Gaelicgames sport which is believed to be one of the fastest field sports worldwide (48), and is played on a grass pitch 40% larger than most soccer ﬁelds (length: 130-145m; width: 80-90m) (8). It has a similar playing configuration to that of other stick and ball sports such as hockey and lacrosse and encompasses a wide spectrum of physical characteristics such as strength, change of direction, and aerobic capacity (17,47,48,49). The game consists of two teams of 15 who play for 35 minutes each half. Each team consists of a goalkeeper, 2 rows of defensive players (3 players per row), 2 midﬁelders, and 2 rows of forwards (3 players per row) (Figure 1). Each end contains goalposts similar to those found in rugby but inclusive of a net as well. The object of the game is to outscore your opponent by either striking the ball over the crossbar (1 point) or into the net (3 points). The sport is played with a piece of ash called a hurley (0.6kg, 83-93cm) and a ball called a sliotar (equivalent to the size of a tennis ball) which can travel up to 100 metres per second (m/s) during match play (11,15,19,48) (Figure 2).
The lack of synergy in the integration of efforts
The most conspicuous result was the lack of integration of efforts within the environment. Prospects were often confused by the numerous demands placed on them by coaches working in various domains within the GAA (c.f. Chapter 2). In the context of this study, athlete development was influenced by three levels of coach - club coach, school coach, and academy coach. Each of these levels operated independently of each other and had very limited interaction in most cases. This is not surprising since the literature has shown that unifying and aligning coaches across different team settings has been problematic in other domains (Camiré, 2014; Jones & Wallace, 2006) but is achievable once coaches mutually adapt to and ‘notice’ other coaches’ actions. Such adaptation requires coaches to let go of some of their power in order to ensure that the talent development system remains high functioning and coordinated at an individual level (Bjørndal & Ronglan, 2017). Coach orchestration (Jones & Wallace, 2005) is therefore necessary to manage the complexity of the interactions within these multiple coaching contexts. Such an approach would allow ‘flexible adaptation to constraints’ (Jones & Wallace, 2006, p.52) such as the scheduling issues faced by prospects within this study. Managing such constraints involves much ‘string-pulling’ in the background so that coaches are ‘steered’ towards a longer term and integrated perspective of development (Bjørndal & Ronglan, 2017). However, the organisational structure surrounding prospect development in GAA academies is presently lacking a conductor to oversee and coordinate the endeavours the various stakeholders make with one another. This may well be a governance issue, but it is also concerned with coaches’ recognizing and understanding of the complexity of the coaching process within this specific context. Coaches must improvise and be constantly aware that talent development in GaelicGames is a result of an eclectic amalgam of ongoing varying processes and combinations across a multitude of settings (e.g. prospects play on club, school and county teams across various age grades and sometimes also play the other GAA sport, hurling. This can result in some prospects having to represent more than ten teams in one season).
Eye care has a formative role in the lives of children particularly, in the development of balance, co-ordination, and learning skills. It can affect social skills, confidence and educational potential. Optometrists need to advise clients about when a refractive correction (spectacles or contact lenses) should be worn. There are EU guidelines governing the vision standards required to operate a visual display unit. The driving lice authority outline the vision standards required to drive a car. These standards not only specify what line on a test chart a person must be able to read but also the field of vision required, the binocular status of the eyes and the contrast sensitivity function of the eyes. Optometrists have a responsibility to advise drivers about the legal vision standards required to drive but as yet there are no accepted standards or guidelines for the vision required to play Gaelicgames.
As with other low-resourced and inflected lan- guages, Gaelic languages suffer from data sparsity. While other language pairs can achieve high trans- lation accuracy using state-of-the-art data-hungry methods, language pairs with fewer resources of- ten have to employ creative methods to improve MT quality. One such approach is to create arti- ficial data to boost the amount of corpora avail- able for training. The premise of this method is that even if the data is not of a high quality, the MT system can still draw benefits from the extra data. Backtranslation is one such method for in- creasing the amount of creating artificial data. This paper describes our efforts to, through backtrans- lation, leverage the greater number of language re- sources available to Irish to improve MT systems for GD↔GA and GD↔EN.
3.6. Scottish Gaelic compounds 3.6.1. Compound types
There is no consensus among Gaelic scholars about what they regard as a compound in Scottish Gaelic. MacAulay (1992: 224) maintains “word compounds are derived by joining together two lexical stems or by adding derivational prefixes or suffixes.” This means he views compounding as a morphological phenomenon, and thus he also considers prefixed words as compounds, just like Ó Murchú (1989), Henderson (1903–05) and Borgstrøm (1940): “in some cases it is […] reasonable to regard a complex containing two accents as one word, because the first element does not occur as an independent word”: imcheist ‘perplexity, doubt’, anaceartas ‘bad treatment’ (Borgstrøm 1940: 53). Moreover, Henderson (1903: 274) differentiates between two groups of negated words according to their stress patterns: “when attention is directed to the negation as such, even stress is used”: 'eu'coir ‘unkind’ vs 'eucoir ‘wrong’. Concerning attributive adjectives that precede nouns, Henderson (1903–05) and Oftedal (1956) regard them as compounds, while Holmer (1938: 208) distinguishes real compounds from other adjective + noun constructions: an t-
Part-of-speech (PoS) tagging is considered by some to be a solved problem (cf. Manning, 2011: 172). Although this could be argued for languages and domains with decades of NLP work behind them, developing accurate PoS taggers for highly inflectional or agglutinative languages is no trivial task (Oravecz and Dienes, 2002: 710). Challenges are posed by the profusion of word-forms in these lan- guages – leading to data sparseness – and their typically complex tagsets (ibid.). The complicated morphology of the Celtic languages, of which Scottish Gaelic (ScG) is a member, 1 led one linguist to
With sufficient exposure, young children in GM playrooms and classrooms may learn to make these cultural distinctions in the ways they use Gaelic and English, without being taught them explicitly. However, current thinking concerning language learning indicates that it is important not only for learners to learn appropriate cultural behaviour in relation to the language in question but also to be aware of how behaviours and practices differ from one linguistic culture to another. Thus children who have the opportunity to grow up bilingual in English and Gaelic should understand and be able to articulate the differences between the two: this would include, for example, a focus on the different ways in which one behaves politely in each language, different counting systems and what these tell us about different ways of thinking about number, surname practices and the ways these connect to perspectives on family, ways of singing and the musical and social traditions these are related to, and so on. Developing intercultural awareness in this way supports children’s developing bilingualism and enables them to take full advantage of the
So far, this chapter has identified some development of a new way of speaking among new Gaelic-speaking teenagers in Glasgow. Their variety has some increasing social recognition as both linguistically different and distinctly Glaswegian, yet as noted in much of the new speaker literature, new varieties may have some way to go before being universally recognised as a ‘legitimate’ and ‘authentic’ way of speaking (O’Rourke & Ramallo 2013; Ortega et al. 2014; McLeod & O’Rourke 2015). From the above discussion, it is clear that the variety of Gaelic found in Glasgow cannot be considered as ‘new dialect formation’ as it has previously been described in the literature. Similarly, the previous definition of ‘new dialect formation’ does not fit what is taking place among adult Gaelic speakers in Glasgow. On the one hand therefore, there is a linguistically and socially distinct way of speaking Gaelic emerging in Glasgow; on the other hand, this new way of speaking does not fit previous sociolinguistic models of what is considered a new dialect. However, this is not an ephemeral social phenomenon: Gaelic medium education and adult learning is increasing in Glasgow and although the new speaker community does not fit previous models of a new dialect, it appears that the variety may increase in terms of number of speakers, even if the teenagers in this study do not pass Gaelic on to their children. I would like to suggest that something which can be called ‘Glasgow Gaelic’ is a growing social phenomenon, and the fascinating context of new speakers can
The most important moment of our TV history. It gives status to the language, raises awareness at the national level and helps to normalise the language (2017).
BBC Alba’s remit means that, by agreeing to meet audience figures far exceeding the number of Gaelic speakers, the channel needs to serve not only the Gaelic audience, but also a wider, non-Gaelic public, just as STV did in the 1990s. The channel achieved audience figures of 600,000 for the first months of BBC Alba’s broadcasting in 2008, but the figures have been contentious as they can only been achieved by attracting non-Gaelic speakers to the channel with sports coverage. The model is common to both the Irish language channel TG4 and the Welsh channel SC4, which, like BBC Alba aim to promote the language beyond native speakers. Margaret Mary Murray, Head of Gaelic Digital Services for Scotland is clear about the need to broaden the channel’s appeal. Her argument is based on research carried out prior to the launch of BBC Alba that broke the population into thirds (Market Research UK Ltd 2003). It showed that a third of Scots rejected Gaelic, a third were apathetic and a third valued the language. For Murray, BBC Alba’s role is therefore clear:
This idea was borne out of a close observation of community rituals; if one goes over to another person’s house, even if the visit is intended to be a very brief one, the visitor is almost expected to stay for a cup of tea. Teas could be coordinated with the weekly Gaelic television programs; speakers could watch the program together and then discuss it in Gaelic (thereby also integrating an H(igh)-function facet of the language into an L-function setting). The motivations for Gaelic teas would be as follows: (a) that the informal nature of the event might encourage fluent speakers and learners (i.e. GME students) alike to attend and (b) at least provide a way for Gaelic speakers to recognize each other as such so that they can also use the language in other social settings, such as shops, etc. In our study, speakers commented that one of the reasons they believe that the language is in such a precarious position is because Gaelic speakers have historically been ‘too polite’ (i.e. if they were not sure if someone ‘had Gaelic,’ they would always use English with that speaker). The implementation of tea groups would hopefully allow more speakers to feel comfortable using Gaelic with each other. Skye has the distinct advantage of being home to the Gaelic college, Sabhal Mòr Ostaig, and certainly the tea groups could sponsor trips to the college’s events, which in turn would strengthen the ties between the Gaelic community at large and Gaelic education.
mudorn and mugdorn. However, the phonological details of such a derivation
are not unproblematic and would require more space to discuss than is avail- able here.
MacBain ( 1982: s.v.) suggests a possible link with Welsh migwrn (‘ankle, joint’) and Breton migorn (‘cartilage’). Despite the superficial simi- larities, however, the phonological difficulties suggest there can be no direct relationship between the Gaelic and British forms unless the expected Gaelic form *múcharn was reshaped as a result of folk etymology based on a per- ceived connection with dorn but the long vowel quantity would still be prob- lematic for Gaelic as we might expect *múdorn. 52
Chapter 1: Literature Review
As will be discussed in this chapter, the last two decades have seen significant developments in our understanding of the Highland regiments of the British Military and their impact on society in the Gàidhealtachd in the later eighteenth and nineteenth century, and through to the period leading up to the First World War (1914-18). Overdue recognition has been given to the significant and multifarious influence that mass militarisation exerted upon society in the Highlands during the second half of the eighteenth century, and to how closely recruitment policy was linked to the all-important question of land management. Acknowledgement has also been given to the extent to which changes in state and landlord recruitment policy after the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars (1793-1815) were instrumental in leading to the era of mass emigration and clearance, much as prior policy had played a part in delaying or preventing these historical phenomena from taking place. Questions surrounding identity and the extent to which the military was a means of assimilation and association for Gaels into a broader British identity, or, more simply, an opportunity to earn a wage in a role respected by Gaelic communities have also been explored, and recent works have taken a fresh approach and asked new questions in this complex field of enquiry. Such developments in scholarship point towards a re-positioning of recruitment and the military dimension more widely as key to our understanding of Highland history during the period, and to a historiography that is willing to question and challenge long-held assumptions about the region’s relationship with the military.
1.1 The Scottish Government is committed to examining how best to introduce an entitlement to Gaelic medium education (GME). GME is seen as an important route to increasing the number of Gaelic speakers, and thus strengthening Gaelic in Scotland, but provision is patchy across Scottish local authorities at present. 1.2 It is proposed that a clear, transparent and consistent process be put in place for authorities to access parental requests for GME. New legislation would also encompass a duty on the Scottish Government to prepare guidance defining the arrangements under which GME should operate in schools and be managed by local authorities.
The similarities between Gaelic football and Australian Rules football are such that an International Rules series exists between the two codes. Despite the professional nature of Australian Rules football only two studies have examined the physiological demands of match play (151, 152). Pyke & Smith (1975) collected HR data on a defender and midfield player during one quarter of an AFL game. The average HR was 160 bpm and 178 bpm for the defender and midfield player, respectively (151). Peak hearts rates of 170-180 bpm which equated to 94% of MHR were recorded for the defender during intense periods of play. The HR of the midfield player was generally maintained at 170-185 bpm throughout the quarter and did not fall below 150 bpm. In contrast, the HR for the defensive player dropped as low as 140 bpm during periods of low intensity. Hahn et al., (1979) reported a mean HR of 164 bpm and 159 bpm for two midfield AFL players during a full competitive game (152). It is worth noting that both studies were undertaken in the 1970’ limited by the small number of subjects monitored over short playing periods.