Land has been recognized historically as a primary source of wealth, social status and power with cultural, religious and legal significance. The use of land underlined all aspects of Naga society. Their relationship to land played an essential role in the maintenance of traditional ethos and norms regulated and enforced by an unwritten customary law. Gender differences in group membership and social identity were closely connected with the patterns of inheritance, resource distribution and governance. A Naga woman’s right to land use was transient to the extent that her access to a particular plot of land was never permanent. So long as the common property resources remained intact, women remained natural managers of these resources without having ownership rights. Contemporary emphasis on individual ownership as the basis of commercial exchange has however led to land becoming commoditized in many parts of Nagaland. The question of gender relations vis-a-vis land rights thus come into focus, in view of the emerging dynamics of livelihood security for women still dependent on land, shifting patterns of resource management and above all, the dilemma of attaining a balance between modernity and tradition.
makes “present” that “elsewhere,” the history of the encounter between women and the public sphere through performance art and the formation of a gendered identity politics of the interwar period in Egypt and Iran. In Marcus’s words the fieldwork relationships in terms of complicity is not the ability to probe the “inside” of a culture, but rather the recognition that “the fragments of local discourses have their origins elsewhere without the relationship to that elsewhere being clear.” 39 Moreover, the fieldwork in this project assisted me to unpack the Eurocentric definition of “modernity,” because as Marcus has pointed out “the local knowledge is never only about being local. Ethnographic research is the cultural formation, produced in several different locales” making global the outcome of local. 40 To explore threads that constructed the gendered identity politics of “modernity” in Egypt and Iran during the interwar period, I drew on my educational expertise in the disciplines of history, anthropology, and gender studies, creating a multi-sited/multidisciplinary network of analysis for this project. Acting both as a historian and an ethnographer, I incorporated the result of my own visits to places in Egypt and Iran within a third site, bringing together the archival documents, the ethnographic materials, and my own local-global perspectives to an interactional multi-sited “imaginary research.” This open-ended setting, where the transnational phenomenon is discussed through national categories, allowed the analysis to be produced in several different locales, and global could be seen as an outcome of local rather than as a product of macro-micro tension.
Such a grand narrative, however, comes at a price. When we are dealing with the transmission of ideas, it is notoriously difficult to demonstrate specific influences, except in the rare instances where the recipient explicitly cites sources. After all, in the lively and many-sided debates and discussion that we see reflected in both print and manuscript in the 18th century, ideas were freely appropriated, modified, self-censored and internalised to such an extent that intellectual ownership and originality becomes difficult to unravel. Israel's earlier volumes were criticised for finding 'spinozism' in some unlikely places – and indeed of attributing to Spinoza certain notions (for example demands for women's emancipation) which can barely be detected from an objective reading of the original text. In any case, Spinoza was himself influenced by the huge spectrum of radical thought uncovered during the English Civil War and Commonwealth (a major dimension which is totally omitted from these volumes). There is also a risk that we read too much 'modernity' into those writers and polemicists who seem radical for their time – and once you start grouping writers in terms of how far they conform to a set of criteria defined by hindsight, the risks of distortion are even greater. Condorcet, for example, would certainly have known some of Spinoza's writings, but one might question whether his great proposals for educational reform, say, or his real interest in gender equality, can be traced back, at all convincingly, to any one originator. He and his wife were both extraordinarily creative thinkers, and their lively interaction (as well as that of their exceptional salon) surely defies reductionism.
The ideology of modernity for the Mozambican elite has its roots in the colonial period, but came to fruition during the liberation struggle and independence. Unlike many popular understandings of the meaning of modernity, for the revolutionary elite, the term did not necessarily entail increased individualism as social roles become steadily unmoored from societal institutions and its resulting uncertainties, as exemplified by Marx’s famous statement: “All that is solid melts into air” (Berman 1982). Instead modernity, for the early Frelimo party, gave the ideological foundations for a vast, disciplined effort where the needs of the individual would be subsumed to the social good and the country would be united in its attempts to utterly transform society. Thus the initial goal of the Frelimo leadership was not to create a form of “African Socialism” which enjoyed wide popularity in the 1970s, but what Donham calls a “Marxist Modern” (1999). This type of modernity was predicated on the example of the Russian and Chinese revolutions, where tiny elite groups from “backwards” countries seized power and were able to “catch up” with the west by creating strong industrialised societies built, at least theoretically, upon secular and rationalist principles (ibid). Socialism was seen to provide a blueprint for how exploited and marginalized groups could beat the powerful at their own game. Like the “French modern” described by Rabinow (1989), “top-down” technocratic efforts of state-lead social engineering were seen by the revolutionary elite as central to achieving their form of modernity. The primary focus of the revolutionary elite’s project of social engineering was the countryside, which they wanted to transform into “cities in the bush”. Scattered hamlets would have to be centralised into large communal villages, education would be made widely available, gender relations would be equalised, “superstition” and religion would be banished in favour of scientific rationalism, and rural inhabitants would be freed from the “feudalism” of traditional power structures (Fry 2000; Hall and Young 1997; West 1997).
Later I will take a closer look at the “Cabin Crew Unrevealed”-videos. A series of three episodes where one flight attendant is followed for one day. Agnes, Dicky and Rayna are the three central characters of the episodes. I will research these ‘figures of modernity’ more extensively in the final paragraph of this chapter, but for now in the context of this paragraph about gender I mention them already because Dicky, Agnes and Rayna also represent certain gender patterns in their videos. Agnes is the main character in the first episode: a sportive girl who enjoys her work as flight attendant, and who does yoga and boxing in her leisure time. The second episode centers on flight attendant Dicky who enjoys photographing when he is free. Third episode is about Rayna who is fashion designer next to her work as stewardess for Garuda. Dicky, Agnes and Rayna are single, ambitious and living on their own: not having a relationship, but not living with their parents or family either. Dicky is not presented as higher in hierarchy than Agnes or Rayna. He is equal to the girls when it comes to daily work life. At the same time are the girls extremely feminine and Dicky clearly masculine. But an idea of equality is that both Dicky and the girls are free to be ambitious and to live on their own. No distinction is made here.
The first one, idealized as mechanical rationality, gave the precedence to the fulfilment of a scope using the available instruments. According to this objective the technical knowledge and a scientific vision of society were preferred to morals, values and ideals. The differentiation, instead gave value and importance to the division of labour, - artisan, workman, entrepreneur, capitalist- giving less importance to the person specific characteristics as gender, race, religion… This cataloguing permitted men were identified inside the society more for their productive roles then for their identities. Finally, the individualization. Product of rationalization and differentiation, it allowed the individual, once got a greater belief in his own means, to follow his interests eliminating all the traditional medieval boundaries. The definition of individualization has American origins, if we think about the history of United States but it’s also linked to the political and personal isolation typical of the post-revolutionary France. Modernity brought both these phenomena as, if men look for their realization, they felt for sure, at the same time, a feeling of social loneliness although they were at the centre of the same social scene [Pellizzoni-Osti, 2011: 89-107]. These modernity elements perfectly explain how strong is the anthropocentric idea inside the society and they represent how men feel the change of the surrounding social contest and how to react to it.
Frenchman of extreme conservative views, asserts that the structure of women's bodies is more fundamentally different from men's than is usually realized. These differences are caused by the very structure of the tissues and by the impregnation of the entire organism with specific chemical substances secreted by the ovaries. Each and every cell of a woman's body bears the mark of her sex and the same is true of her organs and, above all, her nervous system. According to Qutb's quotations from L'homme, cet inconnu, Carrel maintains that women should dedicate themselves to their inherently specialized functions of motherhood and childrearing and of making a happy home and should not try to contradict their nature by imitating men. The French biologist is praised for his scientific findings and his criticism of Western societies' attempts to make men and women equals with the same responsibilities. Moreover, the psychological and biological facts stated are used as a modern exegesis of Quranic statements regarding women and are said to be compatible with the concept of fitrah. Hence, male dominance in the public sphere and women's confinement to the house and to the function of motherhood are supported by modern biological evidence. Thus, for Qutb, the reproduction of males and the breeding of future generations is the noble and ultimate task of Muslim women. The conflict between the sexes regarding gender roles characteristic of the West is irrelevant to Muslim society. Qutb argues that the specialization of the sexes is determined by God and stated in the Quran in accordance with the sexes' biological nature, or fitrah, and in accordance with the wider social interest. Using biological evidence, he provides a novel interpretation of the religious duty of the jihad:
complex beings who are occasionally a little feminine in their virility. Then, what is striking about him—given his build—is that there is something ailing, puny, ultra-nervous in him, that gives you a sharp feeling [...] of being in the company of a rebellious and unhappy victim of some ailment of the heart. In a word, a restless, disquieted, profound, complicated, evasive man, hard to read. (264) In keeping with a Naturalist’s obsession, the body is under full, microscopic display. At first impression, Zola is a “sturdy young man” but signs of health (the finely modeled head) become insidiously undermined by signs of “illness” (the writer appears frail and small). The Goncourts’ view of Zola as crossing gendered boundaries—he is also nervous and “feminine” in his virility—also reflects some of the age’s anxiety regarding changing gender roles and the nature of masculinity. The passage reveals not only the Goncourts’ fascination (a morbid fascination, according to Erich Auerbach) with diagnosing the nervous conditions of their era; it also reveals strategies of observing, reading, and interpreting, strategies that are important for apprehending the naturalist method. Significantly as well, the Goncourts, alert as they are to nuances, find Zola “hard to read.” Such inscrutability points not only to the fallibility of the scientific positivism in which the Naturalists put faith, but also to the tenuous nature of perception and
Sabbah (2012) believe that "The difference between Persian men-women discourse in terms of DMs usage is of functional type rather than quantitative where the gender of the speaker does seem to be an influencing factor in DMs usage" (Alami andSabbah, 2012, p. 157).This means that, function of DMs affects what type of DM different genders choose in their discourse.
shaped Modern Standard Arabic into what it is now. First, at the turn of the 1830s, a theory of equivalence between French and Arabic was proposed. At that time, French was seen as the acme of civilization and the “universal and most logic” medium of “modernity” (or of how the political, social, cultural, technological, or economic relations were organized in the west, ensuring its domination over the rest of the world [cf Malik 2017: 56; Mommsen 1987: 38]). It required quite a leap of faith to propose that Arabic could be French’s match. But such faith was not in short supply, as proposers of the idea also saw Arabic as the language of god, thus the world’s first-ever language conferred on humanity directly from the heavens. From this perspective, French had to be inferior to the holy language of the Quran. Subsequently, between 1854 and 1873, numerous French works were translated into Arabic, shaping it into a modern language, or a member of the narrow circle of the languages of modernity (meaning media of book production, newspapers, technology and full-scale education from elementary school to university). After Egypt became a British protectorate in 1882, the process was yet repeated when numerous books were translated from English (Tageldin 2011).
Female characters are always concerned with the familial matters than males. The role plays also revealed how children imbibe minute details like mothers watch serials in TV while fathers watch sports and news. Observational learning can have far reaching impacts on the mindsets of growing children. Without being told they learn many things related to gender socialization by observing the family dynamics. Boys tend to accept their fathers and girls their mothers as role models. As suggested by Kuruvilla and George (2015) when the turn of the children comes to become a husband / wife, whatever they have learned from their role models through observation will be repeated and perpetuated. When children grow up the sons demand strict obeisance from their wives just like their role model fathers and daughters naturally imbibe the mental dispositions of their mothers to be passive and submissive whereby the unequal power relations get transmitted from generation to generation. All the role plays show male characters as always superior and decision makers while females as inferior and decision takers. This again is assured by the findings from the inventory that 82.5 per cent of boys and 51.6 per cent of girls opined that boys are good in decision making than girls. Only 10.8 per cent of boys and 38 per cent of girls disagreed with this statement. 48% girls and 75.85% boys agree that boys are good at problem solving than girls. The present study reveals that children while being in the primary school level itself have accepted the hierarchical order between the genders. Children assume that females have lesser value and status than males and that they should be subordinate and obedient to menfolk.
Schredl and Reinhard (2008) had reported gender differences in dream recall. They suggest that the smaller gender difference in childhood might indicate that there is a gender-specific ‘dream socialization’. Patrick (2011) reported men and women dream differently. Women tend to recall their dreams more often than men and women tend to report more frequent and more intense nightmares than men. Men dream more often about other men rather than women, whereas women dream equally often about men and women. Schredl (2014) explained the gender difference in nightmare frequency. This study indicated that women tend to report nightmares more frequently than men. The study hypothesize that gender-specific socialization processes play an important role in explaining the gender differences in nightmare frequency in adolescents and young to middle-aged adults.
broad set of science and engineering disciplines and engages researchers across academia, industry and government laboratories. Value added materials (VAMs) are products whose worth is based on their performance or functionality, rather than their composition. They can be single entities or formulations/combinations of several materials whose composition sharply influences the performance and processing of the end product. Products and services in the materials industry uire intensive knowledge, innovation and commodities due to technological developments. The frontiers of materials research have been taken to the next level by the availability of technologies allowing the tailoring of material structure at the nanoscale and by the development of material systems made up of components with nanoscale dimensions. Materiomics takes a materials science perspective toward complex biological systems, explicitly accounting for feedback loops that link functional requirements (and changes thereof) to altered material components and structure, at different scales in both time and length. Materials research seeks to understand fundamental physical and chemical properties, and then use that understanding to improve the technology base count on to meet our needs for energy, national security and defense, information technology and telecommunications, consumer products, health care, and more. This means investing in the leading edge research and educating the next generations of scientists and engineers needed to secure the VAMs for emerging technologies for 21 st century is requirement for modernity and development.
These are the theses that I will discuss in this chapter, rea- soning in particular on the following six aspects: a) The di- verse identities of the European peoples coexist with a com- mon European identity that is the result of a long historical legacy of common cultural roots (Greek philosophy, Roman law, Jewish and Christian religious traditions, Renaissance civilization) and consists of a nucleus of specific cultural atti- tudes organized around the dialectical relationship between rationality and individualism/subjectivity. These common roots are long-lasting European features but crystallized in the specific historical context of modernity and the culture of the Enlightenment, producing fundamental institutional innova- tions: market economy and industrial capitalism, representa- tive liberal democracy, nation-states, research universities. In this perspective, the European Union’s construction project is still a modern project. Far from being completed, it is an ex- pression of radical modernity, which imagines modernity as a future-oriented, better than the present and the past (Haber- mas 1985). The development of European identity and culture has not been a homogeneous and continuous process, without fractures and critical junctures, but a constantly changing pro- cess that has evolved into heterogeneous manifestations in the various national and local contexts, in a dialectical relationship with the different national identities.
Along with the possibility inherent in the break with first modernity, however, there is also risk. According to Beck (1997), a reflexive second modernity is only one possible solution to the contradictions of a modernity run its course. Equally likely is a retreat into the past, a redrawing of the old boundaries, a counter-modernization. Sociologists of religion, for example, have long been cognizant of the link between modernization and religious fundamentalism (see Emerson and Hartman 2006). Just as Beck and Lau (2005) emphasize the ‘both/and’ rather than the ‘either/or’, it seems reasonable to suspect that attempts to recreate the institutions of society will have elements of both reflexive- and counter-modernity. Whether the actual institutions created during this phase are reflexively modern or counter-modern is largely a question of politics (see Stevens 2001).
Whilst some historians argue that the Modern era only truly ceased after the First World War, Bauman (2000) argues that we are still living and experiencing modernity, but are subject to the continuous fluctuations in its ever changing definitions of what ‘modern’ is. The expansive time frame of the Modern era encompasses perhaps the biggest changes to the development of human society’s functions, beliefs and values. The rapid advancement of rationalism, scientific experiment and industry gave rise to some of the most influential thinkers of our time, allowing for some of the greatest economical, sociological and anthropological works to be postulated and considered up to the present day. However, as the Modern era progressed into the 20 th century, the rigid framework on which previous convictions of knowledge and truth was built upon began to loosen, giving way to the exploration of relativism and the possible rejection of positivist methods of explanation. Although still in debate, Bell (1973) and Beck (1986) argue that the Modern era began to fade during the wake of the post-industrial era and the decline of ‘Fordism’ in the late 1960’s. The early 1970’s saw a departure from socials theories being consumed with themes of capitalism, choosing instead to pay consider movements in society outside of the industrial settings, with the notion of ‘culture’ becoming seminal in these progressions. Stienmetz (1999, p.1) describes the Cultural Turn (a movement among scholars in the social sciences which examined the ways in which culture influences ontological and epistemological understandings) as a “wide array of new theoretical impulses coming from fields formerly peripheral to the social sciences”.
familiar in the lives of non-disabled individuals. But with this familiarity comes a characterisation of disability through regulatory practice, which Kumashiro (2003) calls ‘repetition’. Kumashiro (2003) argues that every repetition of a stereotype carries with it past utterances and past actions based upon the stereotype’s message, creating vertical and horizontal hierarchies by privileging ways of thinking (and being). Research regarding the representation of disability via repetition (in the media or in fiction for example) is vast. Yet with the notion of difference becoming ever more part of the social fabric, something to be celebrated even, positive repetition is beginning to occur. With disability being such a complex and stratified reality it is understandable that there is such interest in it as a singular topic of research. However, as is detailed above, in times of liquid modernity, it is the ‘strangeness’ of something to another which creates exclusion and causes fear of the unknown. For Bauman, liquid modernity dictates that this Othering is centred largely around an individual’s ability to contribute to the ‘normalizing’ of society, to be able to ‘consume’ society and participate fully in the liquid modern world. According to Bauman, it is not the physical disability that causes Othering, it is the extent to which these differences prevent the individual from engaging in the ideals of the liquid society. This is Bauman’s ‘flawed consumer’ (Bauman, 1998a, p.93).