In exploring teachers’ genderbeliefs, it is important to address the gender of these educators and research concerning Orthodox Jewish women. Teaching has been associated with women due to traditional perspectives of women as mothers (Drudy, 2008). According to Acker (1994), the disproportionate number of female teachers further perpetuates stereotypes of women as needing to serve and mother. Teaching, particularly within early childhood, promotes aspects of emphasized femininity as women are viewed as naturally nurturing care providers. Prior to Jewish immigration from Central and Eastern European countries women were absent from settings of formal Jewish education as “learning had been traditionally reserved by men” (Kobrin, 2009). A cultural and attitudinal shift from excluding women to viewing them as the ideal educators occurred in the mid-twentieth century (Kaplan, 1932, as cited by Kobrin, 2009). “The femininization of teaching” discourse reveals the conflation of teaching and “women’s work” that may discourage men from entering the field (Gorsetman & Sztokman, 2013, p. 249). The “gender imbalance” of teachers in early childhood contexts potentially limit children’s ability to expand their views on gender, as well (Warin & Adriany, 2015, p. 6)
implies tackling the myth that organisations are meritocratic and expose the fact that the gendered nature of organisations by its very design supports men throughout their career (Bagilhole and Goode, 2001). Resistance to programmes aimed at tackling structural inequalities continues to be strong, on the basis that they are seen as helping women, but obscuring the taken for granted fact that men have always been the recipient of implicit support in organisations (van den Brink and Stobbe, 2009). Leaders, most of whom continue to be men, can play an important role in ensuring that the gender gap does not continuously progress all the way to the top (Fitzsimmons and Callan, 2016a). While organisational actors can play a key role, there needs to be a recognition that their role is limited insofar as they operate amidst larger societal forces shaping gender roles and expectations since childhood (Fitzsimmons and Callan, 2016b) which the genderbeliefs examined in this paper reflect. Getting men to meaningfully engage as agents of change includes that men become aware of their own biases and the privilege that they enjoy (de Vries 2015). This is particularly relevant for top leaders but also of relevance for everyone with line managerial responsibility in an organisation.
The study examined student’s attitudes towards equality in two educational institutions in the states of Perak and Selangor, Malaysia. The study measured student’s attitudes with the aspects of beliefs, ability and moral about the equality in the suitability of males and females for various roles. The first analysis provided the frequencies and percentages of responses to the gender role attitudes towards equality. The results of the study showed that most of the respondents documented positive attitudes towards equality in terms of boys’ and girls’ equal ability, boys’ and girls’ equal opportunity according to their respective needs and so on. This study seeks to contribute to showing how socioeconomic characteristics of the respondents would impact on their gender role attitudes towards equality. The findings of the study demonstrated that age, race, and education were positively asso- ciated with a student’s attitudes towards equality with belief aspect while gender and education were positively associated with a student’s attitudes towards equality with ability aspect. Moral values were also correlated with gender; race and hometown were significantly and positively related to student’s attitudes towards equality. Based on the finding, the study provides several implications. Firstly, with respect to genderbeliefs and value aspects, although an overwhelming acceptance was observed among student’s attitudes; traditional norms were noted especially on ability aspects. Given the importance of student’s favorable attitude towards equality for the social and economic prosperity of the country, the study, therefore, suggests that students are required to access gender education that may change traditional ideology as well as to achieve the goal of equality between men and women in the community. Secondly, in order to gather depth knowledge of gender, more research-oriented components could be included in each study program at higher learning institutions. Seminars, forums and dis- cussions can be held relating to gender issues that would increase student’s knowledge on the issue. Thirdly, further research is needed to explore the factors that play a role in the development of non- traditional ideology among Malaysian university students’ attitudes towards gender equality in the society.
gender relations. Further research should continue to examine the relationship between genderbeliefs and actions. This could help understand better processes of resistance to change interventions in organisations and their limited success in challenging gender inequalities. Further research could also aim at creating measures for genderbeliefs that allow for an examination that differentiates between implicit and explicit attitudes. Implicit gender biases might differ significantly from conscious responses that are malleable as they are subject to factors such as social desirability or impression management. Finally, this research could not disaggregate at the national level due to the low proportion of leaders within each country. The national landscape of public policies to support women’s representation on board is highly dynamic and fast changing. Since evidence suggests that the national institutional system (Terjesen and Singh, 2008; Grosvold and Brammer, 2011; Terjesen et al., 2015) and actors and processes (Seierstad et al., 2017) differ greatly, further research should examine how the relationships tested in this article vary at the national level according to different systems and cultures with larger samples of leaders.
Masculine failures, however, are inevitable because hegemonic mas- culinity operates as an unattainable ideal. Indeed, in the words of Raewyn Connell ( 2005, 81), hegemonic masculinity “autho- rizes” some inconsistencies. Tristan Bridges and C. J. Pascoe (2014, 2018) have advanced the phrase “hybrid masculinity” to suggest that men, especially those with race, class, and sexual privilege, can man- age subordinate or contradictory forms of masculinity while still maintaining their privileged status. They illustrate examples of hy- brid masculinity from studies of mostly white, straight, and cisgender men who appear to challenge conventional gender norms or support progressive gender politics, but who simultaneously reinforce gen- der inequality (see Barber 2016; Bridges 2014, forthcoming; Deme- triou 2001; Diefendorf 2015; Fefferman and Upadhyay 2018; McDow- ell 2017; Pfaffendorf 2017; Randles 2018; Schmitz and Haltom 2017). Bridges and Pascoe (2018) use both concepts— hegemonic and hybrid masculinity—to describe masculine practices and characteristics that ultimately uphold the gender order. We thus see these not as mutually exclusive, but instead as complementary and dependent.
Sexist beliefs were examined using the Modern Sexism Scale (MSS; Swim et al., 1995). The MSS is an 8-item scale on a 5-point Likert-type scale (1 = Strongly Disagree to 5 = Strongly Agree). Swim and colleagues indicated that the MSS is composed of three domains: denial of continuing discrimination (five items), antagonism toward women’s demands (two items), and resentment about special favors for women (one item). Examples of the MSS items include: “Discrimination against women is no longer a problem in the United States” (Denial of continuing discrimination), “It is easy to understand the anger of women’s groups in America” (Antagonism toward women’s demands), and “Over the past few years, the government and news media have been showing more concern about the treatment of women than is warranted by women's actual experiences” (Resentment about special favors for women). The scale has been found to have adequate internal consistency, ranging from .73 to .84 (Parks & Robertson, 2004; Swim et al., 1997). In the current study, the internal consistency estimate for the MSS was .76. The MSS convergent validity was established through significant inverse relationship found between scores on modern sexism and egalitarian for women and men (Swim et al., 1997).
Additionally, this finding is in line with a study by Shearer et al. (2005), who indicated that the sexual decision-making and risk taking in adolescence is greatly influenced by the negative genderbeliefs. In this regard, once these negative genderbeliefs are accepted, there is pressure among young people to personify stereotypical traditional gender roles. The males would resort to take on the role of sexual adventurer while the females would drift towards leaving important sexual decisions up to their sexual partners. The negative attitudes and beliefs among out of school adolescents would indicate that both male and female out of school adolescents were ignorant of critical gender issues that affected their sexuality; that in turn put them at risk. These findings can be substantiated with those revealed by WHO (2004), that negative attitudes among adolescents contributed to low condom acceptability among them. In fact, the UNICEF report (2010), had shown that in Zambia like many other countries around the world, women, young and old, are still being discriminated against and violence against them is also on the increase. The negative gender attitudes and beliefs in the sexual behavior patterns of young people will definitely worsen the situation if not addressed and in turn slow down any efforts to fight gender inequalities. It is undoubtedly certain that parents or guardians attitudes towards young people affect them tremendously. The attitude of parents or guardians towards young people has a bearing on what kind of people the adolescents will become in future. Studies have shown that children whose relationship with their parents was poor reported attitudes that placed the mat risk of STIs including HIV and AIDS and unintended pregnancies. In other words, children’s attitudes to early sexual activity, condom use, sex with older adults etc were associated with parental relationships.
education professionals that she followed tended to follow, believe and model traditional masculine gender-roles to their students. Case studies, such as Sumison’s, have drawbacks and benefits in the context of data. One benefit to a case study format in understanding male
educators and how they compare to female educators is that the researcher will understand their subjects and students mannerisms, modeling, and actual actions and be able to judge whether the educators actions match the beliefs that the educators claim to have on surveys and if their actions and beliefs do seem to have some degree of influence on the students. While the current study did not do observations, and thus cannot know how the participants modeled behavior, the data paints a picture of non-traditional male educators that create a more gender fluid and contextually negotiated classroom, where the students are free to explore gender roles through activities and studies. A drawback of the case study format is that a researcher being present can skew the data due to educators performing differently when being studied or children acting different while the researchers are present. However, a quantitative study like the current study has drawbacks as well; because this study was a self-report questionnaire, response bias may be a potential weakness, as it is with most self-report measures. Due to this, the current study can only study what the educators report not actual actions or beliefs observed and understood. This study, unlike the case study, is able to analyze quantitative data in order to explore whether or not a male presence has a positive effect on the students, and if their genderbeliefs could affect the students as well.
previous studies, such health and nutrition knowledge may be preserved by women, who pass knowledge are re- lated practices from mother to daughter and from mothers-in-law to daughters-in-law . Women were also comparatively more active during FGDs, engaging and debating with fellow participants, while men were more hesitant in their contributions. This may reflect lack of confidence among men to contribute discussions situ- ated beyond familiar terrains of knowledge. However, dif- ferentiation along gendered knolwedges may be perpetuated by long-standing stereotypes that classify nu- trition as a “women’s issue” (separate from masculinity) and include women (while excluding men) in nutrition in- terventions . The focus on women in the health sector is blatant within large survey datasets, which house rich information on the Tajik context while nearly excluding men’s health statistics (For example, ). Researchers across gender and health increasingly emphasize that gen- der hegemonies operate through both masculinities and femininities and, in this way, are mutually reinforcing . The impact of such gender orders is further compounded according to the co-experiences of age, race, class, educa- tion status, caste, among other identities. Furthermore, mi- gration of men out of Tajikistan is a destabilizing force that can affect household nutrition . Thus, while women and men may face unique health priorities at- tached to their position within the broader socioecological context of Tajikistan, women’s and men’s health are insep- arable .
Motivation has been defined as an internal state that activates, guides, and maintains behavior (Green, 2002). Motivation to learn science is therefore the engagement in science related tasks with the goal of achieving a bet- ter understanding of science and the activation of strategies for doing so (Lee & Brophy, 1996). Motivation to learn is of particular interest in science education because of the relationship between motivation, cognitive en- gagement and conceptual change (Pintrich, Marx, & Boyle, 1993). Nelson and Debacker (2000) posit that con- ceptual change is a difficult task due to the requirement that new information be engaged at a sufficiently deep level to recognize conflicts between existing understanding and new information. Evidence suggests that deci- sions to engage in effortful learning may be affected by individual students’ motivation including their goals for engaging in an activity, their beliefs about their abilities and the nature of the task, and their valuing of the task (Nolen & Haladyna, 1990; Greene & Miller, 1996). In the view of Cavas (2011), motivation to learn science promotes student construction of their conceptual understanding of science. It is a variable that promotes both new learning and performance of previously learnt skills, strategies and behaviors. Lee and Brophy (1996) opine that students who are motivated to learn science display a high quality of task engagement in science classrooms. In terms of behavioral engagement, they pay attention to lessons and are actively involved in class- room activi- ties. These students also activate cognitive and meta-cognitive strategies to the goal of understanding science in specific task situations. Mills (1991) holds that the teaching strategy that a teacher adopts is a strong factor that affects students’ motivation towards learning. This would therefore mean that cognitive engagement in science requires individual student motivation, including their determination to take charge of the learning process. This is likely to translate into high achievement in science.
At this point, Hypothesis 1 is largely rejected; the only evidence of specia- lization due to educational differences is found for hypergamous men with medium education. Solely differences in the amount of work reflect economic rational strategies, probably derived from time constraints, although men do not increase their domestic work when they are unemployed, while women do. In contrast, Hypothesis 2 can be mostly accepted. The results indicate that men increase their housework dedication until the point where their earnings are surpassed by women’s, after which it remains constant. Employment diffe- rences also indicate that women do more housework when they work less than men, but there is no reduction when men are unemployed. Both results can be interpreted as gender display. Regarding educational differences, there is no sign of possible gender deviance neutralization, but apparent signs of gender display: there is no decrease when highly or medium educated women partner with low educated men. In contrast, highly educated homogamous couples and (probably) women with secondary education whose husbands are highly edu- cated do show a significant and negative relationship. These results could all be interpreted as the influence of men’s education on their gender egalitarian attitudes, although this model cannot account for that. Instead, what seems to be reducing the housework of highly educated women partnered with medium educated men is education, as would be predicted by relative resources, with no influence of gender ideology. In the complete model (Model 4), gender egalitarian attitudes show a non-significant relationship, while the category “Women university, men upper secondary” remains significant. Moreover,
ideological attitudes and traditional gender role beliefs mediated these relationships. Confirming our expectations, we found that NFC was significantly associated with transphobia through both stronger adherence to social conventions and obedience to authorities (i.e., right-wing
authoritarianism) and stronger endorsements of traditional gender roles in the UK and Belgium, as well as through stronger preferences for hierarchy and social inequality (i.e., social dominance orientation) in the UK. Our results suggest that transgender individuals are more likely to be targets of prejudice by those higher in NFC at least partly due to the strong preference for preserving societal traditions and the resistance to a perceived disruption of traditional gender norms. Hence, attempts to reduce transphobia might be especially challenging among those high in NFC. Nevertheless, prejudice-reducing interventions could incorporate techniques that satisfy epistemic needs for predictability, certainty, and simple structure which may have higher chances of success among high NFC individuals.
discrimination. Thus, future research will need to examine an extended set of beliefs about social systems and how they interact with varied forms of discrimination across varied disadvantaged groups.
Despite such limitations, however, this study suggests that encouraging a disbelief in the meritocracy may be a useful educational tool to enhance well-being for those experiencing first- time acute instances of discrimination. If victims of discrimination can be encouraged to have a critical view of the system, perhaps the coping process can begin before the discrimination becomes chronic, and consequences become more severe (e.g., depression; Landrine et al., 1995; high blood pressure; Krieger & Sidney, 1996). Yet, given the maladaptive nature of disbelief when confronting individual failure, promoting such a critical view en masse may not be desirable. It may instead be necessary to encourage a disbelief in the meritocracy’s existence in situations where there is a high incidence of discrimination, or to combine disbelief with alternative buffers to individual stressors (e.g., self-affirmation; Koole, Smeets, van Knippenberg & Dijksterhuis, 1999; Steele, 1988).
As can be seen in Table 1, the subjects scored “motivations and expectations to learn a language” highest. Theories and models of motivation began to appear in language learning literature as early as the 1950s (Gardner & Lambert 1959). Gardner and various colleagues proposed the Socio-Educational Model of Language Learning which distinguishes between two kinds of motivation: integrative (positive attitude toward the foreign culture and a desire to participate as a member of it) and instrumental (goal of acquiring language in order to use it for a specific purpose). However, it should be acknowledged that the “motivation literature” has moved on quite a bit since Gardner and Lambert (1959). According to this finding, par- ticipants have positive emotional reactions to foreign language learning. They have goals for foreign language learning as well as beliefs about the importance, utility, and interest in their learning. They have expectations from the learning of a foreign language.
Presuppositions as Beliefs P r e s u p p o s i t i o n s a s B e l i e f s D i a n e H O R T O N a n d G r a e m e H I I t S T D e p a r t m e n t o f C o m p u t e r S c i e n c e U n i v e r s i t y[.]
The notion of epistemological beliefs (EB) (beliefs concerning the nature of knowledge and learning) about mathematics has in recent years attracted much attention from several researchers worldwide (Op ’t Eynde, De Corte, & Verschaffel, 2006; Schommer, Duell, & Hutter, 2005; Esterly, 2003). There is a widespread agreement within the mathematics community that commonly held EB are detrimental to students’ learning, performance and motivation (Muis, 2004). Further, findings from a limited number of studies suggest that there is a positive relationship between epistemological beliefs and efficacy or teaching efficacy beliefs (TEB) (Esterly, 2003; Hofer, 1999). Ashton and Webb (1986) contend that TEF “can be expected to have different relationships to different subject matter, depending on teachers’ beliefs about the subject being taught” (p. 139). It is possible, that teachers’ EB influence their definition of the teaching task, thereby impacting their teaching efficacy (Esterly, 2003).
More precisely, we suppose that agents choose strategic beliefs, so that the associated de- mand is optimal in the sense of a Nash equilibrium in demands, as presented in Kyle (1989). Each player can choose a belief to maximize his utility from trade, taking into account the e¤ect his choice has on price and taking as given the strategy of the other players. We will consider two situations that lead in fact to the same conclusions. In the …rst situation, the set of players corresponds to the set of all investors. The adopted imperfect competition approach is then particularly signi…cant when there is a small number of investors. This is the case, for instance, in reinsurance markets or private equity markets. This is also the case in stock markets when the capital is highly concentrated or in markets for …nancial products that require a high level of technicality. We can also argue that “the real issue is not so much how many investors there are, but to what extent investors cluster in their beliefs” [Shefrin, 2005, p216]. This is why we also consider a second situation where the players are "gurus" (in‡uential investors, newsletters writers,...). Like in Benabou-Laroque (2001), the "guru" we have in mind “issues forecats but is also in the business of trading, for his own account or some investment …rm.” The following example quoted by Benabou-Laroque (2001) “provides the most dramatic illustration of prices reacting to someone’s announcement”
In earlier papers, Thomason sketches a framework on which to build the sort of model he has in mind (1986, 2000). The belief states and associated mechanisms are complex; the account employs modular sub-agents and relations of limited accessibility between belief-holding modules, to model an individual’s beliefs and the roles of belief in social interactions. Beliefs that are so modeled may be highly sensitive to context, or at least their influences may be. To the extent that such accounts dwell on the complex ways in which highly specific beliefs are activated in different contexts (as opposed to being characterized by contextual features), this is not quite context-sensitivity as I described it. And to the extent that the activations are sensitive to epistemic stimuli, the source of the context-sensitivity is generally different from the sort of stake-sensitivity about which I am inquiring. Nevertheless, Thomason clearly seeks to model belief as, among other things, stake-sensitive: “Part of the context, then, that sustains a belief is the current assessment of risk that attaches to acting on that belief; and by reassessing risk, we are able to undermine beliefs by increasing our threshold of credulity” (1986). Thomason’s approach is noteworthy for its potential to yield rich, complex models of our doxastic states, should we be able to fill in the framework. It is also noteworthy in its departure from much more common accounts of belief used in epistemology and other philosophical work.
The aim of the present study was to understand the beliefs of Iranian EFL learners’ about language learning and whether or not gender, proficiency level and further education in language institutes affected learners’ beliefs about language learning. The results of the study showed that Iranian EFL learners have got strong beliefs about language learning. The two components of beliefs with the lowest rank were strategies of learning followed by motivation & expectation. Concerning language learning strategies Oxford (1990) claims that "language learning strategies encourage greater overall self direction" (p. 10). He continues to claim that "self-directed students gradually gain greater confidence, involvement, and proficiency" (p. 10). Therefore it seems that steps might be taken to encourage students to use different learning strategies and to be more self-directed. Concerning Motivation & expectations Gardner and MacIntyre (1991) claim that motivated students are more active in language classes and tasks and are less likely to drop out of language study in the following years. In addition, Gardner (1985) claims that motivation encourages greater overall effort and results in greater success concerning language proficiency and achievement. As the mean of motivation ranked the least in the present study, it is hoped that improvement in our English teaching system in Iranian context could be obtained, and the motivation of our students could accordingly be increased especially at universities. Therefore, it can be suggested that while presenting teaching materials and information content of the lessons, students’ motivation should accordingly be considered. Teachers can assist learners in setting goals for themselves in learning languages and helping them to achieve their goals by giving them feedback, using familiar content or examples of previously learned materials, using praise, having interesting contexts, using simulation and learning games, and being responsive to students’ attitudes. Furthermore, classroom atmosphere should be meaningful, purposeful, creative and encouraging (Nahavandi & Mukundan, 2013 b).