Henry III of England (1216-1272)

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Feeding the poor to commemorate the dead: The pro anima almsgiving of Henry III of England 1227-72

Feeding the poor to commemorate the dead: The pro anima almsgiving of Henry III of England 1227-72

quart of wine, two loaves, fish, meat or eggs and a penny each. A further sixty each day were given two loaves and four-pence each. Another thirteen poor were fed daily in closer proximity to the king: three o f the thirteen, ‘the most disgusting poor that he could find’, sat at a table near the king, eating the same food as Louis, and received 40 d. each; the other ten ate in another room and received 12 d. each.^*^ So, on an ordinary day, 195 poor in total received some form of meal and money distribution fi*om the French king. Every Friday, the fast-day in memory of the Crucifixion, the king fed a further thirteen poor in his chamber or garderobe, giving them 12 pence each and serving them himself. This brings the weekly total fed to 1,378, although on top of that twice a week throughout the year the king’s almoner organised a general feeding to however many would come using leftovers from the table and as much other food as was needed. Louis was certainly feeding larger numbers each week than the papacy, but apparently quite substantially less than Henry III. Prestwich has shown how the weekly distributions to the poor in the household o f Edward I fluctuated during his reign: in the 1270s Edward fed 206 a week; in 1283-4, 296 a week; at the end of the 1280s, 1,066 a week and at the end of 1290s, 666 a week.^^^ These figures were made up of a daily thirteen or twenty-three with additional numbers fed on specific days of the week. Taylor’s analysis of the alms-roll for 1283-4 shows that, like Louis, Edward fed more poor on Fridays in honour of the Holy Cross, but also that the weekly feeding of the poor under Edward represented an abbreviated version of the high points of the liturgical year, with fifty fed on Tuesdays in honour of Becket
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Eleanor of Provence: Queenship in Thirteenth Century England

Eleanor of Provence: Queenship in Thirteenth Century England

Recent years have seen a blossoming of secondary literature on medieval queens and queenship, a development which owes much to the impetus provided by Pauline Stafford’s path-breaking study, Queens, Concubines and Dowagers: The King’s Wife in the Early Middle Ages (1983). Several essay collections, including J. C. Parsons ed., Medieval Queenship (1993) and A. J. Duggan ed., Queens and Queenship in Medieval Europe (1997), have shed light on the changing religious and secular imagery, rituals and experiences that touched and shaped the lives of queens in Western Europe and beyond in the early, central and later Middle Ages. These have been accompanied by a number of biographical works, with the careers of several medieval English queens undergoing valuable reassessments (see J. C. Parsons, Eleanor of Castile: Queen and Society in Thirteenth-Century England (1995) and P. Stafford, Queen Emma and Queen Edith: Queenship and Women’s Power in Eleventh-Century England (1997)). In the light of all this scholarly activity, Margaret Howell’s thought-provoking study of King Henry III’s queen, Eleanor of Provence: Queenship in Thirteenth-Century England, has come as a welcome, timely and much-needed addition. Until now this most remarkable queen consort has not only lacked a biography but she has also received far less than her fair share of attention from thirteenth-century specialists. This is a curious oversight when one considers the political upheavals of Henry III’s reign and the important contribution made by Eleanor and her Savoyard relations to the factional rivalries that divided his court.
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Ottonian Queenship

Ottonian Queenship

position, it was to prove something of a double-edged sword (so MacLean). He argues that in later years her role as consort comes more to the fore, bearing witness to something of a re-domestication of queenly office. If Cunigunde’s reign was in a sense the high point of Ottonian queenship, it was thus also its swan song. As MacLean observes in the concluding (eighth) chapter, this domestic discourse, which cast queens as wives and mothers, becomes more prominent as we move into the Salian period, serving to delimit ever more firmly the sphere of queenly activity. Symptomatic of these changes is the fate of Agnes of Poitou, the wife of Henry III (r. 1039–56) and mother of Henry IV (r. 1056–1106). When, upon the sudden death of her husband, she came to lead to a regency regime on behalf of her son, Agnes faced considerable opposition. Eventually she fell prey to rumours that she was having an illicit affair with Bishop Henry of Augsburg, her leading adviser, and was shut out of the regency at the famed ‘Coup of Kaiserswerth’ (1062). Such suspicion of female agency is reminiscent of the Carolingian period, when Judith, the second wife of Louis the Pious, faced similar accusations. It would seem that the golden age of royal women had come to a close. It was, therefore, not as a well-defined office, but rather as a series of flexible and variable practices that tenth- century queenship was so influential; and as it came to be defined, so it started to wane. In this respect, the situation in East Francia differs notably from that in England, where institutionalization actively favoured royal consorts, as Pauline Stafford argues.(4)
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A king of Jerusalem in England: the visit of John of Brienne in 1223

A king of Jerusalem in England: the visit of John of Brienne in 1223

W ithin the shape of his life as a whole, John’s visit to England can appea r to be something of an anomaly. However, it fits much better within the broader context of Latin Eastern appeals for aid during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. As Jonathan Phillips has demonstrated, the period from c.1119 to 1187 had witnessed a gradual rise in the status of the dignitaries who had come out to the West seeking assistance, although most of these had been clerical. 76 Indeed, if we focus our attention on England, an obvious milestone is provided by the famous visit of Patriarch Heraclius in the mid-1180s. 77 By the time that the king of Jerusalem himself came to England, some forty years later, a number of things had changed. From the early thirteenth century onwards, for example, it was usually necessary to cross the Channel to see the king of England in person, since the latter now held so little land in France and went there comparatively infrequently. We can bring much of this together by noting some of the practical consequences of the visit of 1223. During John’s own subsequent reign as Latin emperor, he sent his young son-in-law and heir to the throne, Baldwin II, to the West, whilst he himself stayed behind to guard Constantinople. 78 Baldwin finally crossed over to England in spring 1238, just after John’s death: that is, when the young man had technically succeeded to the empire but had not yet been crowned. 79 During his stay in England, Baldwin received 500 l. from Henry III, as w ell as a large sum of money from the king’s brother, the crucesignatus Richard of Cornwall. 80 All in all, it was sufficiently encouraging that Baldwin came again – this time, after his coronation – in 1247. On this occasion, he received the lesser sum of 500 marks from the king, with 20 l. to cover various expenses, and his passage across the Channel was paid. 81 Matthew Paris’s account of the first visit is particularly interesting, since he stresses that the English recalled the ingratitude of Baldwin’s late father-in-law, despite all the ‘beneficia’ and ‘honores’ that John had received in England. 82
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Prince Henry 'the Navigator'  A Life

Prince Henry 'the Navigator' A Life

But those boundaries do not tell the whole story. Quite apart from the fact that they exclude the region of Galicia, where a language close to Portuguese is spoken, they also do not coincide with the boundaries which Henry conceived for Portuguese power and influence. To the continental lands of Portugal must be added the uninhabited Atlantic islands discovered by his sea captains, colonised by Portuguese and Italians, and made into major sources of wealth, particularly in the case of Madeira, and to some degree in the Azores as well; this was mainly as a result of the development of the Atlantic sugar industry. Henry, as Russell shows, was well aware of the financial advantages of sugar production, and he had an uncanny understanding of the fact that Italian merchants were keen, in the early to mid-fifteenth century, to lessen their dependence on eastern Mediterranean sugar and to exploit sources of sugar in western areas such as Granada. So when a group of Venetians, including Henry's eventual chronicler Alvise da Mosto (often wrongly called Cadamosto, by Russell as well as by others), called on the prince in the Algarve, Henry went out of his way to show them examples of Madeiran sugar. And, as Russell surmises, Henry wanted to attract foreign capital; after all, sugar production was a complex process, involving elaborate machinery and intensive labour. He did not close his Atlantic voyages to foreign navigators and merchants.
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A memoir of the court of Henry VII : an edition of BL, MS  Cotton Julius B  XII, fols  8v 66r, with textual and general introduction

A memoir of the court of Henry VII : an edition of BL, MS Cotton Julius B XII, fols 8v 66r, with textual and general introduction

An adherent of Henry, earl of Richmond, attainted for his loyalties in the first parliament of Richard III, Sir Thomas fled England and returned with Henry Tudor to fight at Bosworth; hi[r]

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Henry VII

Henry VII

Loyalties were challenged from another direction too: the eroding effects of several decades of political instability (Edward IV's achievement having been thwarted by his early death). Cunningham tends to assume that dynastic identities are strong and heartfelt. In his reading, Henry was essentially a Lancastrian and could only attract fragile loyalties from former Yorkists, especially former Ricardians; when Yorkist alternatives appeared-Lincoln/Simnel, Warbeck, Warwick, even Suffolk-these men readily returned to their natural allegiance. I think this is a stage too simple. Dynastic associations were certainly not meaningless, because they were woven into social networks and the memories of families, but they must have been heavily qualified-by habits of obedience to the crown (and structures of power and authority which generally made that obedience prudent), by the forging of new relationships, and by changing political circumstances. The blank slate which Henry VII presented to his new kingdom in 1485 was a tremendous asset, as (in a more limited way) it had been to the nineteen-year-old Edward IV in 1461; his mixed court, of old Lancastrians, former Edwardians, and pardoned Ricardians, was a normal and potentially effective power-base. If Henry came to face betrayals by a succession of former Yorkists, this was not because they thought someone else was the true king, but because they were more likely to be approached by plotters, because they feared Henry's mistrust, and/or because they thought his regime might collapse and had to balance the dangers of defying their former associates against the dangers of betraying their vulnerable master. Henry's subjects had lived through decades in which adaptability was essential, and it was this very quality-not deep-seated loyalties-which made them so tricky to manage in the 1480s and 90s. Only when the new dispensation had proved itself unshakeable, and a new generation had grown up under it, would stronger loyalties develop-and then they would tend to focus on the king, as had been the case before the civil wars.
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London office performance: determinants and measurement of capital returns

London office performance: determinants and measurement of capital returns

However outside of these protected sight-lines, the statutory limit was finally rescinded by the London County Council (LCC) in 1956 due to the advent of fire-lifts, at which point the London County Council Plan of 1951 was the next highest layer of binding building size regulation. Although the regulations contained therein did not control height per se, it did control building height indirectly through allowable plot-ratios 8 and minimum angles from the opposite pavement to the building’s cornice (usually 56 ° ) 9 . The plot-ratio restrictions varied according to location. For most areas in London the maximum allowable plot-ratio was 5:1, for central areas of the City close to the Bank of England the permitted ratio was 5½:1, for other areas deemed sensitive to increased density the restriction was set at 2:1 (City of London, 2010). Although originally intended to be maxima in theory, these plot- ratios came to be regarded as minima in practice. For instance, loopholes in planning law such as the notorious Schedule 3 of the Town & Country Planning Act of 1947 allowed existing buildings to be redeveloped with 10% greater cubic capacity than the building which preceded it. Since old buildings have higher ceilings, thicker and more numerous walls, larger passages and the like, the rentable floorspace of such redeveloped structures could be increased considerably 10 . The removal of the statutory height limit in 1956 ushered forth a boom in the construction of tall buildings in the late 1950s and early 1960s, which finally saw Christopher Wren’s new St Paul’s Cathedral dethroned as the tallest structure in London after a reign of over 250 years 11 .
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The life of Henry Yorke and the writing of Henry Green

The life of Henry Yorke and the writing of Henry Green

THE LIFE OF HENRY YORKE AND THE WRITING OF HENRY GREEN submitted degree.. by Ann Hancock for.[r]

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Death and burial at Port Arthur, 1830 1877

Death and burial at Port Arthur, 1830 1877

MARSHALL George Henry Mitchell.. Child of Henry Mansfield..[r]

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Reformation

Reformation

When he wanted to marry Anne Boleyn , Henry created the Church of England or the Anglican Church (Episcopal in US) and banned the Catholic Church from his nation. He also seized all[r]

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'"Divide and rule": factionalism as royal policy in the lordship of Ireland, c  1171 1265'

'"Divide and rule": factionalism as royal policy in the lordship of Ireland, c 1171 1265'

repercussions of Marshal' s- death made lavish rewards in Leinster almost impossible, however .158 Henry III was forced to give Richard' s heir, Gilbert, immediate seisin of his brother'[r]

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Henry A. Kissinger

Henry A. Kissinger

This one area is one that we are going to concentrate on particularly, the organization of the National Security Council, its restructuring and also revitalizing some of the other planni[r]

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Henry James On Zola

Henry James On Zola

What we quarrel with is his ap- plication of it-is the fact that he presents us 'with a decoction of "na- ture" in a vessel unfit for the purpose, a receptacle lamentably, fatall[r]

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Henry Lawson and the bush myth

Henry Lawson and the bush myth

setting, tke particular nature of life in Australia, as the central.. fact of Australian literature.[r]

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Writing Henry: The moralities of representation

Writing Henry: The moralities of representation

Winnie and Henry had been together for 22 years, having met a few years after Henry’s first wife (mother to eight of his children) divorced him when he had a son with another woman. Henry was in his early forties at the time and Winnie was 19. Together Winnie and Henry brought up that son and Winnie’s son from a previous relationship. Although Winnie has only good things to say about Henry’s ex-wife, it is clear that relationships between the two families were not always easy. In particular, tensions between Henry’s children from his first marriage and his new partner increased over the years. There is talk of intense sibling rivalry; a teenage son’s suicide; another son imprisoned, a daughter ejected from her mother’s home. And from the start, Winnie says, Henry was a joller (Afr. slang ‘player’, i.e. playing the field, behaving promiscuously). This information is relayed without any sense of anger or blame – just a statement of fact. He was a driver for most of his working life, driving ‘everything – trucks, bakkies, [pick-up trucks] whatever they asked him to’. They were happy together for a very long time, despite Henry’s jolling, until one of the women he was with got sick and came to Winnie to tell her.
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The Chemical Precipitates of Henry Sorby

The Chemical Precipitates of Henry Sorby

Henry Clifton Sorby (1826-1908) is best known to geologists for pioneering the use of the petrological microscope and instigating the systematic study of fluid inclusions, but he also introduced microscopy to many other areas of science. He belongs to that great tradition of amateurs which has made substantial contributions to science. Being unhindered by the needs of funding bodies, Sorby’s research ranged very widely and touched on many topics that are still current today.

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Provincial playing places and performances in early modern England, 1559 1625

Provincial playing places and performances in early modern England, 1559 1625

C., ed., The Victoria History of the Counties of England: A History of the County of Cambridge and the Isle of Ely, III London: Oxford University, 1959 Rosenfeld, Sybil, `Dramatic Compan[r]

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The Christian Lawyer

The Christian Lawyer

The Christian Lawyer SMU Law Review Volume 16 | Issue 2 Article 5 1962 The Christian Lawyer Henry III Nuss Follow this and additional works at https //scholar smu edu/smulr This Comment is brought to[.]

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Henry James's Businessmen

Henry James's Businessmen

All James examples of the Ameri- can businessmen have failed to some degree in the search for personal fulfillment, Adam and Ruck and Goodwood alike, but they all succeed in forming the [r]

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